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the fact that Africa now imports huge amounts of cereals, the majority of African farmers (many of them women) who are smallholders with farms below 2 hectares, produce a significant amount of basic food crops with virtually no or little use of fertilizers and improved seed. In Asia, the majority
of more than 200 million rice farmers, few farm more than 2 hectares of rice make up the bulk of the rice produced by Asian small farmers. Small increases in yields on these small farms that produce most of the world´s staple crops will have far more impact on food
availability at the local and regional levels, than the doubtful increases predicted for distant and corporate-controlled large monocultures managed with such high tech solutions as genetically modified seeds. 2.Small farms are more productive and resource conserving than large-scale monocultures Although the conventional wisdom is that small family farms are backward
and unproductive, research shows that small farms are much more productive than large farms if total output is considered rather than yield from a single crop. Integrated farming systems in which the small-scale farmer produces grains, fruits, vegetables, fodder, and animal products out-produce yield per unit of single crops such
as corn (monocultures) on large-scale farms. A large farm may produce more corn per hectare than a small farm in which the corn is grown as part of a polyculture that also includes beans, squash, potato, and fodder. In polycultures developed by smallholders, productivity, in terms of harvestable products, per
unit area is higher than under sole cropping with the same level of management. Yield advantages range from 20 percent to 60 percent, because polycultures reduce losses due to weeds, insects and diseases, and make more efficient use of the available resources of water, light and nutrients. In overall output,
the diversified farm produces much more food, even if measured in dollars. In the USA, data shows that the smallest two hectare farms produced $15,104 per hectare and netted about $2,902 per acre. The largest farms, averaging 15,581 hectares, yielded $249 per hectare and netted about $52 per hectare. Not
only do small to medium sized farms exhibit higher yields than conventional farms, but do so with much lower negative impact on the environment. Small farms are ‘multi-functional’– more productive, more efficient, and contribute more to economic development than do large farms. Communities surrounded by many small farms have healthier
economies than do communities surrounded by depopulated, large mechanized farms. Small farmers also take better care of natural resources, including reducing soil erosion and conserving biodiversity. The inverse relationship between farm size and output can be attributed to the more efficient use of land, water, biodiversity and other agricultural resources
by small farmers. So in terms of converting inputs into outputs, society would be better off with small-scale farmers. Building strong rural economies in the Global South based on productive small-scale farming will allow the people of the South to remain with their families and will help to stem the
tide of migration. And as population continues to grow and the amount of farmland and water available to each person continues to shrink, a small farm structure may become central to feeding the planet, especially when large- scale agriculture devotes itself to feeding car tanks. 3. Small traditional and biodiverse
farms are models of sustainability Despite the onslaught of industrial farming, the persistence of thousands of hectares under traditional agricultural management documents a successful indigenous agricultural strategy of adaptability and resiliency. These microcosms of traditional agriculture that have stood the test of time, and that can still be found almost
untouched since 4 thousand years in the Andes, MesoAmerica, Southeast Asia and parts of Africa, offer promising models of sustainability as they promote biodiversity, thrive without agrochemicals, and sustain year-round yields even under marginal environmental conditions. The local knowledge accumulated during millennia and the forms of agriculture and agrobiodiversity that
this wisdom has nurtured, comprise a Neolithic legacy embedded with ecological and cultural resources of fundamental value for the future of humankind. Recent research suggests that many small farmers cope and even prepare for climate change, minimizing crop failure through increased use of drought tolerant local varieties, water harvesting, mixed
cropping, opportunistic weeding, agroforestry and a series of other traditional techniques. Surveys conducted in hillsides after Hurricane Mitch in Central America showed that farmers using sustainable practices such as “mucuna” cover crops, intercropping, and agroforestry suffered less “damage” than their conventional neighbors. The study spanning 360 communities and 24 departments
in Nicaragua, Honduras and Guatemala showed that diversified plots had 20% to 40% more topsoil, greater soil moisture, less erosion, and experienced lower economic losses than their conventional neighbors. This demonstrates that a re-evaluation of indigenous technology can serve as a key source of information on adaptive capacity and resilient
capabilities exhibited by small farms—features of strategic importance for world farmers to cope with climatic change. In addition, indigenous technologies often reflect a worldview and an understanding of our relationship to the natural world that is more realistic and more sustainable that those of our Western European heritage. 4. Small
farms represent a sanctuary of GMO-free agrobiodiversity In general, traditional small scale farmers grow a wide variety of cultivars . Many of these plants are landraces grown from seed passed down from generation to generation, more genetically heterogeneous than modern cultivars, and thus offering greater defenses against vulnerability and enhancing
harvest security in the midst of diseases, pests, droughts and other stresses. In a worldwide survey of crop varietal diversity on farms involving 27 crops, scientists found that considerable crop genetic diversity continues to be maintained on farms in the form of traditional crop varieties, especially of major staple crops.
