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funds research and informs the public about liver disease. A nationwide network of chapters and support groups exists to help people who have liver disease and to help their families. ALF also sponsors a national organ-donor program to increase public awareness of the continuing need for organs. You can send an email b... |
clearinghouse answers questions; develops, reviews, and sends out publications; and coordinates information resources about digestive diseases. Publications produced by the clearinghouse are reviewed carefully for scientific accuracy, content, and readability. - Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (2007). Update... |
Peoria Tribe of Indians of OklahomaThe Peoria Tribe of Indians of Oklahoma is a confederation of Kaskaskia, Peoria, Piankeshaw and Wea Indians united into a single tribe in 1854. The tribes which constitute The Confederated Peorias, as they then were called, originated in the lands bordering the Great Lakes and |
drained by the mighty Mississippi. They are Illinois or Illini Indians, descendants of those who created the great mound civilizations in the central United States two thousand to three thousand years ago. Forced from their ancestral lands in Illinois, Michigan, Ohio and Missouri, the Peorias were relocated first in Mi... |
then in Kansas and, finally, in northeastern Oklahoma. There, in Miami, Ottawa County, Oklahoma is their tribal headquarters. The Peoria Tribe of Indians of Oklahoma is a federally-recognized sovereign Indian tribe, functioning under the constitution and by-laws approved by the Secretary of the U.S. Department of the I... |
13, 1997. Under Article VIII, Section 1 of the Peoria Constitution, the Peoria Tribal Business Committee is empowered to research and pursue economic and business development opportunities for the Tribe. The increased pressure from white settlers in the 1840’s and 1850’s in Kansas brought cooperation among the Peoria, ... |
and Wea Tribes to protect these holdings. By the Treaty of May 30, 1854, 10 Stat. 1082, the United States recognized the cooperation and consented to their formal union as the Confederated Peoria. In addition to this recognition, the treaty also provided for the disposition of the lands of the |
constituent tribes set aside by the treaties of the 1830’s; ten sections were to be held in common by the new Confederation, each tribal member received an allotment of 160 acres; the remaining or “surplus” land was to be sold to settlers and the proceeds to be used by the |
tribes. The Civil War caused considerable turmoil among all the people of Kansas, especially the Indians. After the war, most members of the Confederation agreed to remove to the Indian Territory under the provisions of the so-called Omnibus Treaty of February 23, 1867, 15 Stat. 513. Some of the members |
elected at this time to remain in Kansas, separate from the Confederated Tribes, and become citizens of the United States. The lands of the Confederation members in the Indian Territory were subject to the provisions of the General Allotment Act of 1887. The allotment of all the tribal land was |
made by 1893, and by 1915, the tribe had no tribal lands or any lands in restricted status. Under the provisions of the Oklahoma Indian Welfare Act of 1936, 49 Stat. 1967, the tribes adopted a constitution and by-laws, which was ratified on October 10, 1939, and they became known |
as the Peoria Tribe of Indians of Oklahoma. As a result of the “Termination Policy” of the Federal Government in the 1950’s, the Federal Trust relationship over the affairs of the Peoria Tribe of Indians of Oklahoma and its members, except for claims then pending before the Indian Claims Commission |
and Court of claims, was ended on August 2, 1959, pursuant to the provisions of the Act of August 2, 1956, 709 Stat. 937, and Federal services were no longer provided to the individual members of the tribe. More recently, however, the Peoria Tribe of Indians of Oklahoma was reinstated |
The scabs that won’t heal: Racial injustice, stereotypes and social ills By DeShuna Spencer new america media America is in denial. Everyday millions of us of various ethnicities, religions and |
sexual orientations congregate together in our places of work, at our schools/universities and public spaces exchanging politically correct pleasantries as we interact with each other. All the while, boiling deep, |
down inside many of us lies unconscious, deep-seated stereotypes and misconceptions about the very people (co-workers, neighbors, store patrons, etc.) we come in contact with on a daily basis; and |
we've been carrying these racial wounds since childhood. Don't believe me? Two years ago, CNN conducted a study on children's attitudes on race. In one of the segments, a 5-year-old |
white girl from Georgia was asked a series of questions based on a board that had pictures of identical looking cartoon-type girls that ranged in skin color for light to |
dark. When the interviewer asked the girl who is smart, the 5-year-old pointed to the lightest child. When she was asked who was mean, she pointed to the darkest child. |
