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|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
gem-squad_v2-train-112200
|
57290f651d04691400779000
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Patterns such as those seen in human physical and genetic variation as described above, have led to the consequence that the number and geographic location of any described races is highly dependent on the importance attributed to, and quantity of, the traits considered. Scientists discovered a skin-lighting mutation that partially accounts for the appearance of Light skin in humans (people who migrated out of Africa northward into what is now Europe) which they estimate occurred 20,000 to 50,000 years ago. The East Asians owe their relatively light skin to different mutations. On the other hand, the greater the number of traits (or alleles) considered, the more subdivisions of humanity are detected, since traits and gene frequencies do not always correspond to the same geographical location. Or as Ossorio & Duster (2005) put it:
|
What do East Asians have to thank for their relatively light skin?
|
What do East Asians have to thank for their relatively light skin?
|
[
"What do East Asians have to thank for their relatively light skin?"
] |
{
"text": [
"different mutations"
],
"answer_start": [
564
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112201
|
57290f651d04691400779001
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Patterns such as those seen in human physical and genetic variation as described above, have led to the consequence that the number and geographic location of any described races is highly dependent on the importance attributed to, and quantity of, the traits considered. Scientists discovered a skin-lighting mutation that partially accounts for the appearance of Light skin in humans (people who migrated out of Africa northward into what is now Europe) which they estimate occurred 20,000 to 50,000 years ago. The East Asians owe their relatively light skin to different mutations. On the other hand, the greater the number of traits (or alleles) considered, the more subdivisions of humanity are detected, since traits and gene frequencies do not always correspond to the same geographical location. Or as Ossorio & Duster (2005) put it:
|
Traits and gene frequencies do not always correspond to what type of location?
|
Traits and gene frequencies do not always correspond to what type of location?
|
[
"Traits and gene frequencies do not always correspond to what type of location?"
] |
{
"text": [
"geographical"
],
"answer_start": [
781
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112202
|
572910671d04691400779007
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Coop et al. (2009) found "a selected allele that strongly differentiates the French from both the Yoruba and Han could be strongly clinal across Europe, or at high frequency in Europe and absent elsewhere, or follow any other distribution according to the geographic nature of the selective pressure. However, we see that the global geographic distributions of these putatively selected alleles are largely determined simply by their frequencies in Yoruba, French and Han (Figure 3). The global distributions fall into three major geographic patterns that we interpret as non-African sweeps, west Eurasian sweeps and East Asian sweeps, respectively."
|
What thing that strongly differentiates the French from some other populations be clinal across Europe?
|
What thing that strongly differentiates the French from some other populations be clinal across Europe?
|
[
"What thing that strongly differentiates the French from some other populations be clinal across Europe?"
] |
{
"text": [
"a selected allele"
],
"answer_start": [
26
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112203
|
572910671d04691400779008
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Coop et al. (2009) found "a selected allele that strongly differentiates the French from both the Yoruba and Han could be strongly clinal across Europe, or at high frequency in Europe and absent elsewhere, or follow any other distribution according to the geographic nature of the selective pressure. However, we see that the global geographic distributions of these putatively selected alleles are largely determined simply by their frequencies in Yoruba, French and Han (Figure 3). The global distributions fall into three major geographic patterns that we interpret as non-African sweeps, west Eurasian sweeps and East Asian sweeps, respectively."
|
When did Coop and others find out something about a selected allele?
|
When did Coop and others find out something about a selected allele?
|
[
"When did Coop and others find out something about a selected allele?"
] |
{
"text": [
"2009"
],
"answer_start": [
13
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112204
|
572910671d04691400779009
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Coop et al. (2009) found "a selected allele that strongly differentiates the French from both the Yoruba and Han could be strongly clinal across Europe, or at high frequency in Europe and absent elsewhere, or follow any other distribution according to the geographic nature of the selective pressure. However, we see that the global geographic distributions of these putatively selected alleles are largely determined simply by their frequencies in Yoruba, French and Han (Figure 3). The global distributions fall into three major geographic patterns that we interpret as non-African sweeps, west Eurasian sweeps and East Asian sweeps, respectively."
|
Something that is found at high frequency in Europe could be what elsewhere?
|
Something that is found at high frequency in Europe could be what elsewhere?
|
[
"Something that is found at high frequency in Europe could be what elsewhere?"
] |
{
"text": [
"absent"
],
"answer_start": [
188
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112205
|
572910671d0469140077900a
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Coop et al. (2009) found "a selected allele that strongly differentiates the French from both the Yoruba and Han could be strongly clinal across Europe, or at high frequency in Europe and absent elsewhere, or follow any other distribution according to the geographic nature of the selective pressure. However, we see that the global geographic distributions of these putatively selected alleles are largely determined simply by their frequencies in Yoruba, French and Han (Figure 3). The global distributions fall into three major geographic patterns that we interpret as non-African sweeps, west Eurasian sweeps and East Asian sweeps, respectively."
|
How many major geographic patterns do the global distributions fall into?
|
How many major geographic patterns do the global distributions fall into?
|
[
"How many major geographic patterns do the global distributions fall into?"
] |
{
"text": [
"three"
],
"answer_start": [
519
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112206
|
572910671d0469140077900b
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Coop et al. (2009) found "a selected allele that strongly differentiates the French from both the Yoruba and Han could be strongly clinal across Europe, or at high frequency in Europe and absent elsewhere, or follow any other distribution according to the geographic nature of the selective pressure. However, we see that the global geographic distributions of these putatively selected alleles are largely determined simply by their frequencies in Yoruba, French and Han (Figure 3). The global distributions fall into three major geographic patterns that we interpret as non-African sweeps, west Eurasian sweeps and East Asian sweeps, respectively."
|
What are sweeps?
|
What are sweeps?
|
[
"What are sweeps?"
] |
{
"text": [
"major geographic patterns"
],
"answer_start": [
525
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112207
|
5729117aaf94a219006aa01d
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Another way to look at differences between populations is to measure genetic differences rather than physical differences between groups. The mid-20th-century anthropologist William C. Boyd defined race as: "A population which differs significantly from other populations in regard to the frequency of one or more of the genes it possesses. It is an arbitrary matter which, and how many, gene loci we choose to consider as a significant 'constellation'". Leonard Lieberman and Rodney Kirk have pointed out that "the paramount weakness of this statement is that if one gene can distinguish races then the number of races is as numerous as the number of human couples reproducing." Moreover, the anthropologist Stephen Molnar has suggested that the discordance of clines inevitably results in a multiplication of races that renders the concept itself useless. The Human Genome Project states "People who have lived in the same geographic region for many generations may have some alleles in common, but no allele will be found in all members of one population and in no members of any other."
|
What can one use to look at differences between groups instead of physical differences?
|
What can one use to look at differences between groups instead of physical differences?
|
[
"What can one use to look at differences between groups instead of physical differences?"
] |
{
"text": [
"genetic differences"
],
"answer_start": [
69
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112208
|
5729117aaf94a219006aa01e
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Another way to look at differences between populations is to measure genetic differences rather than physical differences between groups. The mid-20th-century anthropologist William C. Boyd defined race as: "A population which differs significantly from other populations in regard to the frequency of one or more of the genes it possesses. It is an arbitrary matter which, and how many, gene loci we choose to consider as a significant 'constellation'". Leonard Lieberman and Rodney Kirk have pointed out that "the paramount weakness of this statement is that if one gene can distinguish races then the number of races is as numerous as the number of human couples reproducing." Moreover, the anthropologist Stephen Molnar has suggested that the discordance of clines inevitably results in a multiplication of races that renders the concept itself useless. The Human Genome Project states "People who have lived in the same geographic region for many generations may have some alleles in common, but no allele will be found in all members of one population and in no members of any other."
|
Who was William C. Boyd?
|
Who was William C. Boyd?
|
[
"Who was William C. Boyd?"
] |
{
"text": [
"mid-20th-century anthropologist"
],
"answer_start": [
142
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112209
|
5729117aaf94a219006aa01f
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Another way to look at differences between populations is to measure genetic differences rather than physical differences between groups. The mid-20th-century anthropologist William C. Boyd defined race as: "A population which differs significantly from other populations in regard to the frequency of one or more of the genes it possesses. It is an arbitrary matter which, and how many, gene loci we choose to consider as a significant 'constellation'". Leonard Lieberman and Rodney Kirk have pointed out that "the paramount weakness of this statement is that if one gene can distinguish races then the number of races is as numerous as the number of human couples reproducing." Moreover, the anthropologist Stephen Molnar has suggested that the discordance of clines inevitably results in a multiplication of races that renders the concept itself useless. The Human Genome Project states "People who have lived in the same geographic region for many generations may have some alleles in common, but no allele will be found in all members of one population and in no members of any other."
|
Boyd felt race was based on a specific differentiation of the frequency of what in a population?
|
Boyd felt race was based on a specific differentiation of the frequency of what in a population?
|
[
"Boyd felt race was based on a specific differentiation of the frequency of what in a population?"
] |
{
"text": [
"genes"
],
"answer_start": [
321
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112210
|
5729117aaf94a219006aa020
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Another way to look at differences between populations is to measure genetic differences rather than physical differences between groups. The mid-20th-century anthropologist William C. Boyd defined race as: "A population which differs significantly from other populations in regard to the frequency of one or more of the genes it possesses. It is an arbitrary matter which, and how many, gene loci we choose to consider as a significant 'constellation'". Leonard Lieberman and Rodney Kirk have pointed out that "the paramount weakness of this statement is that if one gene can distinguish races then the number of races is as numerous as the number of human couples reproducing." Moreover, the anthropologist Stephen Molnar has suggested that the discordance of clines inevitably results in a multiplication of races that renders the concept itself useless. The Human Genome Project states "People who have lived in the same geographic region for many generations may have some alleles in common, but no allele will be found in all members of one population and in no members of any other."
|
How numerous would the number of races be if one gene can distinguish races?
|
How numerous would the number of races be if one gene can distinguish races?
|
[
"How numerous would the number of races be if one gene can distinguish races?"
] |
{
"text": [
"number of human couples reproducing"
],
"answer_start": [
642
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112211
|
5729117aaf94a219006aa021
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Another way to look at differences between populations is to measure genetic differences rather than physical differences between groups. The mid-20th-century anthropologist William C. Boyd defined race as: "A population which differs significantly from other populations in regard to the frequency of one or more of the genes it possesses. It is an arbitrary matter which, and how many, gene loci we choose to consider as a significant 'constellation'". Leonard Lieberman and Rodney Kirk have pointed out that "the paramount weakness of this statement is that if one gene can distinguish races then the number of races is as numerous as the number of human couples reproducing." Moreover, the anthropologist Stephen Molnar has suggested that the discordance of clines inevitably results in a multiplication of races that renders the concept itself useless. The Human Genome Project states "People who have lived in the same geographic region for many generations may have some alleles in common, but no allele will be found in all members of one population and in no members of any other."
|
What may people who have lived in the same area for generations have in common?
|
What may people who have lived in the same area for generations have in common?
|
[
"What may people who have lived in the same area for generations have in common?"
] |
{
"text": [
"alleles"
],
"answer_start": [
978
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112212
|
57291a91af94a219006aa075
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
The population geneticist Sewall Wright developed one way of measuring genetic differences between populations known as the Fixation index, which is often abbreviated to FST. This statistic is often used in taxonomy to compare differences between any two given populations by measuring the genetic differences among and between populations for individual genes, or for many genes simultaneously. It is often stated that the fixation index for humans is about 0.15. This translates to an estimated 85% of the variation measured in the overall human population is found within individuals of the same population, and about 15% of the variation occurs between populations. These estimates imply that any two individuals from different populations are almost as likely to be more similar to each other than either is to a member of their own group. Richard Lewontin, who affirmed these ratios, thus concluded neither "race" nor "subspecies" were appropriate or useful ways to describe human populations. However, others have noticed that group variation was relatively similar to the variation observed in other mammalian species.
|
What did Sewall Wright develop one way of measuring?
|
What did Sewall Wright develop one way of measuring?
|
[
"What did Sewall Wright develop one way of measuring?"
] |
{
"text": [
"genetic differences between populations"
],
"answer_start": [
71
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112213
|
57291a91af94a219006aa076
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
The population geneticist Sewall Wright developed one way of measuring genetic differences between populations known as the Fixation index, which is often abbreviated to FST. This statistic is often used in taxonomy to compare differences between any two given populations by measuring the genetic differences among and between populations for individual genes, or for many genes simultaneously. It is often stated that the fixation index for humans is about 0.15. This translates to an estimated 85% of the variation measured in the overall human population is found within individuals of the same population, and about 15% of the variation occurs between populations. These estimates imply that any two individuals from different populations are almost as likely to be more similar to each other than either is to a member of their own group. Richard Lewontin, who affirmed these ratios, thus concluded neither "race" nor "subspecies" were appropriate or useful ways to describe human populations. However, others have noticed that group variation was relatively similar to the variation observed in other mammalian species.
|
What was Wright's method known as?
|
What was Wright's method known as?
|
[
"What was Wright's method known as?"