In most cases, farmers maintain diversity as an insurance to meet future environmental change or social and economic needs. Many researchers have concluded that this varietal richness enhances productivity and reduces yield variability. For example, studies by plant pathologists provide evidence that mixing of crop species and or varieties can
delay the onset of diseases by reducing the spread of disease carrying spores, and by modifying environmental conditions so that they are less favorable to the spread of certain pathogens. Recent research in China, where four different mixtures of rice varieties grown by farmers from fifteen different townships over 3000
hectares, suffered 44% less blast incidence and exhibited 89% greater yield than homogeneous fields without the need to use chemicals. It is possible that traits important to indigenous farmers (resistance to drought, competitive ability, performance on intercrops, storage quality, etc) could be traded for transgenic qualities which may not be
important to farmers (Jordan, 2001). Under this scenario, risk could increase and farmers would lose their ability to adapt to changing biophysical environments and increase their success with relatively stable yields with a minimum of external inputs while supporting their communities’ food security. Although there is a high probability that
the introduction of transgenic crops will enter centers of genetic diversity, it is crucial to protect areas of peasant agriculture free of contamination from GMO crops, as traits important to indigenous farmers (resistance to drought, food or fodder quality, maturity, competitive ability, performance on intercrops, storage quality, taste or cooking
properties, compatibility with household labor conditions, etc) could be traded for transgenic qualities (i.e. herbicide resistance) which are of no importance to farmers who don’t use agrochemicals . Under this scenario risk will increase and farmers will lose their ability to produce relatively stable yields with a minimum of external
inputs under changing biophysical environments. The social impacts of local crop shortfalls, resulting from changes in the genetic integrity of local varieties due to genetic pollution, can be considerable in the margins of the Global South. Maintaining pools of genetic diversity, geographically isolated from any possibility of cross fertilization or
genetic pollution from uniform transgenic crops will create “islands” of intact germplasm which will act as extant safeguards against potential ecological failure derived from the second green revolution increasingly being imposed with programs such as the Gates-Rockefeller AGRA in Africa. These genetic sanctuary islands will serve as the only source
of GMO-free seeds that will be needed to repopulate the organic farms in the North inevitably contaminated by the advance of transgenic agriculture. The small farmers and indigenous communities of the Global South, with the help of scientists and NGOs, can continue to create and guard biological and genetic diversity
that has enriched the food culture of the whole planet. 5. Small farms cool the climate While industrial agriculture contributes directly to climate change through no less than one third of total emissions of the major greenhouse gases — Carbon dioxide (CO2), methane (CH4), and nitrous oxide (N2O), small, biodiverse
organic farms have the opposite effect by sequestering more carbon in soils. Small farmers usually treat their soils with organic compost materials that absorb and sequester carbon better than soils that are farmed with conventional fertilizers. Researchers have suggested that the conversion of 10,000 small- to medium-sized farms to organic
production would store carbon in the soil equivalent to taking 1,174,400 cars off the road. Further climate amelioration contributions by small farms accrue from the fact that most use significantly less fossil fuel in comparison to conventional agriculture mainly due to a reduction of chemical fertilizer and pesticide use, relying
instead on organic manures, legume-based rotations, and diversity schemes to enhance beneficial insects. Farmers who live in rural communities near cities and towns and are linked to local markets, avoid the energy wasted and the gas emissions associated with transporting food hundreds and even thousands of miles. The great advantage
of small farming systems is their high levels of agrobidoversity arranged in the form of variety mixtures, polycultures, crop-livestock combinations and/or agroforestry patterns. Modeling new agroecosystems using such diversified designs are extremely valuable to farmers whose systems are collapsing due to debt, pesticide use, transgenic treadmills, or climate change. Such