According to CNN, the 5-year-old's answers were a reflection of one of the major findings of the survey. It revealed that "white children have an overwhelming bias to whites and |
black children ALSO have a bias toward whites, but not nearly as the bias shown by white children." In a world where whites feel as if they have to walk |
on egg shells when discussing race for fear of being classified as a narrow-minded racist and where blacks are afraid to report or verbally express when they have experienced a |
form of prejudice for fear of "pulling out the race-card," people have decided to remain silent on the subject. It is not until a tragedy—like the Trayvon Martin case—happens that |
causes people to come out of the shadows. This case has forced many Americans to face its painful, dysfunctional relationship with race and prejudice, a subject that is rarely discussed |
in some households. In 2007, the Journal of Marriage and Family found that 75 percent of white families with kindergartners never, or almost never, talk about race. While the stats |
were reserved for black parents. Seventy-five percent of them discuss race with their children. Just when we think the racial scabs of this country are finally healing, something happens that |
reopens an already slow-healing wound, causing further pain. Not since the arrest of Dr. Henry Louis Gates that resulted in the "beer summit" has the issue of race polarized the |
American public. The Trayvon Martin murder has sparked an outrage from people of all races questioning how could someone who killed an unarmed young man still walk around freely, it |
has allowed people to look at themselves in the mirror and question how they stereotype others; and has unfortunately turned into a political circus from players on both sides of |
the isle using his death as a way to take on other issues. Through all of this, Trayvon's family is seeking just one thing: justice. While many see this as |
a great opportunity for a great debate, I'm sure if Trayvon's parents had their ultimate wish—instead of the TV specials, editorials (like this one) and radio commentary on this issue—their |
son would be alive and they would be helping him sort through college acceptance letters instead of sorting through dozens of media appearance requests from every Tom, Dick and Harry |
news outlet looking to get a piece of this story. But unfortunately this is a cruel world and unfair things happen to innocent people. So here we are in a |
supposedly post-racial America debating a decades old issue: racial profiling. How we address this tragedy can either help America turn over a new leaf or it could drive us further |
apart as a nation. Mirror Mirror On The Wall Who's The Prejudiced of Them All If there were a national poll of every American of all ethnic backgrounds that asked |
if they were racist it would be safe to say that most people would say that they are in fact not prejudiced. But is that reality? While people are attacking |
George Zimmerman on how his preconceived notions on black males caused someone's death, many of us are blind to our own prejudices. Don't we all harbor some form of prejudice |
(great or small)? I was having this conversation with a group of friends one weekday evening over dinner. A black male admitted that he felt uncomfortable getting on a plane |
with someone who looked Middle Eastern. I proposed a question: What if a white person did not want to ride in your carpool for fear of getting robbed? "Well that's |
racist?" he said. And your thoughts aren't? In a way it's silly if you think about it. No one in their right mind would assume a well-dressed African American male |
who pulls up to a DC Metro (subway) station at 7 am to drive people to the District would attack or rob them. But many people look at the thousands |
of people from Middle Eastern countries that way everyday on airplanes, even as they travel with their small children and elderly parents. They are law-abiding citizens who want to safely |
land in their destination just as much as you do. Just because there are extremists in the Muslim community who want to harm others exists, we can't assume every person |
who has olive skin or wears certain religious attire are out to take down the plane. I'm sure George Zimmerman never considered himself to be a racist just as my |
friend doesn't. I don't know Zimmerman personally so I can't possibly know what he harbors in his heart, but the reality is that we let images we see in the |
media dictate how we view others. You see faces of black males' mug shots on the nightly news, so when one walks toward you on the street you clutch your |
purse a little tighter just in case he tries to snatch it. You see images of Latino men standing in front of Home Depots looking for work or read stories |
about them getting pulled over without a license, so you assume that all Hispanics are illegal, day laborers. You hear about another terrorist threat from a Muslim extremist group, so |