] |
{
"text": [
"the Fixation index"
],
"answer_start": [
120
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112214
|
57291a91af94a219006aa077
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
The population geneticist Sewall Wright developed one way of measuring genetic differences between populations known as the Fixation index, which is often abbreviated to FST. This statistic is often used in taxonomy to compare differences between any two given populations by measuring the genetic differences among and between populations for individual genes, or for many genes simultaneously. It is often stated that the fixation index for humans is about 0.15. This translates to an estimated 85% of the variation measured in the overall human population is found within individuals of the same population, and about 15% of the variation occurs between populations. These estimates imply that any two individuals from different populations are almost as likely to be more similar to each other than either is to a member of their own group. Richard Lewontin, who affirmed these ratios, thus concluded neither "race" nor "subspecies" were appropriate or useful ways to describe human populations. However, others have noticed that group variation was relatively similar to the variation observed in other mammalian species.
|
What is the often stated FST for humans?
|
What is the often stated FST for humans?
|
[
"What is the often stated FST for humans?"
] |
{
"text": [
"0.15"
],
"answer_start": [
459
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112215
|
57291a91af94a219006aa078
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
The population geneticist Sewall Wright developed one way of measuring genetic differences between populations known as the Fixation index, which is often abbreviated to FST. This statistic is often used in taxonomy to compare differences between any two given populations by measuring the genetic differences among and between populations for individual genes, or for many genes simultaneously. It is often stated that the fixation index for humans is about 0.15. This translates to an estimated 85% of the variation measured in the overall human population is found within individuals of the same population, and about 15% of the variation occurs between populations. These estimates imply that any two individuals from different populations are almost as likely to be more similar to each other than either is to a member of their own group. Richard Lewontin, who affirmed these ratios, thus concluded neither "race" nor "subspecies" were appropriate or useful ways to describe human populations. However, others have noticed that group variation was relatively similar to the variation observed in other mammalian species.
|
Richard Lewontin, upon looking at the FST ratios, concluded race wasn't an appropriate or useful way to describe what?
|
Richard Lewontin, upon looking at the FST ratios, concluded race wasn't an appropriate or useful way to describe what?
|
[
"Richard Lewontin, upon looking at the FST ratios, concluded race wasn't an appropriate or useful way to describe what?"
] |
{
"text": [
"human populations"
],
"answer_start": [
981
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112216
|
57291a91af94a219006aa079
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
The population geneticist Sewall Wright developed one way of measuring genetic differences between populations known as the Fixation index, which is often abbreviated to FST. This statistic is often used in taxonomy to compare differences between any two given populations by measuring the genetic differences among and between populations for individual genes, or for many genes simultaneously. It is often stated that the fixation index for humans is about 0.15. This translates to an estimated 85% of the variation measured in the overall human population is found within individuals of the same population, and about 15% of the variation occurs between populations. These estimates imply that any two individuals from different populations are almost as likely to be more similar to each other than either is to a member of their own group. Richard Lewontin, who affirmed these ratios, thus concluded neither "race" nor "subspecies" were appropriate or useful ways to describe human populations. However, others have noticed that group variation was relatively similar to the variation observed in other mammalian species.
|
Human group variation is similar to variation observed in what other species?
|
Human group variation is similar to variation observed in what other species?
|
[
"Human group variation is similar to variation observed in what other species?"
] |
{
"text": [
"mammalian"
],
"answer_start": [
1108
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112217
|
57291b5a3f37b31900478023
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Wright himself believed that values >0.25 represent very great genetic variation and that an FST of 0.15–0.25 represented great variation. However, about 5% of human variation occurs between populations within continents, therefore FST values between continental groups of humans (or races) of as low as 0.1 (or possibly lower) have been found in some studies, suggesting more moderate levels of genetic variation. Graves (1996) has countered that FST should not be used as a marker of subspecies status, as the statistic is used to measure the degree of differentiation between populations, although see also Wright (1978).
|
FST values greater than .25 represent very great what?
|
FST values greater than .25 represent very great what?
|
[
"FST values greater than .25 represent very great what?"
] |
{
"text": [
"genetic variation"
],
"answer_start": [
63
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112218
|
57291b5a3f37b31900478024
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Wright himself believed that values >0.25 represent very great genetic variation and that an FST of 0.15–0.25 represented great variation. However, about 5% of human variation occurs between populations within continents, therefore FST values between continental groups of humans (or races) of as low as 0.1 (or possibly lower) have been found in some studies, suggesting more moderate levels of genetic variation. Graves (1996) has countered that FST should not be used as a marker of subspecies status, as the statistic is used to measure the degree of differentiation between populations, although see also Wright (1978).
|
About how much human variation occurs between continental populations?
|
About how much human variation occurs between continental populations?
|
[
"About how much human variation occurs between continental populations?"
] |
{
"text": [
"5%"
],
"answer_start": [
154
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112219
|
57291b5a3f37b31900478025
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Wright himself believed that values >0.25 represent very great genetic variation and that an FST of 0.15–0.25 represented great variation. However, about 5% of human variation occurs between populations within continents, therefore FST values between continental groups of humans (or races) of as low as 0.1 (or possibly lower) have been found in some studies, suggesting more moderate levels of genetic variation. Graves (1996) has countered that FST should not be used as a marker of subspecies status, as the statistic is used to measure the degree of differentiation between populations, although see also Wright (1978).
|
FST values as low as what amount have been found in some studies?
|
FST values as low as what amount have been found in some studies?
|
[
"FST values as low as what amount have been found in some studies?"
] |
{
"text": [
"0.1"
],
"answer_start": [
304
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112220
|
57291b5a3f37b31900478026
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Wright himself believed that values >0.25 represent very great genetic variation and that an FST of 0.15–0.25 represented great variation. However, about 5% of human variation occurs between populations within continents, therefore FST values between continental groups of humans (or races) of as low as 0.1 (or possibly lower) have been found in some studies, suggesting more moderate levels of genetic variation. Graves (1996) has countered that FST should not be used as a marker of subspecies status, as the statistic is used to measure the degree of differentiation between populations, although see also Wright (1978).
|
What is the name of the person who thinks FST shouldn't be used as a marker of subspecies status?
|
What is the name of the person who thinks FST shouldn't be used as a marker of subspecies status?
|
[
"What is the name of the person who thinks FST shouldn't be used as a marker of subspecies status?"
] |
{
"text": [
"Graves"
],
"answer_start": [
415
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112221
|
57291b5a3f37b31900478027
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Wright himself believed that values >0.25 represent very great genetic variation and that an FST of 0.15–0.25 represented great variation. However, about 5% of human variation occurs between populations within continents, therefore FST values between continental groups of humans (or races) of as low as 0.1 (or possibly lower) have been found in some studies, suggesting more moderate levels of genetic variation. Graves (1996) has countered that FST should not be used as a marker of subspecies status, as the statistic is used to measure the degree of differentiation between populations, although see also Wright (1978).
|
FST is used to measure the degree of differentiation between what?
|
FST is used to measure the degree of differentiation between what?
|
[
"FST is used to measure the degree of differentiation between what?"
] |
{
"text": [
"populations"
],
"answer_start": [
579
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112222
|
57291cb21d0469140077905b
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Jeffrey Long and Rick Kittles give a long critique of the application of FST to human populations in their 2003 paper "Human Genetic Diversity and the Nonexistence of Biological Races". They find that the figure of 85% is misleading because it implies that all human populations contain on average 85% of all genetic diversity. They claim that this does not correctly reflect human population history, because it treats all human groups as independent. A more realistic portrayal of the way human groups are related is to understand that some human groups are parental to other groups and that these groups represent paraphyletic groups to their descent groups. For example, under the recent African origin theory the human population in Africa is paraphyletic to all other human groups because it represents the ancestral group from which all non-African populations derive, but more than that, non-African groups only derive from a small non-representative sample of this African population. This means that all non-African groups are more closely related to each other and to some African groups (probably east Africans) than they are to others, and further that the migration out of Africa represented a genetic bottleneck, with much of the diversity that existed in Africa not being carried out of Africa by the emigrating groups. This view produces a version of human population movements that do not result in all human populations being independent; but rather, produces a series of dilutions of diversity the further from Africa any population lives, each founding event representing a genetic subset of its parental population. Long and Kittles find that rather than 85% of human genetic diversity existing in all human populations, about 100% of human diversity exists in a single African population, whereas only about 70% of human genetic diversity exists in a population derived from New Guinea. Long and Kittles argued that this still produces a global human population that is genetically homogeneous compared to other mammalian populations.
|
What two researchers gave a long critique regarding the application of FST to human populations in 2003?
|
What two researchers gave a long critique regarding the application of FST to human populations in 2003?
|
[
"What two researchers gave a long critique regarding the application of FST to human populations in 2003?"
] |
{
"text": [
"Jeffrey Long and Rick Kittles"
],
"answer_start": [
0
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112223
|
57291cb21d0469140077905c
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Jeffrey Long and Rick Kittles give a long critique of the application of FST to human populations in their 2003 paper "Human Genetic Diversity and the Nonexistence of Biological Races". They find that the figure of 85% is misleading because it implies that all human populations contain on average 85% of all genetic diversity. They claim that this does not correctly reflect human population history, because it treats all human groups as independent. A more realistic portrayal of the way human groups are related is to understand that some human groups are parental to other groups and that these groups represent paraphyletic groups to their descent groups. For example, under the recent African origin theory the human population in Africa is paraphyletic to all other human groups because it represents the ancestral group from which all non-African populations derive, but more than that, non-African groups only derive from a small non-representative sample of this African population. This means that all non-African groups are more closely related to each other and to some African groups (probably east Africans) than they are to others, and further that the migration out of Africa represented a genetic bottleneck, with much of the diversity that existed in Africa not being carried out of Africa by the emigrating groups. This view produces a version of human population movements that do not result in all human populations being independent; but rather, produces a series of dilutions of diversity the further from Africa any population lives, each founding event representing a genetic subset of its parental population. Long and Kittles find that rather than 85% of human genetic diversity existing in all human populations, about 100% of human diversity exists in a single African population, whereas only about 70% of human genetic diversity exists in a population derived from New Guinea. Long and Kittles argued that this still produces a global human population that is genetically homogeneous compared to other mammalian populations.
|
What do Long and Kittles think of the implication that human populations contain on average 85% of all genetic diversity?
|
What do Long and Kittles think of the implication that human populations contain on average 85% of all genetic diversity?
|
[
"What do Long and Kittles think of the implication that human populations contain on average 85% of all genetic diversity?"
] |
{
"text": [
"misleading"
],
"answer_start": [
222
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112224
|
57291cb21d0469140077905d
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Jeffrey Long and Rick Kittles give a long critique of the application of FST to human populations in their 2003 paper "Human Genetic Diversity and the Nonexistence of Biological Races". They find that the figure of 85% is misleading because it implies that all human populations contain on average 85% of all genetic diversity. They claim that this does not correctly reflect human population history, because it treats all human groups as independent. A more realistic portrayal of the way human groups are related is to understand that some human groups are parental to other groups and that these groups represent paraphyletic groups to their descent groups. For example, under the recent African origin theory the human population in Africa is paraphyletic to all other human groups because it represents the ancestral group from which all non-African populations derive, but more than that, non-African groups only derive from a small non-representative sample of this African population. This means that all non-African groups are more closely related to each other and to some African groups (probably east Africans) than they are to others, and further that the migration out of Africa represented a genetic bottleneck, with much of the diversity that existed in Africa not being carried out of Africa by the emigrating groups. This view produces a version of human population movements that do not result in all human populations being independent; but rather, produces a series of dilutions of diversity the further from Africa any population lives, each founding event representing a genetic subset of its parental population. Long and Kittles find that rather than 85% of human genetic diversity existing in all human populations, about 100% of human diversity exists in a single African population, whereas only about 70% of human genetic diversity exists in a population derived from New Guinea. Long and Kittles argued that this still produces a global human population that is genetically homogeneous compared to other mammalian populations.
|
Non-African groups of human population may only drive from what type of sample of the African population?
|
Non-African groups of human population may only drive from what type of sample of the African population?
|
[
"Non-African groups of human population may only drive from what type of sample of the African population?"
] |
{
"text": [
"non-representative"
],
"answer_start": [
940
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112225
|
57291cb21d0469140077905e
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Jeffrey Long and Rick Kittles give a long critique of the application of FST to human populations in their 2003 paper "Human Genetic Diversity and the Nonexistence of Biological Races". They find that the figure of 85% is misleading because it implies that all human populations contain on average 85% of all genetic diversity. They claim that this does not correctly reflect human population history, because it treats all human groups as independent. A more realistic portrayal of the way human groups are related is to understand that some human groups are parental to other groups and that these groups represent paraphyletic groups to their descent groups. For example, under the recent African origin theory the human population in Africa is paraphyletic to all other human groups because it represents the ancestral group from which all non-African populations derive, but more than that, non-African groups only derive from a small non-representative sample of this African population. This means that all non-African groups are more closely related to each other and to some African groups (probably east Africans) than they are to others, and further that the migration out of Africa represented a genetic bottleneck, with much of the diversity that existed in Africa not being carried out of Africa by the emigrating groups. This view produces a version of human population movements that do not result in all human populations being independent; but rather, produces a series of dilutions of diversity the further from Africa any population lives, each founding event representing a genetic subset of its parental population. Long and Kittles find that rather than 85% of human genetic diversity existing in all human populations, about 100% of human diversity exists in a single African population, whereas only about 70% of human genetic diversity exists in a population derived from New Guinea. Long and Kittles argued that this still produces a global human population that is genetically homogeneous compared to other mammalian populations.
|
What type of bottleneck did the migration out of Africa represent?
|
What type of bottleneck did the migration out of Africa represent?
|
[
"What type of bottleneck did the migration out of Africa represent?"