diverse systems buffer against natural or human-induced variations in production conditions. There is much to learn from indigenous modes of production, as these systems have a strong ecological basis, maintain valuable genetic diversity, and lead to regeneration and preservation of biodiversity and natural resources. Traditional methods are particularly instructive because
they provide a long-term perspective on successful agricultural management under conditions of climatic variability. Organized social rural movements in the Global South oppose industrial agriculture in all its manifestations, and increasingly their territories constitute isolated areas rich in unique agrobiodiversity, including genetically diverse material, therefore acting as extant safeguards against
the potential ecological failure derived from inappropriate agricultural modernization schemes. It is precisely the ability to generate and maintain diverse crop genetic resources that offer “unique” niche possibilities to small farmers that cannot be replicated by farmers in the North who are condemned to uniform cultivars and to co-exist with
GMOs. The “ cibo pulito, justo e buono” that Slow Food promotes, the Fair Trade coffee, bananas, and the organic products so much in demand by northern consumers can only be produced in the agroecological islands of the South. This “difference” inherent to traditional systems, can be strategically utilized to
revitalize small farming communities by exploiting opportunities that exist for linking traditional agrobiodiversity with local/national/international markets, as long as these activities are justly compensated by the North and all the segments of the market remain under grassroots control. Consumers of the North can play a major role by supporting these
more equitable markets which do not perpetuate the colonial model of “agriculture of the poor for the rich,” but rather a model that promotes small biodiverse farms as the basis for strong rural economies in the Global South. Such economies will not only provide sustainable production of healthy, agroecologically-produced, accessible
food for all, but will allow indigenous peoples and small farmers to continue their millennial work of building and conserving the agricultural and natural biodiversity on which we all depend now and even more so in the future. Thanks to Peter Rosset, Researcher at the Center for the Study of
Rural Change in Mexico (CECCAM) and Phil Dahl-Bredine,Maryknoll- CEDICAM, Oaxaca, Mexico for helpful comments on this manuscript. Miguel Altieri is Professor of agroecology at the University of California, Berkeley. He is the author of Agroecology: The Science Of Sustainable Agriculture (Westview Press, 1995) and Biodiversity, Pest Management in Agroecoystems (Haworth
ICE CREAM MAKER An ice cream maker or ice cream freezer consists basically of a and with a vertical paddle, which sits inside an outer container containing the freezing agent (ice & salt) or an electric refrigeration unit. The paddle stirs and aerates the mixture to keep it smooth and prevent ice crystals from forming as the mixture freezes. Ice floats because it is
a latice of tetrahedrally bonded molecules that contain a lot of empty space In 1846, Nancy Johnson invented the hand-cranked ice cream freezer. Nothing more is known about her. Her design was patented in 1848 by William G. Young.
So now you know all the elements for calculating film thicknesses: factor 1604, coverage rate in sq. ft./gal., wet film thickness, and solids by volume of the sealer mix. So the question that should pop into your mind is, how
do you calculate that percentage of solids (by volume)? That brings us to the sealer composition. You will note later that it is crucial to know whether the recommended coverage rate is based on the concentrated sealer (before water and
aggregate are added), or the final sealer mix (which includes the water and aggregate). Huge and costly errors have been made by contractors not knowing these coverage rate details. So please read the job specifications very carefully and your supplier
will be delighted to assist you, if you have questions. Sealers are stable dispersions of refined coal tar or asphalt in water, with clay or other fillers, and additives, such as emulsifiers and specialty chemicals. Chart 1 shows the typical
composition of a contractor-grade sealer (ASTM 5727-00, what in the past had been a P355e type sealer), given both by weight and by volume. It is important to note that the concentrated sealer contains about 60% water by volume and
50% by weight. After application, the sealer dries and cures releasing the water (and other volatiles). What is left behind as the film is the solids portion (coal tar or asphalt, clay/fillers, and additives), after the sealer is fully cured.