when a Middle Eastern man sits next to you on the plane, for a split second you wonder if he's wearing a bomb. You see images of black teens participating |
in flash mobs, so you follow a group of black females who walk in your store just in case someone slips an item in their bag. Zimmerman took one look |
at Trayvon and assumed the worst about him: he was on drugs and up to no good (recorded on the 911 tape). His paranoia came after a string of burglaries—in |
a span of 15 months—that were committed all by young black males, according to his neighbor and supporter Frank Taafee. All along, Zimmerman's friends and family have contended that this |
shooting was not about race but self-defense. But listening to Taafee discuss the case in an interview with Soledad O'Brien, it looks like Zimmerman judged Trayvon based on previous incidents |
in the gated community. When O'Brien pressed him on how the prior incidents related to Trayvon's death, Taafee responded with, "There's an old saying if you plant corn, you get |
Don't know if you knew this but there are other places that have sweet onions too that are indigenous to their area.Texas has their 1015 Super Sweet(planted on Oct.15) and Washington has what's called Walla Walla's. I think Hawaii has a particular sweet onion too. That's not a post Iíd expect from someone who likes to ... |
Expanding on what I wrote two posts before yours (where I commented on both 1015ís and Maui onions), none of the sweet onions we have in the US today are indigenous. It all started in 1898 when Bermuda onions were first planted in Texas. Ironically, the seeds were from the Canary Islands not Bermuda. By the 1920's they... |
Texas, the demand for seed brought in new, inexperienced seed growers who drove the Canary Island seed quality down. Per-acre yields in Texas became so low that growers began looking at other varieties Ė the most important of which was the Grano from Spain. Because of low yields, there have been few, if any, Bermuda on... |
1940's despite what you might see advertised at your grocery store. One of the most important super sweet onions is the Granex, an F1 hybrid that was developed in Texas from the Excel Yellow Bermuda and the Texas Early Grano 951. This onion has a host of names including Vidalia, Maui, Noonday, etc. The Grano 1015Y (a.k... |
rather an improved Grano 951 that was developed for resistance to pink root Ė not sweetness per se Ė while maintaining early maturity. Attempts to further improve the 1015Y have resulted in later maturity which is highly undesirable from a commercial growing perspective. The Walla Walla onion, on the other hand was dev... |
In any large city just a handful of bars give the police far more trouble than all the rest put together. The same is true of many other types of establishments, such as schools, convenience stores, and parking lots. In each case, just a few produce far more crime, disorder, |
and calls for police assistance than the rest of the group combined. This phenomenon—called “risky facilities”—has important implications for many problem-oriented policing projects. In particular, it can help police focus their energies where they are needed most and can help in selecting appropriate preventive measur... |
introduction to risky facilities and shows how the concept can aid problem-oriented policing efforts by providing answers to the following key questions. We open with a definition of facilities and provide some examples. We then discuss risky facilities and explain how this concept is related to other crime concentrati... |
Facilities are places with specific public or private functions, such as stores, bars, restaurants, mobile home parks, bus stops, apartment buildings, public swimming pools, ATM locations, libraries, hospitals, schools, parking lots, railway stations, marinas, and shopping malls. Facilities vary greatly in the crimes t... |
likely to have different types and levels of crime than do police booking facilities. In addition, there is likely to be a great variation within any broad category of facility. For example, although both are medical facilities, dental offices are likely to have different levels and types of crime than |
are emergency rooms. Because such distinctions are critical to the success of risky facility analyses, it is important to begin by carefully defining the type of facility that is to be examined; only then proceed to an examination of the type and frequency of crime that the particular type of |
facility experiences. One important principle of crime prevention holds that crime is highly concentrated among particular people, places, and things; as this principle suggests, focusing resources on these concentrations is likely to yield the greatest preventive benefits. This principle has spawned a number of relate... |
by police in problem-solving projects, including: Risky facilities is another recently described theory of crime concentration that holds great promise for problem-oriented policing.1 The theory postulates that only a small proportion of any specific type of facility will account for the majority of crime and disorder ... |