] |
{
"text": [
"genetic"
],
"answer_start": [
1208
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112226
|
57291cb21d0469140077905f
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Jeffrey Long and Rick Kittles give a long critique of the application of FST to human populations in their 2003 paper "Human Genetic Diversity and the Nonexistence of Biological Races". They find that the figure of 85% is misleading because it implies that all human populations contain on average 85% of all genetic diversity. They claim that this does not correctly reflect human population history, because it treats all human groups as independent. A more realistic portrayal of the way human groups are related is to understand that some human groups are parental to other groups and that these groups represent paraphyletic groups to their descent groups. For example, under the recent African origin theory the human population in Africa is paraphyletic to all other human groups because it represents the ancestral group from which all non-African populations derive, but more than that, non-African groups only derive from a small non-representative sample of this African population. This means that all non-African groups are more closely related to each other and to some African groups (probably east Africans) than they are to others, and further that the migration out of Africa represented a genetic bottleneck, with much of the diversity that existed in Africa not being carried out of Africa by the emigrating groups. This view produces a version of human population movements that do not result in all human populations being independent; but rather, produces a series of dilutions of diversity the further from Africa any population lives, each founding event representing a genetic subset of its parental population. Long and Kittles find that rather than 85% of human genetic diversity existing in all human populations, about 100% of human diversity exists in a single African population, whereas only about 70% of human genetic diversity exists in a population derived from New Guinea. Long and Kittles argued that this still produces a global human population that is genetically homogeneous compared to other mammalian populations.
|
How much human genetic diversity exists in a single African population?
|
How much human genetic diversity exists in a single African population?
|
[
"How much human genetic diversity exists in a single African population?"
] |
{
"text": [
"100%"
],
"answer_start": [
1749
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112227
|
57291d851d0469140077906b
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
In his 2003 paper, "Human Genetic Diversity: Lewontin's Fallacy", A. W. F. Edwards argued that rather than using a locus-by-locus analysis of variation to derive taxonomy, it is possible to construct a human classification system based on characteristic genetic patterns, or clusters inferred from multilocus genetic data. Geographically based human studies since have shown that such genetic clusters can be derived from analyzing of a large number of loci which can assort individuals sampled into groups analogous to traditional continental racial groups. Joanna Mountain and Neil Risch cautioned that while genetic clusters may one day be shown to correspond to phenotypic variations between groups, such assumptions were premature as the relationship between genes and complex traits remains poorly understood. However, Risch denied such limitations render the analysis useless: "Perhaps just using someone's actual birth year is not a very good way of measuring age. Does that mean we should throw it out? ... Any category you come up with is going to be imperfect, but that doesn't preclude you from using it or the fact that it has utility."
|
What type of classification system for humans did A.W.F. Edwards argue for?
|
What type of classification system for humans did A.W.F. Edwards argue for?
|
[
"What type of classification system for humans did A.W.F. Edwards argue for?"
] |
{
"text": [
"characteristic genetic patterns"
],
"answer_start": [
239
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112228
|
57291d851d0469140077906c
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
In his 2003 paper, "Human Genetic Diversity: Lewontin's Fallacy", A. W. F. Edwards argued that rather than using a locus-by-locus analysis of variation to derive taxonomy, it is possible to construct a human classification system based on characteristic genetic patterns, or clusters inferred from multilocus genetic data. Geographically based human studies since have shown that such genetic clusters can be derived from analyzing of a large number of loci which can assort individuals sampled into groups analogous to traditional continental racial groups. Joanna Mountain and Neil Risch cautioned that while genetic clusters may one day be shown to correspond to phenotypic variations between groups, such assumptions were premature as the relationship between genes and complex traits remains poorly understood. However, Risch denied such limitations render the analysis useless: "Perhaps just using someone's actual birth year is not a very good way of measuring age. Does that mean we should throw it out? ... Any category you come up with is going to be imperfect, but that doesn't preclude you from using it or the fact that it has utility."
|
What might genetic clusters be shown to correspond to one day?
|
What might genetic clusters be shown to correspond to one day?
|
[
"What might genetic clusters be shown to correspond to one day?"
] |
{
"text": [
"phenotypic variations between groups"
],
"answer_start": [
666
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112229
|
57291d851d0469140077906d
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
In his 2003 paper, "Human Genetic Diversity: Lewontin's Fallacy", A. W. F. Edwards argued that rather than using a locus-by-locus analysis of variation to derive taxonomy, it is possible to construct a human classification system based on characteristic genetic patterns, or clusters inferred from multilocus genetic data. Geographically based human studies since have shown that such genetic clusters can be derived from analyzing of a large number of loci which can assort individuals sampled into groups analogous to traditional continental racial groups. Joanna Mountain and Neil Risch cautioned that while genetic clusters may one day be shown to correspond to phenotypic variations between groups, such assumptions were premature as the relationship between genes and complex traits remains poorly understood. However, Risch denied such limitations render the analysis useless: "Perhaps just using someone's actual birth year is not a very good way of measuring age. Does that mean we should throw it out? ... Any category you come up with is going to be imperfect, but that doesn't preclude you from using it or the fact that it has utility."
|
How is the relationship between genes and complex traits understood?
|
How is the relationship between genes and complex traits understood?
|
[
"How is the relationship between genes and complex traits understood?"
] |
{
"text": [
"poorly"
],
"answer_start": [
797
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112230
|
57291d851d0469140077906e
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
In his 2003 paper, "Human Genetic Diversity: Lewontin's Fallacy", A. W. F. Edwards argued that rather than using a locus-by-locus analysis of variation to derive taxonomy, it is possible to construct a human classification system based on characteristic genetic patterns, or clusters inferred from multilocus genetic data. Geographically based human studies since have shown that such genetic clusters can be derived from analyzing of a large number of loci which can assort individuals sampled into groups analogous to traditional continental racial groups. Joanna Mountain and Neil Risch cautioned that while genetic clusters may one day be shown to correspond to phenotypic variations between groups, such assumptions were premature as the relationship between genes and complex traits remains poorly understood. However, Risch denied such limitations render the analysis useless: "Perhaps just using someone's actual birth year is not a very good way of measuring age. Does that mean we should throw it out? ... Any category you come up with is going to be imperfect, but that doesn't preclude you from using it or the fact that it has utility."
|
Risch feels any category someone comes up with will be what?
|
Risch feels any category someone comes up with will be what?
|
[
"Risch feels any category someone comes up with will be what?"
] |
{
"text": [
"imperfect"
],
"answer_start": [
1061
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112231
|
57291d851d0469140077906f
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
In his 2003 paper, "Human Genetic Diversity: Lewontin's Fallacy", A. W. F. Edwards argued that rather than using a locus-by-locus analysis of variation to derive taxonomy, it is possible to construct a human classification system based on characteristic genetic patterns, or clusters inferred from multilocus genetic data. Geographically based human studies since have shown that such genetic clusters can be derived from analyzing of a large number of loci which can assort individuals sampled into groups analogous to traditional continental racial groups. Joanna Mountain and Neil Risch cautioned that while genetic clusters may one day be shown to correspond to phenotypic variations between groups, such assumptions were premature as the relationship between genes and complex traits remains poorly understood. However, Risch denied such limitations render the analysis useless: "Perhaps just using someone's actual birth year is not a very good way of measuring age. Does that mean we should throw it out? ... Any category you come up with is going to be imperfect, but that doesn't preclude you from using it or the fact that it has utility."
|
Risch thinks imperfect categories still have what?
|
Risch thinks imperfect categories still have what?
|
[
"Risch thinks imperfect categories still have what?"
] |
{
"text": [
"utility"
],
"answer_start": [
1140
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112232
|
572920491d0469140077907d
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Early human genetic cluster analysis studies were conducted with samples taken from ancestral population groups living at extreme geographic distances from each other. It was thought that such large geographic distances would maximize the genetic variation between the groups sampled in the analysis and thus maximize the probability of finding cluster patterns unique to each group. In light of the historically recent acceleration of human migration (and correspondingly, human gene flow) on a global scale, further studies were conducted to judge the degree to which genetic cluster analysis can pattern ancestrally identified groups as well as geographically separated groups. One such study looked at a large multiethnic population in the United States, and "detected only modest genetic differentiation between different current geographic locales within each race/ethnicity group. Thus, ancient geographic ancestry, which is highly correlated with self-identified race/ethnicity—as opposed to current residence—is the major determinant of genetic structure in the U.S. population." (Tang et al. (2005))
|
What groups were early samples from for genetic cluster analysis?
|
What groups were early samples from for genetic cluster analysis?
|
[
"What groups were early samples from for genetic cluster analysis?"
] |
{
"text": [
"ancestral population"
],
"answer_start": [
84
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112233
|
572920491d0469140077907e
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Early human genetic cluster analysis studies were conducted with samples taken from ancestral population groups living at extreme geographic distances from each other. It was thought that such large geographic distances would maximize the genetic variation between the groups sampled in the analysis and thus maximize the probability of finding cluster patterns unique to each group. In light of the historically recent acceleration of human migration (and correspondingly, human gene flow) on a global scale, further studies were conducted to judge the degree to which genetic cluster analysis can pattern ancestrally identified groups as well as geographically separated groups. One such study looked at a large multiethnic population in the United States, and "detected only modest genetic differentiation between different current geographic locales within each race/ethnicity group. Thus, ancient geographic ancestry, which is highly correlated with self-identified race/ethnicity—as opposed to current residence—is the major determinant of genetic structure in the U.S. population." (Tang et al. (2005))
|
Where did the groups the genetic clusters were taken from live from each other?
|
Where did the groups the genetic clusters were taken from live from each other?
|
[
"Where did the groups the genetic clusters were taken from live from each other?"
] |
{
"text": [
"extreme geographic distances"
],
"answer_start": [
122
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112234
|
572920491d0469140077907f
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Early human genetic cluster analysis studies were conducted with samples taken from ancestral population groups living at extreme geographic distances from each other. It was thought that such large geographic distances would maximize the genetic variation between the groups sampled in the analysis and thus maximize the probability of finding cluster patterns unique to each group. In light of the historically recent acceleration of human migration (and correspondingly, human gene flow) on a global scale, further studies were conducted to judge the degree to which genetic cluster analysis can pattern ancestrally identified groups as well as geographically separated groups. One such study looked at a large multiethnic population in the United States, and "detected only modest genetic differentiation between different current geographic locales within each race/ethnicity group. Thus, ancient geographic ancestry, which is highly correlated with self-identified race/ethnicity—as opposed to current residence—is the major determinant of genetic structure in the U.S. population." (Tang et al. (2005))
|
What was thought might maximize the odds of finding unique cluster patterns in groups?
|
What was thought might maximize the odds of finding unique cluster patterns in groups?
|
[
"What was thought might maximize the odds of finding unique cluster patterns in groups?"
] |
{
"text": [
"large geographic distances"
],
"answer_start": [
193
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112235
|
572920491d04691400779080
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Early human genetic cluster analysis studies were conducted with samples taken from ancestral population groups living at extreme geographic distances from each other. It was thought that such large geographic distances would maximize the genetic variation between the groups sampled in the analysis and thus maximize the probability of finding cluster patterns unique to each group. In light of the historically recent acceleration of human migration (and correspondingly, human gene flow) on a global scale, further studies were conducted to judge the degree to which genetic cluster analysis can pattern ancestrally identified groups as well as geographically separated groups. One such study looked at a large multiethnic population in the United States, and "detected only modest genetic differentiation between different current geographic locales within each race/ethnicity group. Thus, ancient geographic ancestry, which is highly correlated with self-identified race/ethnicity—as opposed to current residence—is the major determinant of genetic structure in the U.S. population." (Tang et al. (2005))
|
What human activity has only recently accelerated?
|
What human activity has only recently accelerated?
|
[
"What human activity has only recently accelerated?"
] |
{
"text": [
"migration"
],
"answer_start": [
442
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112236
|
572920491d04691400779081
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Early human genetic cluster analysis studies were conducted with samples taken from ancestral population groups living at extreme geographic distances from each other. It was thought that such large geographic distances would maximize the genetic variation between the groups sampled in the analysis and thus maximize the probability of finding cluster patterns unique to each group. In light of the historically recent acceleration of human migration (and correspondingly, human gene flow) on a global scale, further studies were conducted to judge the degree to which genetic cluster analysis can pattern ancestrally identified groups as well as geographically separated groups. One such study looked at a large multiethnic population in the United States, and "detected only modest genetic differentiation between different current geographic locales within each race/ethnicity group. Thus, ancient geographic ancestry, which is highly correlated with self-identified race/ethnicity—as opposed to current residence—is the major determinant of genetic structure in the U.S. population." (Tang et al. (2005))
|
Human migration tends to accelerate this type of what flow?
|
Human migration tends to accelerate this type of what flow?
|
[
"Human migration tends to accelerate this type of what flow?"