It is the percentage of solids by volume that determines the film thickness, not the solids by weight. So from this point on the article will deal only with volume – not the weight – of the sealer and its
components. Material requirements and mix design Concentrated sealer is seldom applied as such on the pavement. Virtually all applications require the contractor to mix the concentrate with a specified amount of water, often aggregate (silica sand or boiler slag for
coal tar sealers) and sometimes additives. Sealer manufacturers or government agencies also often specify the number of coats and the coverage rate for each coat. Most of time the manufacturers specify coverage rate in terms of the concentrated sealer and
that is strictly to calculate the quantity of the sealer needed for a job. Some governmental specifications (such as the Federal Aviation Administration) denote the coverage rate in terms of the final mixture. So it is imperative that the contractor
make sure he is mixing the components in the proper amounts according to the manufacturer's recommended proportions and that he applies the sealer to abide by the coverage rate requirements. Now let us look at some examples: JOB A. This
is a 10,000-sq. ft. parking lot. The recommended coverage rate is based on the concentrated sealer. The final mixture is applied at the mixture coverage rate, so the cured sealer film will be according to the specification, resulting in optimum
performance of the sealer. JOB B. This is also a 10,000 sq.-ft. parking lot, but the contractor misreads the specification and instead of applying sealer at a coverage rate based on the mixture, he applies the final mixture at the
rate of the concentrated sealer. The result is the cured sealer film will be much thinner than intended and might result in a job that wears poorly or looks bad. See Chart 2 for mix components. For both examples we
will use a general recommendation of: - Water for dilution – 30% by volume of the concentrated sealer. - Aggregate loading – 4 lb./gal. based on the concentrated sealer. The percentage of sealer in Chart 2 composition is 67.3% (100
39.4 % of its wet film thickness. For both Job A and Job B the specified coverage rate is based on concentrated sealer – without water, additives, or aggregate added. Specified material coverage rates, in a two-coat application, are: -
Abandoning counterinsurgency doctrine after Afghanistan would doom the U.S. military to irrelevance and impotence, write Christopher Sims and Fernando Luján. Not so, says Bing West; like it or not, the United States will be much less ambitious in future wars. In the decade after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor in 1941, U.S. movie studios released more than 200 war
movies. During World War II, 65 percent of Americans saw at least one movie a week. Theaters showed newsreels with patriotic music prior to the feature film, delivering both information and entertainment to the American public to boost the collective commitment to winning the war. In the 1960s, weekly movie attendance fell to less than ten percent of the population;
television became Americans' principal entertainment medium, as well as their window onto the war in Vietnam. And as the war escalated, so did the negative tone of the nightly broadcasts: this was the era of network television news that stressed, "If it bleeds, it leads," an attitude that, in contrast to the movies of the 1940s, helped erode public morale.
After the Vietnam War, the Pentagon concluded that it was self-defeating to let cameramen ride military helicopters so that they could capture 30 seconds of gory footage and then broadcast it without context. Thus, beginning with the invasion of Afghanistan after 9/11 and then continuing in the war in Iraq, the U.S. military allowed correspondents onto the battlefields only if
they embedded with military units. This practice created bonds between correspondents and soldiers that mitigated the journalists' impulse to focus on covering the violence and carnage alone. Embedding also helped limit regular nightly news broadcasts about the wars. Considering the large overall number of units deployed in Afghanistan and Iraq, firefights were relatively rare; in fact, most U.S. units experienced
long periods of boredom. And for many networks in a television news industry already battered by financial losses, the cost of embedding camera crews in remote locations where nothing visually memorable happened for months at a time proved too expensive and unsustainable... This is a premium article SubscribeSubscribe and get premium access to ForeignAffairs.com.
First he found the Titanic -- will he find the only ship more famous? Robert Ballard, the underwater archaeologist famed for discovering the wreck of the Titanic in 1985, claims to have found evidence of the biblical flood that Noah fled, surfing the waters for 40 days and 40 nights, according to Genesis. He says the Black Sea was once
merely a freshwater lake -- until an enormous wall of water from the Mediterranean 200 times more powerful than Niagara Falls swept it and everything else away. Including Noah and his ark. "We went in there to look for the flood," Ballard told ABC News. "Not just a slow moving, advancing rise of sea level, but a really big flood
that then stayed ... the land that went under stayed under." 'The questions is, was there a mother of all floods?' - Archaeologist Robert Ballard The archaeologist’s team is studying the Black Sea off the coast of Turkey in search of a civilization lost since biblical times, ABC reported, following up on a controversial theory from two Columbia University scientists.