by the group of facilities as a whole. As a rule of thumb, about 20 percent of the total group will account for 80 percent of the problems. This is known as the 80/20 rule: in theory, 20 percent of any particular group of things is responsible for 80 percent |
of outcomes involving those things.2 The 80/20 rule is not peculiar to crime and disorder; rather, it is almost a universal law. For example, a small portion of the earth’s surface holds the majority of life on the planet; a small proportion of earthquakes cause most earthquake damage; a small |
number of people hold most of the earth’s wealth; a small proportion of police officers produce the most arrests; and so forth. In practice, of course, the proportion is seldom exactly 80/20; however, it is always true that some small percentage of a group produces a large percentage of any |
particular result involving that group. Later in the guide we will show you how to determine whether the 80/20 rule holds true for any particular group of facilities. The 80/20 rule can be a useful initial assumption: when confronting a problem, start by assuming that most of the problem is |
created by a few individuals, places, or events. Although this first approximation is not always correct, it is probably correct more often than assuming that the problem is spread evenly across individuals, places, or events. Careful analysis can then test whether this starting assumption is correct. The first paper t... |
discuss the concept of risky facilities identified nearly 40 studies of specific types of facilities that included data about variations in the risks of crime, disorder, or misconduct.3 These studies covered a wide range of facilities and many different types of crime and deviance, including robbery, theft, assault, an... |
disorder. All the studies showed wide variations in risk in the facilities studied and in many there was clear evidence of high concentrations of risk consistent with the definition of risky facilities.† There follow a few examples. † Not every study provided clear evidence that a small proportion of the |
facilities accounted for a large proportion of the crime, disorder, or misconduct. Rather, some reported differences between facilities in crime numbers or rates; for example, Matthews, Pease & Pease (2001) [PDF] reported that “4 percent of banks had robbery rates four to six times that of other banks.” Although consis... |
with the concept of risky facilities, these figures do not satisfy a key component of the definition: they do not demonstrate that a small number of high-risk banks accounted for a large part of the robbery problem. However, this does not mean that risks for the facilities studied were not |
highly skewed. Rather, it only means that the data did not allow the distribution of risk to be examined. Although the studies in this list are just a few of those that have produced evidence of risky facilities, such results make it clear that this form of crime concentration is |
quite widespread. Low Cost Motel: The risk of crime varies a great deal among facilities of the same type. Photo Credit: John Eck When analysts plot the number of crimes at each facility under investigation, they almost always create a graph with a reclining-J shape. This can be seen in |
the example in Figure 1, based on the work of crime analysts in Chula Vista, California. In that study, all parks over two acres in Chula Vista were ranked from the most crime (on left) to the least. The heights of the bars show the number of crimes in each |
park. As can be seen, three parks had far more crime than any of the rest and most parks had very little crime. Risky facilities can show up as hot spots on a city’s crime map. Indeed, specific hospitals, schools, and train stations are often well-known examples. But simply treating |
these facilities as hot spots misses an important analytical opportunity: comparing the risky facilities with other like facilities. Such a comparison can reveal important differences between facilities that can account for the differences in risk, thereby providing important pointers to preventive action. In addition,... |
examples of repeat victimization. However, this can create confusion when it is not the facilities that are being victimized, but rather the people who are using them. Thus, a tavern that repeatedly requests police assistance in dealing with fights is not itself being repeatedly victimized, unless it routinely suffers ... |
in the course of these fights or if members of staff are regularly assaulted. Even those participating in the fights may not be repeat victims, as different patrons might be involved each time. Indeed, no one need be victimized at all, as would be the case if the calls were |
about drugs, prostitution, or stolen property sales. Calling the tavern a repeat victim can be more than just confusing, however, because it might also divert attention from the role mismanagement or poor design plays in causing the fights. By keeping the concepts of repeat victimization and risky facilities separate, ... |