] |
{
"text": [
"gene"
],
"answer_start": [
480
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112237
|
5729225a1d04691400779091
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Witherspoon et al. (2007) have argued that even when individuals can be reliably assigned to specific population groups, it may still be possible for two randomly chosen individuals from different populations/clusters to be more similar to each other than to a randomly chosen member of their own cluster. They found that many thousands of genetic markers had to be used in order for the answer to the question "How often is a pair of individuals from one population genetically more dissimilar than two individuals chosen from two different populations?" to be "never". This assumed three population groups separated by large geographic ranges (European, African and East Asian). The entire world population is much more complex and studying an increasing number of groups would require an increasing number of markers for the same answer. The authors conclude that "caution should be used when using geographic or genetic ancestry to make inferences about individual phenotypes." Witherspoon, et al. concluded that, "The fact that, given enough genetic data, individuals can be correctly assigned to their populations of origin is compatible with the observation that most human genetic variation is found within populations, not between them. It is also compatible with our finding that, even when the most distinct populations are considered and hundreds of loci are used, individuals are frequently more similar to members of other populations than to members of their own population."
|
Randomly chosen people from different groups may be more similar to each other than with members of their own what?
|
Randomly chosen people from different groups may be more similar to each other than with members of their own what?
|
[
"Randomly chosen people from different groups may be more similar to each other than with members of their own what?"
] |
{
"text": [
"cluster"
],
"answer_start": [
297
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112238
|
5729225a1d04691400779092
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Witherspoon et al. (2007) have argued that even when individuals can be reliably assigned to specific population groups, it may still be possible for two randomly chosen individuals from different populations/clusters to be more similar to each other than to a randomly chosen member of their own cluster. They found that many thousands of genetic markers had to be used in order for the answer to the question "How often is a pair of individuals from one population genetically more dissimilar than two individuals chosen from two different populations?" to be "never". This assumed three population groups separated by large geographic ranges (European, African and East Asian). The entire world population is much more complex and studying an increasing number of groups would require an increasing number of markers for the same answer. The authors conclude that "caution should be used when using geographic or genetic ancestry to make inferences about individual phenotypes." Witherspoon, et al. concluded that, "The fact that, given enough genetic data, individuals can be correctly assigned to their populations of origin is compatible with the observation that most human genetic variation is found within populations, not between them. It is also compatible with our finding that, even when the most distinct populations are considered and hundreds of loci are used, individuals are frequently more similar to members of other populations than to members of their own population."
|
How many genetic markers need to be used to show people from different groups are dissimilar to each other?
|
How many genetic markers need to be used to show people from different groups are dissimilar to each other?
|
[
"How many genetic markers need to be used to show people from different groups are dissimilar to each other?"
] |
{
"text": [
"thousands"
],
"answer_start": [
327
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112239
|
5729225a1d04691400779093
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Witherspoon et al. (2007) have argued that even when individuals can be reliably assigned to specific population groups, it may still be possible for two randomly chosen individuals from different populations/clusters to be more similar to each other than to a randomly chosen member of their own cluster. They found that many thousands of genetic markers had to be used in order for the answer to the question "How often is a pair of individuals from one population genetically more dissimilar than two individuals chosen from two different populations?" to be "never". This assumed three population groups separated by large geographic ranges (European, African and East Asian). The entire world population is much more complex and studying an increasing number of groups would require an increasing number of markers for the same answer. The authors conclude that "caution should be used when using geographic or genetic ancestry to make inferences about individual phenotypes." Witherspoon, et al. concluded that, "The fact that, given enough genetic data, individuals can be correctly assigned to their populations of origin is compatible with the observation that most human genetic variation is found within populations, not between them. It is also compatible with our finding that, even when the most distinct populations are considered and hundreds of loci are used, individuals are frequently more similar to members of other populations than to members of their own population."
|
Studying increasing number of groups require an increasing number of what?
|
Studying increasing number of groups require an increasing number of what?
|
[
"Studying increasing number of groups require an increasing number of what?"
] |
{
"text": [
"markers"
],
"answer_start": [
812
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112240
|
5729225a1d04691400779094
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Witherspoon et al. (2007) have argued that even when individuals can be reliably assigned to specific population groups, it may still be possible for two randomly chosen individuals from different populations/clusters to be more similar to each other than to a randomly chosen member of their own cluster. They found that many thousands of genetic markers had to be used in order for the answer to the question "How often is a pair of individuals from one population genetically more dissimilar than two individuals chosen from two different populations?" to be "never". This assumed three population groups separated by large geographic ranges (European, African and East Asian). The entire world population is much more complex and studying an increasing number of groups would require an increasing number of markers for the same answer. The authors conclude that "caution should be used when using geographic or genetic ancestry to make inferences about individual phenotypes." Witherspoon, et al. concluded that, "The fact that, given enough genetic data, individuals can be correctly assigned to their populations of origin is compatible with the observation that most human genetic variation is found within populations, not between them. It is also compatible with our finding that, even when the most distinct populations are considered and hundreds of loci are used, individuals are frequently more similar to members of other populations than to members of their own population."
|
What should be used when using ancestry to make inferences about individual phenotypes?
|
What should be used when using ancestry to make inferences about individual phenotypes?
|
[
"What should be used when using ancestry to make inferences about individual phenotypes?"
] |
{
"text": [
"caution"
],
"answer_start": [
868
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112241
|
5729225a1d04691400779095
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Witherspoon et al. (2007) have argued that even when individuals can be reliably assigned to specific population groups, it may still be possible for two randomly chosen individuals from different populations/clusters to be more similar to each other than to a randomly chosen member of their own cluster. They found that many thousands of genetic markers had to be used in order for the answer to the question "How often is a pair of individuals from one population genetically more dissimilar than two individuals chosen from two different populations?" to be "never". This assumed three population groups separated by large geographic ranges (European, African and East Asian). The entire world population is much more complex and studying an increasing number of groups would require an increasing number of markers for the same answer. The authors conclude that "caution should be used when using geographic or genetic ancestry to make inferences about individual phenotypes." Witherspoon, et al. concluded that, "The fact that, given enough genetic data, individuals can be correctly assigned to their populations of origin is compatible with the observation that most human genetic variation is found within populations, not between them. It is also compatible with our finding that, even when the most distinct populations are considered and hundreds of loci are used, individuals are frequently more similar to members of other populations than to members of their own population."
|
People are more frequently similar to members of what populations?
|
People are more frequently similar to members of what populations?
|
[
"People are more frequently similar to members of what populations?"
] |
{
"text": [
"other populations"
],
"answer_start": [
1430
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112242
|
5729234a1d046914007790a5
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Anthropologists such as C. Loring Brace, the philosophers Jonathan Kaplan and Rasmus Winther, and the geneticist Joseph Graves,[page needed] have argued that while there it is certainly possible to find biological and genetic variation that corresponds roughly to the groupings normally defined as "continental races", this is true for almost all geographically distinct populations. The cluster structure of the genetic data is therefore dependent on the initial hypotheses of the researcher and the populations sampled. When one samples continental groups, the clusters become continental; if one had chosen other sampling patterns, the clustering would be different. Weiss and Fullerton have noted that if one sampled only Icelanders, Mayans and Maoris, three distinct clusters would form and all other populations could be described as being clinally composed of admixtures of Maori, Icelandic and Mayan genetic materials. Kaplan and Winther therefore argue that, seen in this way, both Lewontin and Edwards are right in their arguments. They conclude that while racial groups are characterized by different allele frequencies, this does not mean that racial classification is a natural taxonomy of the human species, because multiple other genetic patterns can be found in human populations that crosscut racial distinctions. Moreover, the genomic data underdetermines whether one wishes to see subdivisions (i.e., splitters) or a continuum (i.e., lumpers). Under Kaplan and Winther's view, racial groupings are objective social constructions (see Mills 1998 ) that have conventional biological reality only insofar as the categories are chosen and constructed for pragmatic scientific reasons. In earlier work, Winther had identified "diversity partitioning" and "clustering analysis" as two separate methodologies, with distinct questions, assumptions, and protocols. Each is also associated with opposing ontological consequences vis-a-vis the metaphysics of race.
|
Cluster structure of genetic data is dependent on what initial thing?
|
Cluster structure of genetic data is dependent on what initial thing?
|
[
"Cluster structure of genetic data is dependent on what initial thing?"
] |
{
"text": [
"hypotheses"
],
"answer_start": [
464
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112243
|
5729234a1d046914007790a6
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Anthropologists such as C. Loring Brace, the philosophers Jonathan Kaplan and Rasmus Winther, and the geneticist Joseph Graves,[page needed] have argued that while there it is certainly possible to find biological and genetic variation that corresponds roughly to the groupings normally defined as "continental races", this is true for almost all geographically distinct populations. The cluster structure of the genetic data is therefore dependent on the initial hypotheses of the researcher and the populations sampled. When one samples continental groups, the clusters become continental; if one had chosen other sampling patterns, the clustering would be different. Weiss and Fullerton have noted that if one sampled only Icelanders, Mayans and Maoris, three distinct clusters would form and all other populations could be described as being clinally composed of admixtures of Maori, Icelandic and Mayan genetic materials. Kaplan and Winther therefore argue that, seen in this way, both Lewontin and Edwards are right in their arguments. They conclude that while racial groups are characterized by different allele frequencies, this does not mean that racial classification is a natural taxonomy of the human species, because multiple other genetic patterns can be found in human populations that crosscut racial distinctions. Moreover, the genomic data underdetermines whether one wishes to see subdivisions (i.e., splitters) or a continuum (i.e., lumpers). Under Kaplan and Winther's view, racial groupings are objective social constructions (see Mills 1998 ) that have conventional biological reality only insofar as the categories are chosen and constructed for pragmatic scientific reasons. In earlier work, Winther had identified "diversity partitioning" and "clustering analysis" as two separate methodologies, with distinct questions, assumptions, and protocols. Each is also associated with opposing ontological consequences vis-a-vis the metaphysics of race.
|
If one samples a continental group, what do the clusters become?
|
If one samples a continental group, what do the clusters become?
|
[
"If one samples a continental group, what do the clusters become?"
] |
{
"text": [
"continental"
],
"answer_start": [
579
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112244
|
5729234a1d046914007790a7
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Anthropologists such as C. Loring Brace, the philosophers Jonathan Kaplan and Rasmus Winther, and the geneticist Joseph Graves,[page needed] have argued that while there it is certainly possible to find biological and genetic variation that corresponds roughly to the groupings normally defined as "continental races", this is true for almost all geographically distinct populations. The cluster structure of the genetic data is therefore dependent on the initial hypotheses of the researcher and the populations sampled. When one samples continental groups, the clusters become continental; if one had chosen other sampling patterns, the clustering would be different. Weiss and Fullerton have noted that if one sampled only Icelanders, Mayans and Maoris, three distinct clusters would form and all other populations could be described as being clinally composed of admixtures of Maori, Icelandic and Mayan genetic materials. Kaplan and Winther therefore argue that, seen in this way, both Lewontin and Edwards are right in their arguments. They conclude that while racial groups are characterized by different allele frequencies, this does not mean that racial classification is a natural taxonomy of the human species, because multiple other genetic patterns can be found in human populations that crosscut racial distinctions. Moreover, the genomic data underdetermines whether one wishes to see subdivisions (i.e., splitters) or a continuum (i.e., lumpers). Under Kaplan and Winther's view, racial groupings are objective social constructions (see Mills 1998 ) that have conventional biological reality only insofar as the categories are chosen and constructed for pragmatic scientific reasons. In earlier work, Winther had identified "diversity partitioning" and "clustering analysis" as two separate methodologies, with distinct questions, assumptions, and protocols. Each is also associated with opposing ontological consequences vis-a-vis the metaphysics of race.
|
What is not a natural taxonomy of the human species?
|
What is not a natural taxonomy of the human species?
|
[
"What is not a natural taxonomy of the human species?"