They connect the end of an Ice Age, when frozen sheets covered North America and stretched to the North Pole. When they melted, yielding the more familiar Earth’s surface of today, what happened to the water? "The questions is, was there a mother of all floods," Ballard asked. Through carbon dating of shells found on an ancient shoreline 400 feet
beneath the surface of the Black Sea, they have established a timeline for that catastrophic event that happened around 5,000 B.C., he estimated. Some experts believe this was around the time when Noah's flood could have occurred, ABC said. Some archaeologists have supported the story of Noah, citing similar details passed along in narratives from Mesopotamian times, notably “the Epic
of Gilgamesh.” "The earlier Mesopotamian stories are very similar where the gods are sending a flood to wipe out humans," said biblical archaeologist Eric Cline. "There's one man they choose to survive. He builds a boat and brings on animals and lands on a mountain and lives happily ever after? I would argue that it's the same story." Ballard says
his team has found not just the shore and the shells, but pottery and even shipwrecks, evidence, he says, that the theory is correct. Nevertheless, the archaeologist doubts that Noah’s Ark itself will ever turn up. "It's foolish to think you will ever find a ship," Ballard told ABC News, referring to the Ark. "But can you find people who
Our biologists have been busy banding birds! Over 600 fledgling brown pelicans are now sporting bands after volunteers and scientists from our Chesapeake Bay Field Office and the Maryland Department of Natural Resources began the project on July 9. A
lot of help came from students in the Coastal Bays Stewards program and Boy Scouts Venturing Crew 202. Banding is important because it helps us document and monitor the pelican population up and down the Atlantic coast. Also,in order to
conserve and protect brown pelicans, we need to know where the pelicans are breeding in the Chesapeake Bay and how successful these breeding efforts are each year. To learn more about this and other great work, check out Field Notes!
The next painting I was introduced to was Jennie Augusta Brownscombe's oil painting, "The First Thanksgiving." This portrays a small group of people of various ages seated or standing by an outside table, about to eat, but first praying. Another clear message ... the Pilgrims came here because of their religious beliefs. Our Thanksgiving celebration has changed dramatically through the centuries. Today is is
more symbolic of over-stuffing on turkey and watching football on TV. It signals in another holiday ... Christmas. What we don't realize is that we wouldn't be here today without our early ancestors, whether they were Pilgrims or immigrants coming here in the 20th century. Like many other immigrants who came to these shores, the Pilgrims were fleeing religious persecution. They had left England
to obtain religious freedom in Holland in 1609, only to eventually discover that their children were assimilating into the Dutch culture and speaking the Dutch language. When the Mayflower set sail on 6 September 1640 with 44 Pilgrims and 66 "Strangers" on board, there had to be apprehension as to where they were going to settle, perhaps fears of surviving the voyage, and yet
their faith sustained them. The result of their famous voyage was that while many died the first winter on the shores of the New World, there were those who remained, married, had children and grandchildren, eventually increasing the population of America with people who would claim ancestry to the Pilgrims. John Howland who came on the Mayflower as an unmarried man, is noted as
falling overboard in the Atlantic, but rescued. He married three years later and together with wife, Elizabeth Tilley, had ten children. Many of those had large families and thus there are descendants today who claim Howland ancestry. This first settlement led to other sailings, some bringing family members or new comers to what would be called Massachusetts Bay Colony. The Wintrhop fleet in 1630
to see if you have any family names! If you suspect that you may have Mayflower ancestry, be sure to look at The Mayflower Society: General Society of Mayflower Descendants at The General Society of Mayflower Descendants. Many libraries have collections of their publications, including "The Mayflower Descendant." The leading facility to do New England research is the New England Historic Genealogical Society in
Boston, Massachusetts. Their extensive library and events provide great assistance to genealogists. Check out their excellent web page at New England Historic Genealogical Society (NEHGS). Source Information: Tracing Lines, New Providence, NJ, USA: Genealogy Today LLC, 2009. The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of Genealogy Today LLC. Would you like
to browse through our collection of GenWeekly articles written exclusively for Genealogy Today? Yes, take me there Would you like to keep up-to-date with the latest releases from Genealogy Today, along with news from a variety of other sources by receiving The Genealogy News (a FREE service) by email? Yes, sign me up Would you like to become a Genealogy Today member and be
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to live out the principles of pacifism, simplicity, and racial integration, a pair of white Baptist ministers and their wives, Mabel and Martin England and Florence and Clarence Jordan, established Koinonia Farm on 400 acres in rural Sumter County in 1942. The ministers also hoped to teach improved farm practices.
