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it. Risk aggregation theory would suggest that if risk factors are present at the individual, familial, and neighborhood levels, they can accumulate to produce a risk level that moves the |
child toward behavioral problems including alcohol involvement. As the child grows older, the risk structure often includes peer networks that are high in aggression, negative mood, and substance use. As |
a result of this aggregation of risks the child is likely to develop the following: Positive expectancies about the use and abuse of alcohol and other drugs; Very early onset |
of alcohol use; and A stable repertoire of behaviors that is prototypical for the eventual emergence of abuse/dependence. Resilience and Risk: Key Developmental Pathways and Their Relevance to Underage Drinking |
Two major risk pathways for underage drinking are the externalizing pathway (which is characterized by antisocial behavior resulting from inadequate emotional and behavioral self-control) and the internalizing pathway (which is |
characterized by emotional distress from anxiety, depression, and a shy/inhibited personality). These pathways were discussed in detail in the section on the emergence of behavioral and emotional dysregulation. In contrast, |
the pathways of resilience, which result in positive outcomes despite adversity and reduce the risk of underage drinking, have been less well-defined. Children on a low-risk pathway with regard to |
early alcohol use have been characterized as successful in age-related developmental tasks throughout childhood. They also are more likely to have effective parents, good self-regulation skills, sound stress management, success |
and engagement at school, and they are more likely to associate with prosocial peers who engage in little risky or antisocial behavior. This low-risk pathway was documented in a community |
study of high-risk children (Zucker et al. 2003). The group termed “nonchallenged” initially had low levels of externalizing and internalizing traits and came from families characterized by lower genetic risk |
load and lower social adversity (i.e., less fighting, less parent divorce, and lower parental psychiatric difficulty). The pattern of adaptation for these nonchallenged children remains better than that of the |
other children from age 3 all the way to the early teens. Another group of children also began with low levels of externalizing and internalizing traits, but they experienced higher |
adversity, alcoholic, and sometimes antisocial alcoholic home environments. These children were termed “resilient” (Zucker et al. 2003) because they showed a similar pattern of relative stability, with lower levels of |
impulsivity and aggressiveness from early childhood through early adolescence, even though they were being reared in high-adversity family environments. However, these children also showed some evidence of “weathering” with regard |
to internalizing traits. Anxiety, sadness, and depression were low during the preschool and early school years but rose to approach the levels of more vulnerable children by early adolescence. The |
authors suggest that long-term exposure to very high family adversity eventually eroded the positive outlook these children had when they were younger. At the same time, not all resilient children |
“weather out” of their initially positive adaptation. Under conditions where the initial adversity has been countered by positive social experience (e.g., the affection and nurturance of one parent despite the |
alcoholism of the other) individuals continue to show positive adaptation in early adulthood (Werner 1986). Two types of positive factors have been identified in the literature on risk, competence, and |
resilience. Promotive factors are factors that generally are associated with better outcomes at various levels of risk or adversity across contexts. In statistical terms, they are main effects. Protective factors |
are those that are associated with better outcomes in the context of higher risk or adversity. In statistical terms, they are moderator effects (Sameroff 2000). Some factors, such as parenting, |
can be both promotive and protective. Substantial research documents that good-quality parenting acts as a promotive factor with regard to many positive developmental outcomes. By the same token, good-quality parenting |
also appears to play a special protective role in very risky or hazardous situations. Parenting, as with many of the most widely studied promotive and protective factors in human development, |
has various dimensions across a range from desirable to undesirable. Whereas good parenting can be a promotive and a protective factor, bad parenting can be a risk or vulnerability factor |
for underage drinking and many other problematic outcomes among children. Promotive factors in the case of underage alcohol use are those that predict fewer problems. Protective factors, on the other |
hand, moderate the effects of risk or adversity. In the latter case, for example, a protective factor can result in lower-than-expected alcohol-related outcomes given the general level of risk for |
alcohol use or alcohol use disorders. For children living in poverty in bad neighborhoods, surrounded by deviant peers who encourage underage drinking, effective parenting may have protective effects beyond the |
generally positive effects of good parenting on child outcomes. Relatively few studies in the alcohol literature have focused on establishing moderators of risk, particularly in longitudinal analyses for children under |
the age of 10. This article has reviewed some of the major developmental processes and mechanisms operating in the 0–10 age-group as they relate to alcohol use and early problem |
use. Although most children under the age of 10 do not drink, they nonetheless are affected by a variety of forces that already are shaping their overall development and their |
future behavior with regard to alcohol use. Numerous risk, vulnerability, and protective processes already are at work. Some of these factors are not specific to alcohol use, whereas others are. |
The fascinating interplay of biological, psychological, and social processes that shape risk, as well as normal development, begins well before preadolescence, but becomes more obvious as puberty begins. The following |
article by Windle and colleagues examines the 10–15 age-group, when certain developmental processes become even more evident and alcohol use most often begins. The authors declare that they have no |
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