] |
{
"text": [
"racial classification"
],
"answer_start": [
1156
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112245
|
5729234a1d046914007790a8
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Anthropologists such as C. Loring Brace, the philosophers Jonathan Kaplan and Rasmus Winther, and the geneticist Joseph Graves,[page needed] have argued that while there it is certainly possible to find biological and genetic variation that corresponds roughly to the groupings normally defined as "continental races", this is true for almost all geographically distinct populations. The cluster structure of the genetic data is therefore dependent on the initial hypotheses of the researcher and the populations sampled. When one samples continental groups, the clusters become continental; if one had chosen other sampling patterns, the clustering would be different. Weiss and Fullerton have noted that if one sampled only Icelanders, Mayans and Maoris, three distinct clusters would form and all other populations could be described as being clinally composed of admixtures of Maori, Icelandic and Mayan genetic materials. Kaplan and Winther therefore argue that, seen in this way, both Lewontin and Edwards are right in their arguments. They conclude that while racial groups are characterized by different allele frequencies, this does not mean that racial classification is a natural taxonomy of the human species, because multiple other genetic patterns can be found in human populations that crosscut racial distinctions. Moreover, the genomic data underdetermines whether one wishes to see subdivisions (i.e., splitters) or a continuum (i.e., lumpers). Under Kaplan and Winther's view, racial groupings are objective social constructions (see Mills 1998 ) that have conventional biological reality only insofar as the categories are chosen and constructed for pragmatic scientific reasons. In earlier work, Winther had identified "diversity partitioning" and "clustering analysis" as two separate methodologies, with distinct questions, assumptions, and protocols. Each is also associated with opposing ontological consequences vis-a-vis the metaphysics of race.
|
What are objective social constructions?
|
What are objective social constructions?
|
[
"What are objective social constructions?"
] |
{
"text": [
"racial groupings"
],
"answer_start": [
1496
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112246
|
5729234a1d046914007790a9
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Anthropologists such as C. Loring Brace, the philosophers Jonathan Kaplan and Rasmus Winther, and the geneticist Joseph Graves,[page needed] have argued that while there it is certainly possible to find biological and genetic variation that corresponds roughly to the groupings normally defined as "continental races", this is true for almost all geographically distinct populations. The cluster structure of the genetic data is therefore dependent on the initial hypotheses of the researcher and the populations sampled. When one samples continental groups, the clusters become continental; if one had chosen other sampling patterns, the clustering would be different. Weiss and Fullerton have noted that if one sampled only Icelanders, Mayans and Maoris, three distinct clusters would form and all other populations could be described as being clinally composed of admixtures of Maori, Icelandic and Mayan genetic materials. Kaplan and Winther therefore argue that, seen in this way, both Lewontin and Edwards are right in their arguments. They conclude that while racial groups are characterized by different allele frequencies, this does not mean that racial classification is a natural taxonomy of the human species, because multiple other genetic patterns can be found in human populations that crosscut racial distinctions. Moreover, the genomic data underdetermines whether one wishes to see subdivisions (i.e., splitters) or a continuum (i.e., lumpers). Under Kaplan and Winther's view, racial groupings are objective social constructions (see Mills 1998 ) that have conventional biological reality only insofar as the categories are chosen and constructed for pragmatic scientific reasons. In earlier work, Winther had identified "diversity partitioning" and "clustering analysis" as two separate methodologies, with distinct questions, assumptions, and protocols. Each is also associated with opposing ontological consequences vis-a-vis the metaphysics of race.
|
What are diversity partition and clustering analysis are examples of?
|
What are diversity partition and clustering analysis are examples of?
|
[
"What are diversity partition and clustering analysis are examples of?"
] |
{
"text": [
"methodologies"
],
"answer_start": [
1807
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112247
|
57292506af94a219006aa0ef
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Many social scientists have replaced the word race with the word "ethnicity" to refer to self-identifying groups based on beliefs concerning shared culture, ancestry and history. Alongside empirical and conceptual problems with "race", following the Second World War, evolutionary and social scientists were acutely aware of how beliefs about race had been used to justify discrimination, apartheid, slavery, and genocide. This questioning gained momentum in the 1960s during the U.S. civil rights movement and the emergence of numerous anti-colonial movements worldwide. They thus came to believe that race itself is a social construct, a concept that was believed to correspond to an objective reality but which was believed in because of its social functions.
|
What word do many social scientists instead of race?
|
What word do many social scientists instead of race?
|
[
"What word do many social scientists instead of race?"
] |
{
"text": [
"ethnicity"
],
"answer_start": [
66
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112248
|
57292506af94a219006aa0f0
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Many social scientists have replaced the word race with the word "ethnicity" to refer to self-identifying groups based on beliefs concerning shared culture, ancestry and history. Alongside empirical and conceptual problems with "race", following the Second World War, evolutionary and social scientists were acutely aware of how beliefs about race had been used to justify discrimination, apartheid, slavery, and genocide. This questioning gained momentum in the 1960s during the U.S. civil rights movement and the emergence of numerous anti-colonial movements worldwide. They thus came to believe that race itself is a social construct, a concept that was believed to correspond to an objective reality but which was believed in because of its social functions.
|
What had been used to justify discrimination, apartheid, slavery and genocide in WWII?
|
What had been used to justify discrimination, apartheid, slavery and genocide in WWII?
|
[
"What had been used to justify discrimination, apartheid, slavery and genocide in WWII?"
] |
{
"text": [
"beliefs about race"
],
"answer_start": [
329
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112249
|
57292506af94a219006aa0f1
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Many social scientists have replaced the word race with the word "ethnicity" to refer to self-identifying groups based on beliefs concerning shared culture, ancestry and history. Alongside empirical and conceptual problems with "race", following the Second World War, evolutionary and social scientists were acutely aware of how beliefs about race had been used to justify discrimination, apartheid, slavery, and genocide. This questioning gained momentum in the 1960s during the U.S. civil rights movement and the emergence of numerous anti-colonial movements worldwide. They thus came to believe that race itself is a social construct, a concept that was believed to correspond to an objective reality but which was believed in because of its social functions.
|
When did the civil rights movement take place?
|
When did the civil rights movement take place?
|
[
"When did the civil rights movement take place?"
] |
{
"text": [
"the 1960s"
],
"answer_start": [
459
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112250
|
57292506af94a219006aa0f2
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Many social scientists have replaced the word race with the word "ethnicity" to refer to self-identifying groups based on beliefs concerning shared culture, ancestry and history. Alongside empirical and conceptual problems with "race", following the Second World War, evolutionary and social scientists were acutely aware of how beliefs about race had been used to justify discrimination, apartheid, slavery, and genocide. This questioning gained momentum in the 1960s during the U.S. civil rights movement and the emergence of numerous anti-colonial movements worldwide. They thus came to believe that race itself is a social construct, a concept that was believed to correspond to an objective reality but which was believed in because of its social functions.
|
What movement gained momentum worldwide in the 60's?
|
What movement gained momentum worldwide in the 60's?
|
[
"What movement gained momentum worldwide in the 60's?"
] |
{
"text": [
"anti-colonial"
],
"answer_start": [
537
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112251
|
57292506af94a219006aa0f3
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Many social scientists have replaced the word race with the word "ethnicity" to refer to self-identifying groups based on beliefs concerning shared culture, ancestry and history. Alongside empirical and conceptual problems with "race", following the Second World War, evolutionary and social scientists were acutely aware of how beliefs about race had been used to justify discrimination, apartheid, slavery, and genocide. This questioning gained momentum in the 1960s during the U.S. civil rights movement and the emergence of numerous anti-colonial movements worldwide. They thus came to believe that race itself is a social construct, a concept that was believed to correspond to an objective reality but which was believed in because of its social functions.
|
What type of reality do some believe race is a social construct corresponding to?
|
What type of reality do some believe race is a social construct corresponding to?
|
[
"What type of reality do some believe race is a social construct corresponding to?"
] |
{
"text": [
"objective"
],
"answer_start": [
686
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112252
|
5729259daf94a219006aa0f9
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Craig Venter and Francis Collins of the National Institute of Health jointly made the announcement of the mapping of the human genome in 2000. Upon examining the data from the genome mapping, Venter realized that although the genetic variation within the human species is on the order of 1–3% (instead of the previously assumed 1%), the types of variations do not support notion of genetically defined races. Venter said, "Race is a social concept. It's not a scientific one. There are no bright lines (that would stand out), if we could compare all the sequenced genomes of everyone on the planet." "When we try to apply science to try to sort out these social differences, it all falls apart."
|
What organization is Craig Venter and Francis Collins associated with?
|
What organization is Craig Venter and Francis Collins associated with?
|
[
"What organization is Craig Venter and Francis Collins associated with?"
] |
{
"text": [
"the National Institute of Health"
],
"answer_start": [
36
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112253
|
5729259daf94a219006aa0fa
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Craig Venter and Francis Collins of the National Institute of Health jointly made the announcement of the mapping of the human genome in 2000. Upon examining the data from the genome mapping, Venter realized that although the genetic variation within the human species is on the order of 1–3% (instead of the previously assumed 1%), the types of variations do not support notion of genetically defined races. Venter said, "Race is a social concept. It's not a scientific one. There are no bright lines (that would stand out), if we could compare all the sequenced genomes of everyone on the planet." "When we try to apply science to try to sort out these social differences, it all falls apart."
|
What year was the announcement that the human genome had been mapped made in?
|
What year was the announcement that the human genome had been mapped made in?
|
[
"What year was the announcement that the human genome had been mapped made in?"
] |
{
"text": [
"2000"
],
"answer_start": [
137
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112254
|
5729259daf94a219006aa0fb
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Craig Venter and Francis Collins of the National Institute of Health jointly made the announcement of the mapping of the human genome in 2000. Upon examining the data from the genome mapping, Venter realized that although the genetic variation within the human species is on the order of 1–3% (instead of the previously assumed 1%), the types of variations do not support notion of genetically defined races. Venter said, "Race is a social concept. It's not a scientific one. There are no bright lines (that would stand out), if we could compare all the sequenced genomes of everyone on the planet." "When we try to apply science to try to sort out these social differences, it all falls apart."
|
What doesn't the genetic variation within the human species support?
|
What doesn't the genetic variation within the human species support?
|
[
"What doesn't the genetic variation within the human species support?"
] |
{
"text": [
"notion of genetically defined races"
],
"answer_start": [
372
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112255
|
5729259daf94a219006aa0fc
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Craig Venter and Francis Collins of the National Institute of Health jointly made the announcement of the mapping of the human genome in 2000. Upon examining the data from the genome mapping, Venter realized that although the genetic variation within the human species is on the order of 1–3% (instead of the previously assumed 1%), the types of variations do not support notion of genetically defined races. Venter said, "Race is a social concept. It's not a scientific one. There are no bright lines (that would stand out), if we could compare all the sequenced genomes of everyone on the planet." "When we try to apply science to try to sort out these social differences, it all falls apart."
|
What is a social concept, not a scientific one?
|
What is a social concept, not a scientific one?
|
[
"What is a social concept, not a scientific one?"
] |
{
"text": [
"Race"
],
"answer_start": [
423
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112256
|
5729259daf94a219006aa0fd
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Craig Venter and Francis Collins of the National Institute of Health jointly made the announcement of the mapping of the human genome in 2000. Upon examining the data from the genome mapping, Venter realized that although the genetic variation within the human species is on the order of 1–3% (instead of the previously assumed 1%), the types of variations do not support notion of genetically defined races. Venter said, "Race is a social concept. It's not a scientific one. There are no bright lines (that would stand out), if we could compare all the sequenced genomes of everyone on the planet." "When we try to apply science to try to sort out these social differences, it all falls apart."
|
What happens when scientists try to apply science to sort out social differences?
|
What happens when scientists try to apply science to sort out social differences?
|
[
"What happens when scientists try to apply science to sort out social differences?"
] |
{
"text": [
"it all falls apart"
],
"answer_start": [
675
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112257
|
57292674af94a219006aa10d
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
The theory that race is merely a social construct has been challenged by the findings of researchers at the Stanford University School of Medicine, published in the American Journal of Human Genetics as "Genetic Structure, Self-Identified Race/Ethnicity, and Confounding in Case-Control Association Studies". One of the researchers, Neil Risch, noted: "we looked at the correlation between genetic structure [based on microsatellite markers] versus self-description, we found 99.9% concordance between the two. We actually had a higher discordance rate between self-reported sex and markers on the X chromosome! So you could argue that sex is also a problematic category. And there are differences between sex and gender; self-identification may not be correlated with biology perfectly. And there is sexism."
|
Researchers from which university challenged the theory of race being only a social construct?
|
Researchers from which university challenged the theory of race being only a social construct?
|
[
"Researchers from which university challenged the theory of race being only a social construct?"
] |
{
"text": [
"Stanford"
],
"answer_start": [
108
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112258
|
57292674af94a219006aa10e
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
The theory that race is merely a social construct has been challenged by the findings of researchers at the Stanford University School of Medicine, published in the American Journal of Human Genetics as "Genetic Structure, Self-Identified Race/Ethnicity, and Confounding in Case-Control Association Studies". One of the researchers, Neil Risch, noted: "we looked at the correlation between genetic structure [based on microsatellite markers] versus self-description, we found 99.9% concordance between the two. We actually had a higher discordance rate between self-reported sex and markers on the X chromosome! So you could argue that sex is also a problematic category. And there are differences between sex and gender; self-identification may not be correlated with biology perfectly. And there is sexism."
|
Where was the challenge to the theory of racing being a social construct published?
|
Where was the challenge to the theory of racing being a social construct published?
|
[
"Where was the challenge to the theory of racing being a social construct published?"