Named after the Greek word for fellowship and based on the early Christian church, Koinonia was to be a Christian community in which members pooled their resources into a common treasury and treated all persons as equals, regardless of race or class. In Koinonia's first year, curious neighbors visited England
and Jordan to warn them that they were violating local customs by eating meals with their black day laborers. Other Sumter County residents criticized Koinonia for welcoming conscientious objectors during World War II (1941-45). In 1950 the Rehobeth Baptist Church, just a few miles north of Koinonia, voted to remove
the names of six Koinonians from its membership roll because church members perceived that the Koinonians were trying to integrate the church. In 1956 Jordan's unsuccessful endorsement of the applications of two African Americans to the state university system's Georgia State College of Business Administration (later Georgia State University) in
Atlanta precipitated two years of vandalism, legal investigations, and violence, as well as a decade of economic boycott against Koinonia Farm. The successful farming enterprise halted. Koinonians developed a mail-order pecan business, which depended on purchases from people across the United States who had learned of Koinonia's plight from the
national news media. By 1956 Koinonia's population had grown from the original England and Jordan families to include approximately sixty people, many were not full members. Most Koinonians were white Southern Baptists from areas of the South outside of Georgia, but about one-fourth were black people who were primarily local.
The decade of boycott and violence, inflicted by the Ku Klux Klan and others, dismantled the community until only two families, including the Jordans, remained. At the height of the civil rights movement, Koinonia Farm was essentially dormant. Koinonia Farm was about to close when new leadership and new ideas
revived it. In 1969 Jordan and Millard Fuller, a businessman, reincorporated Koinonia Farm into Koinonia Partners. They instituted a low-cost, interest-free building program that eventually constructed 200 houses in Sumter County. Over the years Koinonia's landholding had expanded to include more than 1,400 acres, and part of the land adjacent
to the center of Koinonia was divided into two neighborhoods that included many of these new houses. During the 1970s the number of Koinonia's full members peaked at thirty-six, plus children and volunteers. Dozens of other people, however, bought the low-cost houses in Koinonia's housing villages and became a part
of its extended community. In 1976 Millard Fuller and his wife, Linda, left Koinonia to establish Habitat for Humanity International in nearby Americus. This organization implemented worldwide the house-building program pioneered at Koinonia. In 1979 Koinonia commissioned three families to establish a new intentional Christian community near Comer, in Madison
County. This community, known as Jubilee Partners, primarily works with refugees from all over the world. celebrated its fiftieth anniversary in 1992 with a reunion that drew nearly 400 people. The community's population had begun to decline in the 1980s, however, and by 1992 was at its lowest point in
two decades. Soon after the anniversary, Koinonia disbanded as a community and sold several hundred acres of land to pay off debts. People interested in working for racial reconciliation continue to live there, but they must now earn their own incomes and pay their own expenses. Koinonia continues to operate
the mail-order business and the farming enterprise, which it revived after the boycott lifted in the late 1960s. Koinonians have begun working on prison and death penalty reform as well. Koinonia lasted as an intentional community for more than fifty years, a long tenure compared with other communal endeavors in
this country. Koinonians demonstrated a high level of flexibility both in the ways they worked for racial reconciliation and in the ways they restructured the community as circumstances changed. In the end, however, the community suffered from too few members and too much debt to remain viable. Koinonia still operates
as a nonprofit organization, and its legacies of Habitat for Humanity and Jubilee Partners continue to address issues of human suffering around the world. Andrew S. Chancey, "'A Demonstration Plot for the Kingdom of God': The Establishment and Early Years of Koinonia Farm," Georgia Historical Quarterly 75 (summer 1991): 321-53.
Andrew S. Chancey, "Race, Religion, and Agricultural Reform: The Communal Vision of Koinonia Farm," in Georgia in Black and White: Explorations in the Race Relations of a Southern State, 1865-1950, ed. John C. Inscoe (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1994). Tracy E. K'Meyer, Interracialism and Christian Community in the Postwar