may be possible to determine whether or not repeat victimization is the cause of a risky facility and thereby to design responses accordingly. The concept of risky facilities can be helpful in two types of policing projects. First, the concept can be useful in crime prevention projects that focus on |
a particular class of facilities, such as low rent apartment complexes or downtown parking lots. In the scanning stage, the objective is to list the facilities involved along with the corresponding number of problem incidents in order to see which facilities experience the most and which the fewest problems. This |
might immediately suggest some contributing factors. For example, a study of car break-ins and thefts in downtown parking facilities in Charlotte, North Carolina revealed that the number of offenses in each parking lot was not merely a function of size.14 Rather, it was discovered that some smaller facilities experienc... |
large numbers of thefts because of some fairly obvious security deficiencies. This finding was explored in more depth in the analysis stage by computing theft rates for each facility based on its number of parking spaces. The analysis found that the risk of theft was far greater in surface lots |
than in parking garages, a fact that had not been known previously. Subsequent analysis compared security features between the multilevel and surface lots and then within the members of each category in an effort to determine which aspects of security (e.g., attendants, lighting, security guards) explained the variatio... |
guided the selection of measures that were to have been introduced at the response stage; and had these been implemented as planned (which was not the case), the assessment stage would have examined, not merely whether theft rates declined overall, but whether those at the previously riskiest facilities had declined |
most. Obviously, this type of analysis can be conducted within any group of facilities. Second, risky facilities analysis can be helpful to crime prevention efforts that focus on a particular troublesome facility. In this sort of analysis, the scanning stage consists of comparing the problems at a particular facility w... |
those at similar nearby facilities. For example, in a project that won the Herman Goldstein Award for Excellence in Problem-oriented Policing in 2003, 15 police in Oakland, California discovered that a particular motel experienced nearly 10 times as many criminal incidents as did any other comparable motel in the area. |
Although in this case the analysis convinced Oakland police to address the problems at the motel in question, in other cases analysis might reveal that some other facilities have far greater problems than the one which was the initial focus of the project. Comparing the facility being addressed in the |
project with other group members can also be useful in the analysis, response, and assessment stages described above. Police reports and calls for service data are the most common sources of information about crime and disorder events. However, using these data can lead to errors if care is not taken |
to check for some of the following potential problems.† † Many of these data problems are also encountered when studying hot spots and repeat victimization. For further information see Deborah Weisel (2005), Analyzing Repeat Victimization, Problem Solving Tools Series No. 4. Incident reporting forms and police records ... |
to improve geographical information gathering; moreover, the increased use of geocoding for crime reports will gradually help resolve some of these difficulties. A study in England in 1964 found that absconding rates for residents in 17 training schools for delinquent boys ranged from 10 percent to 75 percent. To deter... |
whether this variation was random, researchers reexamined the absconding rates two years later (1966) to see if the variation was much the same. They found that by and large the variation was consistent between the two years. For example, School 1 had the lowest absconding rate and School 17 the |
highest rate in both years (see the table below). In fact, the correlation was 0.65 between the two years.† Because the variation was relatively stable and because very few boys would have been residents in both years, researchers determined that the variation was probably due to differences in management practices |
rather than to differences in the student populations. † Correlation coefficients can be calculated quite simply from an Excel spreadsheet. |Training School||Absconding Rate| Adapted from: Clarke and Martin (1975). Once a satisfactory measure of the problematic events for a defined group of facilities has been obtained... |
can be used to determine whether the 80/20 rule applies. † Reproduced with permission from Clarke and Eck (2003) In order to analyze crime concentrations, it is first necessary to define the type of facility to be examined; only then is it possible to create a list of facilities that |
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