] |
{
"text": [
"the American Journal of Human Genetics"
],
"answer_start": [
161
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112259
|
57292674af94a219006aa10f
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
The theory that race is merely a social construct has been challenged by the findings of researchers at the Stanford University School of Medicine, published in the American Journal of Human Genetics as "Genetic Structure, Self-Identified Race/Ethnicity, and Confounding in Case-Control Association Studies". One of the researchers, Neil Risch, noted: "we looked at the correlation between genetic structure [based on microsatellite markers] versus self-description, we found 99.9% concordance between the two. We actually had a higher discordance rate between self-reported sex and markers on the X chromosome! So you could argue that sex is also a problematic category. And there are differences between sex and gender; self-identification may not be correlated with biology perfectly. And there is sexism."
|
Neil Risch found a 99.9% agree between genetic structure and people's description of their what?
|
Neil Risch found a 99.9% agree between genetic structure and people's description of their what?
|
[
"Neil Risch found a 99.9% agree between genetic structure and people's description of their what?"
] |
{
"text": [
"self"
],
"answer_start": [
449
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112260
|
57292674af94a219006aa110
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
The theory that race is merely a social construct has been challenged by the findings of researchers at the Stanford University School of Medicine, published in the American Journal of Human Genetics as "Genetic Structure, Self-Identified Race/Ethnicity, and Confounding in Case-Control Association Studies". One of the researchers, Neil Risch, noted: "we looked at the correlation between genetic structure [based on microsatellite markers] versus self-description, we found 99.9% concordance between the two. We actually had a higher discordance rate between self-reported sex and markers on the X chromosome! So you could argue that sex is also a problematic category. And there are differences between sex and gender; self-identification may not be correlated with biology perfectly. And there is sexism."
|
What is a problematic category in addition to race?
|
What is a problematic category in addition to race?
|
[
"What is a problematic category in addition to race?"
] |
{
"text": [
"sex"
],
"answer_start": [
636
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112261
|
57292674af94a219006aa111
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
The theory that race is merely a social construct has been challenged by the findings of researchers at the Stanford University School of Medicine, published in the American Journal of Human Genetics as "Genetic Structure, Self-Identified Race/Ethnicity, and Confounding in Case-Control Association Studies". One of the researchers, Neil Risch, noted: "we looked at the correlation between genetic structure [based on microsatellite markers] versus self-description, we found 99.9% concordance between the two. We actually had a higher discordance rate between self-reported sex and markers on the X chromosome! So you could argue that sex is also a problematic category. And there are differences between sex and gender; self-identification may not be correlated with biology perfectly. And there is sexism."
|
What may self-identification not correlate with precisely?
|
What may self-identification not correlate with precisely?
|
[
"What may self-identification not correlate with precisely?"
] |
{
"text": [
"biology"
],
"answer_start": [
769
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112262
|
572927316aef051400154ad4
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Basically, race in Brazil was "biologized", but in a way that recognized the difference between ancestry (which determines genotype) and phenotypic differences. There, racial identity was not governed by rigid descent rule, such as the one-drop rule, as it was in the United States. A Brazilian child was never automatically identified with the racial type of one or both parents, nor were there only a very limited number of categories to choose from, to the extent that full siblings can pertain to different racial groups.
|
What country was race "Biologized" in?
|
What country was race "Biologized" in?
|
[
"What country was race \"Biologized\" in?"
] |
{
"text": [
"Brazil"
],
"answer_start": [
19
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112263
|
572927316aef051400154ad5
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Basically, race in Brazil was "biologized", but in a way that recognized the difference between ancestry (which determines genotype) and phenotypic differences. There, racial identity was not governed by rigid descent rule, such as the one-drop rule, as it was in the United States. A Brazilian child was never automatically identified with the racial type of one or both parents, nor were there only a very limited number of categories to choose from, to the extent that full siblings can pertain to different racial groups.
|
What wasn't racial identity governed by in Brazil?
|
What wasn't racial identity governed by in Brazil?
|
[
"What wasn't racial identity governed by in Brazil?"
] |
{
"text": [
"rigid descent rule"
],
"answer_start": [
204
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112264
|
572927316aef051400154ad6
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Basically, race in Brazil was "biologized", but in a way that recognized the difference between ancestry (which determines genotype) and phenotypic differences. There, racial identity was not governed by rigid descent rule, such as the one-drop rule, as it was in the United States. A Brazilian child was never automatically identified with the racial type of one or both parents, nor were there only a very limited number of categories to choose from, to the extent that full siblings can pertain to different racial groups.
|
What were Brazillian children never automatically identified with the type of?
|
What were Brazillian children never automatically identified with the type of?
|
[
"What were Brazillian children never automatically identified with the type of?"
] |
{
"text": [
"racial"
],
"answer_start": [
345
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112265
|
572927316aef051400154ad7
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Basically, race in Brazil was "biologized", but in a way that recognized the difference between ancestry (which determines genotype) and phenotypic differences. There, racial identity was not governed by rigid descent rule, such as the one-drop rule, as it was in the United States. A Brazilian child was never automatically identified with the racial type of one or both parents, nor were there only a very limited number of categories to choose from, to the extent that full siblings can pertain to different racial groups.
|
What may full siblings belong to?
|
What may full siblings belong to?
|
[
"What may full siblings belong to?"
] |
{
"text": [
"different racial groups"
],
"answer_start": [
501
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112266
|
572927316aef051400154ad8
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Basically, race in Brazil was "biologized", but in a way that recognized the difference between ancestry (which determines genotype) and phenotypic differences. There, racial identity was not governed by rigid descent rule, such as the one-drop rule, as it was in the United States. A Brazilian child was never automatically identified with the racial type of one or both parents, nor were there only a very limited number of categories to choose from, to the extent that full siblings can pertain to different racial groups.
|
What determines genotype?
|
What determines genotype?
|
[
"What determines genotype?"
] |
{
"text": [
"ancestry"
],
"answer_start": [
96
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112267
|
572928253f37b31900478095
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Over a dozen racial categories would be recognized in conformity with all the possible combinations of hair color, hair texture, eye color, and skin color. These types grade into each other like the colors of the spectrum, and not one category stands significantly isolated from the rest. That is, race referred preferentially to appearance, not heredity, and appearance is a poor indication of ancestry, because only a few genes are responsible for someone's skin color and traits: a person who is considered white may have more African ancestry than a person who is considered black, and the reverse can be also true about European ancestry. The complexity of racial classifications in Brazil reflects the extent of miscegenation in Brazilian society, a society that remains highly, but not strictly, stratified along color lines. These socioeconomic factors are also significant to the limits of racial lines, because a minority of pardos, or brown people, are likely to start declaring themselves white or black if socially upward, and being seen as relatively "whiter" as their perceived social status increases (much as in other regions of Latin America).
|
How many racial categories would be needed with all the possible combinations of outward features?
|
How many racial categories would be needed with all the possible combinations of outward features?
|
[
"How many racial categories would be needed with all the possible combinations of outward features?"
] |
{
"text": [
"Over a dozen"
],
"answer_start": [
0
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112268
|
572928253f37b31900478096
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Over a dozen racial categories would be recognized in conformity with all the possible combinations of hair color, hair texture, eye color, and skin color. These types grade into each other like the colors of the spectrum, and not one category stands significantly isolated from the rest. That is, race referred preferentially to appearance, not heredity, and appearance is a poor indication of ancestry, because only a few genes are responsible for someone's skin color and traits: a person who is considered white may have more African ancestry than a person who is considered black, and the reverse can be also true about European ancestry. The complexity of racial classifications in Brazil reflects the extent of miscegenation in Brazilian society, a society that remains highly, but not strictly, stratified along color lines. These socioeconomic factors are also significant to the limits of racial lines, because a minority of pardos, or brown people, are likely to start declaring themselves white or black if socially upward, and being seen as relatively "whiter" as their perceived social status increases (much as in other regions of Latin America).
|
What way would categories grade into each other, rather than being isolated from each other?
|
What way would categories grade into each other, rather than being isolated from each other?
|
[
"What way would categories grade into each other, rather than being isolated from each other?"
] |
{
"text": [
"like the colors of the spectrum"
],
"answer_start": [
190
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112269
|
572928253f37b31900478097
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Over a dozen racial categories would be recognized in conformity with all the possible combinations of hair color, hair texture, eye color, and skin color. These types grade into each other like the colors of the spectrum, and not one category stands significantly isolated from the rest. That is, race referred preferentially to appearance, not heredity, and appearance is a poor indication of ancestry, because only a few genes are responsible for someone's skin color and traits: a person who is considered white may have more African ancestry than a person who is considered black, and the reverse can be also true about European ancestry. The complexity of racial classifications in Brazil reflects the extent of miscegenation in Brazilian society, a society that remains highly, but not strictly, stratified along color lines. These socioeconomic factors are also significant to the limits of racial lines, because a minority of pardos, or brown people, are likely to start declaring themselves white or black if socially upward, and being seen as relatively "whiter" as their perceived social status increases (much as in other regions of Latin America).
|
What did race refer to instead of heredity?
|
What did race refer to instead of heredity?
|
[
"What did race refer to instead of heredity?"
] |
{
"text": [
"appearance"
],
"answer_start": [
330
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112270
|
572928253f37b31900478098
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Over a dozen racial categories would be recognized in conformity with all the possible combinations of hair color, hair texture, eye color, and skin color. These types grade into each other like the colors of the spectrum, and not one category stands significantly isolated from the rest. That is, race referred preferentially to appearance, not heredity, and appearance is a poor indication of ancestry, because only a few genes are responsible for someone's skin color and traits: a person who is considered white may have more African ancestry than a person who is considered black, and the reverse can be also true about European ancestry. The complexity of racial classifications in Brazil reflects the extent of miscegenation in Brazilian society, a society that remains highly, but not strictly, stratified along color lines. These socioeconomic factors are also significant to the limits of racial lines, because a minority of pardos, or brown people, are likely to start declaring themselves white or black if socially upward, and being seen as relatively "whiter" as their perceived social status increases (much as in other regions of Latin America).
|
What is appearance a poor indication of?
|
What is appearance a poor indication of?
|
[
"What is appearance a poor indication of?"
] |
{
"text": [
"ancestry"
],
"answer_start": [
395
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112271
|
572928253f37b31900478099
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Over a dozen racial categories would be recognized in conformity with all the possible combinations of hair color, hair texture, eye color, and skin color. These types grade into each other like the colors of the spectrum, and not one category stands significantly isolated from the rest. That is, race referred preferentially to appearance, not heredity, and appearance is a poor indication of ancestry, because only a few genes are responsible for someone's skin color and traits: a person who is considered white may have more African ancestry than a person who is considered black, and the reverse can be also true about European ancestry. The complexity of racial classifications in Brazil reflects the extent of miscegenation in Brazilian society, a society that remains highly, but not strictly, stratified along color lines. These socioeconomic factors are also significant to the limits of racial lines, because a minority of pardos, or brown people, are likely to start declaring themselves white or black if socially upward, and being seen as relatively "whiter" as their perceived social status increases (much as in other regions of Latin America).
|
Where is there a lot of complexity in racial classifications?
|
Where is there a lot of complexity in racial classifications?
|
[
"Where is there a lot of complexity in racial classifications?"
] |
{
"text": [
"Brazil"
],
"answer_start": [
688
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112272
|
5729295d1d046914007790e9
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Fluidity of racial categories aside, the "biologification" of race in Brazil referred above would match contemporary concepts of race in the United States quite closely, though, if Brazilians are supposed to choose their race as one among, Asian and Indigenous apart, three IBGE's census categories. While assimilated Amerindians and people with very high quantities of Amerindian ancestry are usually grouped as caboclos, a subgroup of pardos which roughly translates as both mestizo and hillbilly, for those of lower quantity of Amerindian descent a higher European genetic contribution is expected to be grouped as a pardo. In several genetic tests, people with less than 60-65% of European descent and 5-10% of Amerindian descent usually cluster with Afro-Brazilians (as reported by the individuals), or 6.9% of the population, and those with about 45% or more of Subsaharan contribution most times do so (in average, Afro-Brazilian DNA was reported to be about 50% Subsaharan African, 37% European and 13% Amerindian).
|
What categories have an aspect of fluidity?
|
What categories have an aspect of fluidity?
|
[
"What categories have an aspect of fluidity?"
] |
{
"text": [
"racial"
],
"answer_start": [
12
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112273
|
5729295d1d046914007790ea
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Fluidity of racial categories aside, the "biologification" of race in Brazil referred above would match contemporary concepts of race in the United States quite closely, though, if Brazilians are supposed to choose their race as one among, Asian and Indigenous apart, three IBGE's census categories. While assimilated Amerindians and people with very high quantities of Amerindian ancestry are usually grouped as caboclos, a subgroup of pardos which roughly translates as both mestizo and hillbilly, for those of lower quantity of Amerindian descent a higher European genetic contribution is expected to be grouped as a pardo. In several genetic tests, people with less than 60-65% of European descent and 5-10% of Amerindian descent usually cluster with Afro-Brazilians (as reported by the individuals), or 6.9% of the population, and those with about 45% or more of Subsaharan contribution most times do so (in average, Afro-Brazilian DNA was reported to be about 50% Subsaharan African, 37% European and 13% Amerindian).
|
What are people with high quantities of Amerindian ancestry grouped as?
|
What are people with high quantities of Amerindian ancestry grouped as?
|
[
"What are people with high quantities of Amerindian ancestry grouped as?"
] |
{
"text": [
"caboclos"
],
"answer_start": [
413
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112274
|
5729295d1d046914007790eb
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Fluidity of racial categories aside, the "biologification" of race in Brazil referred above would match contemporary concepts of race in the United States quite closely, though, if Brazilians are supposed to choose their race as one among, Asian and Indigenous apart, three IBGE's census categories. While assimilated Amerindians and people with very high quantities of Amerindian ancestry are usually grouped as caboclos, a subgroup of pardos which roughly translates as both mestizo and hillbilly, for those of lower quantity of Amerindian descent a higher European genetic contribution is expected to be grouped as a pardo. In several genetic tests, people with less than 60-65% of European descent and 5-10% of Amerindian descent usually cluster with Afro-Brazilians (as reported by the individuals), or 6.9% of the population, and those with about 45% or more of Subsaharan contribution most times do so (in average, Afro-Brazilian DNA was reported to be about 50% Subsaharan African, 37% European and 13% Amerindian).
|
What's a rough translation of "pardos"?
|
What's a rough translation of "pardos"?
|
[
"What's a rough translation of \"pardos\"?"
] |
{
"text": [
"hillbilly"
],
"answer_start": [
489
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112275
|
5729295d1d046914007790ec
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Fluidity of racial categories aside, the "biologification" of race in Brazil referred above would match contemporary concepts of race in the United States quite closely, though, if Brazilians are supposed to choose their race as one among, Asian and Indigenous apart, three IBGE's census categories. While assimilated Amerindians and people with very high quantities of Amerindian ancestry are usually grouped as caboclos, a subgroup of pardos which roughly translates as both mestizo and hillbilly, for those of lower quantity of Amerindian descent a higher European genetic contribution is expected to be grouped as a pardo. In several genetic tests, people with less than 60-65% of European descent and 5-10% of Amerindian descent usually cluster with Afro-Brazilians (as reported by the individuals), or 6.9% of the population, and those with about 45% or more of Subsaharan contribution most times do so (in average, Afro-Brazilian DNA was reported to be about 50% Subsaharan African, 37% European and 13% Amerindian).
|
What do people with less than 60-65% of European descent usually cluster with?
|
What do people with less than 60-65% of European descent usually cluster with?
|
[
"What do people with less than 60-65% of European descent usually cluster with?"
] |
{
"text": [
"Afro-Brazilians"
],
"answer_start": [
755
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112276
|
5729295d1d046914007790ed
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Fluidity of racial categories aside, the "biologification" of race in Brazil referred above would match contemporary concepts of race in the United States quite closely, though, if Brazilians are supposed to choose their race as one among, Asian and Indigenous apart, three IBGE's census categories. While assimilated Amerindians and people with very high quantities of Amerindian ancestry are usually grouped as caboclos, a subgroup of pardos which roughly translates as both mestizo and hillbilly, for those of lower quantity of Amerindian descent a higher European genetic contribution is expected to be grouped as a pardo. In several genetic tests, people with less than 60-65% of European descent and 5-10% of Amerindian descent usually cluster with Afro-Brazilians (as reported by the individuals), or 6.9% of the population, and those with about 45% or more of Subsaharan contribution most times do so (in average, Afro-Brazilian DNA was reported to be about 50% Subsaharan African, 37% European and 13% Amerindian).
|
What percentage of Afro-Brazillian DNA is reported to be Subsaharan African?
|
What percentage of Afro-Brazillian DNA is reported to be Subsaharan African?
|
[
"What percentage of Afro-Brazillian DNA is reported to be Subsaharan African?"
] |
{
"text": [
"50%"
],
"answer_start": [
966
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112277
|
57292a336aef051400154b12
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
If a more consistent report with the genetic groups in the gradation of miscegenation is to be considered (e.g. that would not cluster people with a balanced degree of African and non-African ancestry in the black group instead of the multiracial one, unlike elsewhere in Latin America where people of high quantity of African descent tend to classify themselves as mixed), more people would report themselves as white and pardo in Brazil (47.7% and 42.4% of the population as of 2010, respectively), because by research its population is believed to have between 65 and 80% of autosomal European ancestry, in average (also >35% of European mt-DNA and >95% of European Y-DNA).
|
What would more people report themselves as if a more consistent report were considered?
|
What would more people report themselves as if a more consistent report were considered?
|
[
"What would more people report themselves as if a more consistent report were considered?"
] |
{
"text": [
"white"
],
"answer_start": [
413
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112278
|
57292a336aef051400154b13
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
If a more consistent report with the genetic groups in the gradation of miscegenation is to be considered (e.g. that would not cluster people with a balanced degree of African and non-African ancestry in the black group instead of the multiracial one, unlike elsewhere in Latin America where people of high quantity of African descent tend to classify themselves as mixed), more people would report themselves as white and pardo in Brazil (47.7% and 42.4% of the population as of 2010, respectively), because by research its population is believed to have between 65 and 80% of autosomal European ancestry, in average (also >35% of European mt-DNA and >95% of European Y-DNA).
|
What do people with a high quality of African descent classify themselves as?
|
What do people with a high quality of African descent classify themselves as?
|
[
"What do people with a high quality of African descent classify themselves as?"
] |
{
"text": [
"mixed"
],
"answer_start": [
366
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112279
|
57292a336aef051400154b14
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
If a more consistent report with the genetic groups in the gradation of miscegenation is to be considered (e.g. that would not cluster people with a balanced degree of African and non-African ancestry in the black group instead of the multiracial one, unlike elsewhere in Latin America where people of high quantity of African descent tend to classify themselves as mixed), more people would report themselves as white and pardo in Brazil (47.7% and 42.4% of the population as of 2010, respectively), because by research its population is believed to have between 65 and 80% of autosomal European ancestry, in average (also >35% of European mt-DNA and >95% of European Y-DNA).
|
How much of the population of Brazil reported themselves as pardo in 2010?
|
How much of the population of Brazil reported themselves as pardo in 2010?
|
[
"How much of the population of Brazil reported themselves as pardo in 2010?"
] |
{
"text": [
"42.4%"
],
"answer_start": [
450
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112280
|
57292a336aef051400154b15
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
If a more consistent report with the genetic groups in the gradation of miscegenation is to be considered (e.g. that would not cluster people with a balanced degree of African and non-African ancestry in the black group instead of the multiracial one, unlike elsewhere in Latin America where people of high quantity of African descent tend to classify themselves as mixed), more people would report themselves as white and pardo in Brazil (47.7% and 42.4% of the population as of 2010, respectively), because by research its population is believed to have between 65 and 80% of autosomal European ancestry, in average (also >35% of European mt-DNA and >95% of European Y-DNA).
|
Brazil's population is believed to have between what percentages of autosomal European ancestry?
|
Brazil's population is believed to have between what percentages of autosomal European ancestry?
|
[
"Brazil's population is believed to have between what percentages of autosomal European ancestry?"
] |
{
"text": [
"65 and 80%"
],
"answer_start": [
564
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112281
|
57292a336aef051400154b16
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
If a more consistent report with the genetic groups in the gradation of miscegenation is to be considered (e.g. that would not cluster people with a balanced degree of African and non-African ancestry in the black group instead of the multiracial one, unlike elsewhere in Latin America where people of high quantity of African descent tend to classify themselves as mixed), more people would report themselves as white and pardo in Brazil (47.7% and 42.4% of the population as of 2010, respectively), because by research its population is believed to have between 65 and 80% of autosomal European ancestry, in average (also >35% of European mt-DNA and >95% of European Y-DNA).
|
Brazil's population is thought to have greater than what percentage of European Y-DNA?
|
Brazil's population is thought to have greater than what percentage of European Y-DNA?
|
[
"Brazil's population is thought to have greater than what percentage of European Y-DNA?"
] |
{
"text": [
"95%"
],
"answer_start": [
653
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112282
|
57292ae1af94a219006aa141
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
This is not surprising, though: While the greatest number of slaves imported from Africa were sent to Brazil, totalizing roughly 3.5 million people, they lived in such miserable conditions that male African Y-DNA there is significantly rare due to the lack of resources and time involved with raising of children, so that most African descent originarily came from relations between white masters and female slaves. From the last decades of the Empire until the 1950s, the proportion of the white population increased significantly while Brazil welcomed 5.5 million immigrants between 1821 and 1932, not much behind its neighbor Argentina with 6.4 million, and it received more European immigrants in its colonial history than the United States. Between 1500 and 1760, 700.000 Europeans settled in Brazil, while 530.000 Europeans settled in the United States for the same given time. Thus, the historical construction of race in Brazilian society dealt primarily with gradations between persons of majoritarily European ancestry and little minority groups with otherwise lower quantity therefrom in recent times.
|
What is roughly the amount of African slaves imported to Brazil?
|
What is roughly the amount of African slaves imported to Brazil?
|
[
"What is roughly the amount of African slaves imported to Brazil?"
] |
{
"text": [
"3.5 million"
],
"answer_start": [
129
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112283
|
57292ae1af94a219006aa142
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
This is not surprising, though: While the greatest number of slaves imported from Africa were sent to Brazil, totalizing roughly 3.5 million people, they lived in such miserable conditions that male African Y-DNA there is significantly rare due to the lack of resources and time involved with raising of children, so that most African descent originarily came from relations between white masters and female slaves. From the last decades of the Empire until the 1950s, the proportion of the white population increased significantly while Brazil welcomed 5.5 million immigrants between 1821 and 1932, not much behind its neighbor Argentina with 6.4 million, and it received more European immigrants in its colonial history than the United States. Between 1500 and 1760, 700.000 Europeans settled in Brazil, while 530.000 Europeans settled in the United States for the same given time. Thus, the historical construction of race in Brazilian society dealt primarily with gradations between persons of majoritarily European ancestry and little minority groups with otherwise lower quantity therefrom in recent times.
|
What conditions did the African slaves in Brazil live in?
|
What conditions did the African slaves in Brazil live in?
|
[
"What conditions did the African slaves in Brazil live in?"
] |
{
"text": [
"miserable"
],
"answer_start": [
168
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112284
|
57292ae1af94a219006aa143
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
This is not surprising, though: While the greatest number of slaves imported from Africa were sent to Brazil, totalizing roughly 3.5 million people, they lived in such miserable conditions that male African Y-DNA there is significantly rare due to the lack of resources and time involved with raising of children, so that most African descent originarily came from relations between white masters and female slaves. From the last decades of the Empire until the 1950s, the proportion of the white population increased significantly while Brazil welcomed 5.5 million immigrants between 1821 and 1932, not much behind its neighbor Argentina with 6.4 million, and it received more European immigrants in its colonial history than the United States. Between 1500 and 1760, 700.000 Europeans settled in Brazil, while 530.000 Europeans settled in the United States for the same given time. Thus, the historical construction of race in Brazilian society dealt primarily with gradations between persons of majoritarily European ancestry and little minority groups with otherwise lower quantity therefrom in recent times.
|
Most African descent in Brazil came from what sort of congress?
|
Most African descent in Brazil came from what sort of congress?
|
[
"Most African descent in Brazil came from what sort of congress?"
] |
{
"text": [
"relations between white masters and female slaves"
],
"answer_start": [
365
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112285
|
57292ae1af94a219006aa144
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
This is not surprising, though: While the greatest number of slaves imported from Africa were sent to Brazil, totalizing roughly 3.5 million people, they lived in such miserable conditions that male African Y-DNA there is significantly rare due to the lack of resources and time involved with raising of children, so that most African descent originarily came from relations between white masters and female slaves. From the last decades of the Empire until the 1950s, the proportion of the white population increased significantly while Brazil welcomed 5.5 million immigrants between 1821 and 1932, not much behind its neighbor Argentina with 6.4 million, and it received more European immigrants in its colonial history than the United States. Between 1500 and 1760, 700.000 Europeans settled in Brazil, while 530.000 Europeans settled in the United States for the same given time. Thus, the historical construction of race in Brazilian society dealt primarily with gradations between persons of majoritarily European ancestry and little minority groups with otherwise lower quantity therefrom in recent times.
|
Between what years did Brazil welcome 5.5 million immigrants?
|
Between what years did Brazil welcome 5.5 million immigrants?
|
[
"Between what years did Brazil welcome 5.5 million immigrants?"
] |
{
"text": [
"1821 and 1932"
],
"answer_start": [
585
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112286
|
57292ae1af94a219006aa145
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
This is not surprising, though: While the greatest number of slaves imported from Africa were sent to Brazil, totalizing roughly 3.5 million people, they lived in such miserable conditions that male African Y-DNA there is significantly rare due to the lack of resources and time involved with raising of children, so that most African descent originarily came from relations between white masters and female slaves. From the last decades of the Empire until the 1950s, the proportion of the white population increased significantly while Brazil welcomed 5.5 million immigrants between 1821 and 1932, not much behind its neighbor Argentina with 6.4 million, and it received more European immigrants in its colonial history than the United States. Between 1500 and 1760, 700.000 Europeans settled in Brazil, while 530.000 Europeans settled in the United States for the same given time. Thus, the historical construction of race in Brazilian society dealt primarily with gradations between persons of majoritarily European ancestry and little minority groups with otherwise lower quantity therefrom in recent times.
|
Between 1500 and 1760, how many Europeans settled in Brazil?
|
Between 1500 and 1760, how many Europeans settled in Brazil?
|
[
"Between 1500 and 1760, how many Europeans settled in Brazil?"
] |
{
"text": [
"700.000"
],
"answer_start": [
769
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112287
|
57292b8e6aef051400154b26
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
The European Union uses the terms racial origin and ethnic origin synonymously in its documents and according to it "the use of the term 'racial origin' in this directive does not imply an acceptance of such [racial] theories".[full citation needed] Haney López warns that using "race" as a category within the law tends to legitimize its existence in the popular imagination. In the diverse geographic context of Europe, ethnicity and ethnic origin are arguably more resonant and are less encumbered by the ideological baggage associated with "race". In European context, historical resonance of "race" underscores its problematic nature. In some states, it is strongly associated with laws promulgated by the Nazi and Fascist governments in Europe during the 1930s and 1940s. Indeed, in 1996, the European Parliament adopted a resolution stating that "the term should therefore be avoided in all official texts".
|
Who uses the terms racial origin and ethnic origin interchangeably?
|
Who uses the terms racial origin and ethnic origin interchangeably?
|
[
"Who uses the terms racial origin and ethnic origin interchangeably? "
] |
{
"text": [
"The European Union"
],
"answer_start": [
0
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112288
|
57292b8e6aef051400154b27
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
The European Union uses the terms racial origin and ethnic origin synonymously in its documents and according to it "the use of the term 'racial origin' in this directive does not imply an acceptance of such [racial] theories".[full citation needed] Haney López warns that using "race" as a category within the law tends to legitimize its existence in the popular imagination. In the diverse geographic context of Europe, ethnicity and ethnic origin are arguably more resonant and are less encumbered by the ideological baggage associated with "race". In European context, historical resonance of "race" underscores its problematic nature. In some states, it is strongly associated with laws promulgated by the Nazi and Fascist governments in Europe during the 1930s and 1940s. Indeed, in 1996, the European Parliament adopted a resolution stating that "the term should therefore be avoided in all official texts".
|
What does using race as a category within the law legitimize?
|
What does using race as a category within the law legitimize?
|
[
"What does using race as a category within the law legitimize?"
] |
{
"text": [
"its existence"
],
"answer_start": [
335
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112289
|
57292b8e6aef051400154b28
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
The European Union uses the terms racial origin and ethnic origin synonymously in its documents and according to it "the use of the term 'racial origin' in this directive does not imply an acceptance of such [racial] theories".[full citation needed] Haney López warns that using "race" as a category within the law tends to legitimize its existence in the popular imagination. In the diverse geographic context of Europe, ethnicity and ethnic origin are arguably more resonant and are less encumbered by the ideological baggage associated with "race". In European context, historical resonance of "race" underscores its problematic nature. In some states, it is strongly associated with laws promulgated by the Nazi and Fascist governments in Europe during the 1930s and 1940s. Indeed, in 1996, the European Parliament adopted a resolution stating that "the term should therefore be avoided in all official texts".
|
In what context is the historical use of race underscored by its problematic nature?
|
In what context is the historical use of race underscored by its problematic nature?
|
[
"In what context is the historical use of race underscored by its problematic nature?"
] |
{
"text": [
"European"
],
"answer_start": [
555
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112290
|
57292b8e6aef051400154b29
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
The European Union uses the terms racial origin and ethnic origin synonymously in its documents and according to it "the use of the term 'racial origin' in this directive does not imply an acceptance of such [racial] theories".[full citation needed] Haney López warns that using "race" as a category within the law tends to legitimize its existence in the popular imagination. In the diverse geographic context of Europe, ethnicity and ethnic origin are arguably more resonant and are less encumbered by the ideological baggage associated with "race". In European context, historical resonance of "race" underscores its problematic nature. In some states, it is strongly associated with laws promulgated by the Nazi and Fascist governments in Europe during the 1930s and 1940s. Indeed, in 1996, the European Parliament adopted a resolution stating that "the term should therefore be avoided in all official texts".
|
Race is strongly associated with laws by what type of governments?
|
Race is strongly associated with laws by what type of governments?
|
[
"Race is strongly associated with laws by what type of governments?"
] |
{
"text": [
"Fascist"
],
"answer_start": [
720
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112291
|
57292b8e6aef051400154b2a
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
The European Union uses the terms racial origin and ethnic origin synonymously in its documents and according to it "the use of the term 'racial origin' in this directive does not imply an acceptance of such [racial] theories".[full citation needed] Haney López warns that using "race" as a category within the law tends to legitimize its existence in the popular imagination. In the diverse geographic context of Europe, ethnicity and ethnic origin are arguably more resonant and are less encumbered by the ideological baggage associated with "race". In European context, historical resonance of "race" underscores its problematic nature. In some states, it is strongly associated with laws promulgated by the Nazi and Fascist governments in Europe during the 1930s and 1940s. Indeed, in 1996, the European Parliament adopted a resolution stating that "the term should therefore be avoided in all official texts".
|
In what year did the European Parliament adopt a resolution to remove "race" from all official texts?
|
In what year did the European Parliament adopt a resolution to remove "race" from all official texts?
|
[
"In what year did the European Parliament adopt a resolution to remove \"race\" from all official texts?"
] |
{
"text": [
"1996"
],
"answer_start": [
789
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112292
|
57292cb21d04691400779115
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
The concept of racial origin relies on the notion that human beings can be separated into biologically distinct "races", an idea generally rejected by the scientific community. Since all human beings belong to the same species, the ECRI (European Commission against Racism and Intolerance) rejects theories based on the existence of different "races". However, in its Recommendation ECRI uses this term in order to ensure that those persons who are generally and erroneously perceived as belonging to "another race" are not excluded from the protection provided for by the legislation. The law claims to reject the existence of "race", yet penalize situations where someone is treated less favourably on this ground.
|
What relies on the idea humans can be divided into biologically distinct races?
|
What relies on the idea humans can be divided into biologically distinct races?
|
[
"What relies on the idea humans can be divided into biologically distinct races?"
] |
{
"text": [
"The concept of racial origin"
],
"answer_start": [
0
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112293
|
57292cb21d04691400779116
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
The concept of racial origin relies on the notion that human beings can be separated into biologically distinct "races", an idea generally rejected by the scientific community. Since all human beings belong to the same species, the ECRI (European Commission against Racism and Intolerance) rejects theories based on the existence of different "races". However, in its Recommendation ECRI uses this term in order to ensure that those persons who are generally and erroneously perceived as belonging to "another race" are not excluded from the protection provided for by the legislation. The law claims to reject the existence of "race", yet penalize situations where someone is treated less favourably on this ground.
|
What community rejects the idea there are biologically distinct races?
|
What community rejects the idea there are biologically distinct races?
|
[
"What community rejects the idea there are biologically distinct races?"
] |
{
"text": [
"scientific"
],
"answer_start": [
155
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112294
|
57292cb21d04691400779117
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
The concept of racial origin relies on the notion that human beings can be separated into biologically distinct "races", an idea generally rejected by the scientific community. Since all human beings belong to the same species, the ECRI (European Commission against Racism and Intolerance) rejects theories based on the existence of different "races". However, in its Recommendation ECRI uses this term in order to ensure that those persons who are generally and erroneously perceived as belonging to "another race" are not excluded from the protection provided for by the legislation. The law claims to reject the existence of "race", yet penalize situations where someone is treated less favourably on this ground.
|
Why does the ECRI reject theories based on the existence of different races?
|
Why does the ECRI reject theories based on the existence of different races?
|
[
"Why does the ECRI reject theories based on the existence of different races?"
] |
{
"text": [
"all human beings belong to the same species"
],
"answer_start": [
183
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112295
|
57292cb21d04691400779118
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
The concept of racial origin relies on the notion that human beings can be separated into biologically distinct "races", an idea generally rejected by the scientific community. Since all human beings belong to the same species, the ECRI (European Commission against Racism and Intolerance) rejects theories based on the existence of different "races". However, in its Recommendation ECRI uses this term in order to ensure that those persons who are generally and erroneously perceived as belonging to "another race" are not excluded from the protection provided for by the legislation. The law claims to reject the existence of "race", yet penalize situations where someone is treated less favourably on this ground.
|
What does the ECRI strive to make sure no one becomes?
|
What does the ECRI strive to make sure no one becomes?
|
[
"What does the ECRI strive to make sure no one becomes?"
] |
{
"text": [
"excluded from the protection provided for by the legislation"
],
"answer_start": [
524
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112296
|
57292cb21d04691400779119
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
The concept of racial origin relies on the notion that human beings can be separated into biologically distinct "races", an idea generally rejected by the scientific community. Since all human beings belong to the same species, the ECRI (European Commission against Racism and Intolerance) rejects theories based on the existence of different "races". However, in its Recommendation ECRI uses this term in order to ensure that those persons who are generally and erroneously perceived as belonging to "another race" are not excluded from the protection provided for by the legislation. The law claims to reject the existence of "race", yet penalize situations where someone is treated less favourably on this ground.
|
The law penalizes situations where someone is treated less favourably on the ground of what?
|
The law penalizes situations where someone is treated less favourably on the ground of what?
|
[
"The law penalizes situations where someone is treated less favourably on the ground of what?"
] |
{
"text": [
"race"
],
"answer_start": [
629
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112297
|
57292d7f1d0469140077911f
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Since the end of the Second World War, France has become an ethnically diverse country. Today, approximately five percent of the French population is non-European and non-white. This does not approach the number of non-white citizens in the United States (roughly 28–37%, depending on how Latinos are classified; see Demographics of the United States). Nevertheless, it amounts to at least three million people, and has forced the issues of ethnic diversity onto the French policy agenda. France has developed an approach to dealing with ethnic problems that stands in contrast to that of many advanced, industrialized countries. Unlike the United States, Britain, or even the Netherlands, France maintains a "color-blind" model of public policy. This means that it targets virtually no policies directly at racial or ethnic groups. Instead, it uses geographic or class criteria to address issues of social inequalities. It has, however, developed an extensive anti-racist policy repertoire since the early 1970s. Until recently, French policies focused primarily on issues of hate speech—going much further than their American counterparts—and relatively less on issues of discrimination in jobs, housing, and in provision of goods and services.
|
France has become a more ethnically diverse country since the end of which war?
|
France has become a more ethnically diverse country since the end of which war?
|
[
"France has become a more ethnically diverse country since the end of which war?"
] |
{
"text": [
"Second World War"
],
"answer_start": [
21
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112298
|
57292d7f1d04691400779120
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Since the end of the Second World War, France has become an ethnically diverse country. Today, approximately five percent of the French population is non-European and non-white. This does not approach the number of non-white citizens in the United States (roughly 28–37%, depending on how Latinos are classified; see Demographics of the United States). Nevertheless, it amounts to at least three million people, and has forced the issues of ethnic diversity onto the French policy agenda. France has developed an approach to dealing with ethnic problems that stands in contrast to that of many advanced, industrialized countries. Unlike the United States, Britain, or even the Netherlands, France maintains a "color-blind" model of public policy. This means that it targets virtually no policies directly at racial or ethnic groups. Instead, it uses geographic or class criteria to address issues of social inequalities. It has, however, developed an extensive anti-racist policy repertoire since the early 1970s. Until recently, French policies focused primarily on issues of hate speech—going much further than their American counterparts—and relatively less on issues of discrimination in jobs, housing, and in provision of goods and services.
|
What percentage of the French population today is non-European?
|
What percentage of the French population today is non-European?
|
[
"What percentage of the French population today is non-European?"
] |
{
"text": [
"approximately five percent"
],
"answer_start": [
95
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112299
|
57292d7f1d04691400779121
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Since the end of the Second World War, France has become an ethnically diverse country. Today, approximately five percent of the French population is non-European and non-white. This does not approach the number of non-white citizens in the United States (roughly 28–37%, depending on how Latinos are classified; see Demographics of the United States). Nevertheless, it amounts to at least three million people, and has forced the issues of ethnic diversity onto the French policy agenda. France has developed an approach to dealing with ethnic problems that stands in contrast to that of many advanced, industrialized countries. Unlike the United States, Britain, or even the Netherlands, France maintains a "color-blind" model of public policy. This means that it targets virtually no policies directly at racial or ethnic groups. Instead, it uses geographic or class criteria to address issues of social inequalities. It has, however, developed an extensive anti-racist policy repertoire since the early 1970s. Until recently, French policies focused primarily on issues of hate speech—going much further than their American counterparts—and relatively less on issues of discrimination in jobs, housing, and in provision of goods and services.
|
What is the number of non-white citizens in the United States?
|
What is the number of non-white citizens in the United States?
|
[
"What is the number of non-white citizens in the United States?"
] |
{
"text": [
"roughly 28–37%"
],
"answer_start": [
256
]
}
|
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