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An international research team led by the Universitat Jaume I (UJI) has shown that the cerebellum, contrary to what was thought, fulfils functions that go beyond the motor sphere and can be co-responsible for the brain alterations associated with addictive consumption of drugs. The findings, which are shown in two recent reviews published in Neuroscience & Biobehavioral Reviews and Journal of Neuroscience — with an image taken at the UJI laboratories — , would represent a step forward towards the design of new therapies for the future.
These studies are based on a series of works published over the last two years by the research group Addiction and Neuroplasticity at the Universitat Jaume I, directed by the lecturer of the Area of Psychobiology at the UJI, which has had the collaboration of researchers from European, Mexican and North American universities. The most relevant, according to Miquel, is that the studies show that changes in the cerebellum “only occur in those subjects who appear to be especially vulnerable to the effect of drugs.” For a long time, “we have verified that the cerebellum responds in a very potent way to the effect of cocaine, to the point of changing the mechanisms of plasticity,” states Miquel, who is also coordinator of the master’s degree in Research in Brain and Behaviour.
Consequently, the cerebellum is a region of the brain relevant to understanding and designing future treatments for drug addiction. “There is progress in describing the neuronal circuits affected by drug addiction, a chronic brain disorder that is difficult to treat because it affects the basic processes of acquiring and storing the information whose description is still incomplete,” explains the teacher, who acknowledges that, in this way, “the path to new therapies will be accelerated.”
Addiction involves alterations in the neuronal mechanisms of plasticity that allow the brain to store information, regenerate itself and recover from possible disorders or injuries. In an addicted person, the brain’s mechanisms of learning and memory that allow you to make decisions and carry out acts of will are sick. Addictive drugs force the brain to store harmful data about where, when and how to consume the substance. In fact, the drug is the predominant information in the brains of people affected by addiction.
The Effects of Cocaine
On this occasion, the reviewed investigations address the function of the cerebellum in these storage processes involved in the addictive disorder. Specifically, “experimental work shows that these effects of cocaine on cerebellar function only occur in those individuals dominated by stimuli that predict drug availability and suggest that the cerebellum may be crucial to understanding mechanisms of vulnerability to addiction,” explains Marta Miquel.
Science has corroborated that certain regions of the brain, such as the prefrontal cortex, amygdala, hippocampus, and basal ganglia, may be relevant for addiction. However, the cerebellum had traditionally been excluded from this circuit because it was considered a structure exclusively dedicated to motor control, especially motor coordination. “Today we know that this is a very partial view on the complexity of the cerebellum, and a growing volume of data suggests its involvement in many of the brain functions affected in addicted subjects,” refers Marta Miquel. “The cerebellum comprises 80% of all neurons in the brain; it contains 60 billion neurons packaged in only 10% of the brain mass and is a fundamental structure in the consolidation and automation of learned behavioural repertoires,” concludes the lecturer.
In addition to the UJI team, scientists from the University of Kentucky (USA), University of Turin (Italy), Universidad Veracruzana (Mexico), Washington State University (USA), University of Cambridge, University of Leeds (United Kingdom), McLean Hospital Translational Neuroscience Laboratory and Mailman Research Center (USA) also participate in the research works. After presenting the papers at the last congress of the International Society for Neuroscience (San Diego, USA), the work will be discussed soon at the Albert Einstein Institute in New York.
The priority line of the research group Addiction and Neuroplasticity from the Universitat Jaume I, directed by the lecturer Marta Miquel, is the brain’s function in drug addiction. | <urn:uuid:97b0f5e9-7091-4ae8-b3ae-f393a2f2db4e> | CC-MAIN-2018-17 | http://quenchthethirst.org/studies-show-that-the-cerebellum-is-crucial-to-understanding-vulnerability-to-drug-addiction/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2018-17/segments/1524125944682.35/warc/CC-MAIN-20180420194306-20180420214306-00454.warc.gz | en | 0.92897 | 887 | 3.09375 | 3 |
international system of units
Decimal system established by the 11th General Conference on Weights and Measures (GCWM) in 1960 and used by many countries.
Difference in potential between two points of a conductor carrying a constant current of 1 ampere when the power between these points is 1 watt.
Electrical resistance between two points of a conductor carrying a current of 1 ampere when the difference in potential between them is 1 volt.
Unit of light intensity equivalent to a radiant intensity of 1/683 watts per steradian (solid angle).
Amount of electricity carried in 1 second by a current of 1 ampere.
Amount of energy released by the force of 1 newton acting through a distance of 1 meter.
Energy transfer of 1 joule during 1 second.
Frequency of a periodic phenomenon whose period is 1 second.
Constant current of 1 joule per second in a conductor. | <urn:uuid:7d32f8d9-5a84-4485-a89b-04553a0716da> | CC-MAIN-2016-40 | http://visual.merriam-webster.com/science/scientific-symbols/international-system-units_1.php | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2016-40/segments/1474738660706.30/warc/CC-MAIN-20160924173740-00285-ip-10-143-35-109.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.914248 | 191 | 3.671875 | 4 |
Narrative of James Williams, an American Slave
Publication Year: 2013
The American Anti-Slavery Society originally published Narrative of James Williams, an American Slave in 1838 to much fanfare, describing it as a rare slave autobiography. Soon thereafter, however, southerners challenged the authenticity of the work and the society retracted it. Abolitionists at the time were unable to defend the book; and, until now, historians could not verify Williams's identity or find the Alabama slave owners he named in the book. As a result, most scholars characterized the author as a fraud, perhaps never even a slave, or at least not under the circumstances described in the book.
In this annotated edition of Narrative of James Williams, an American Slave, Hank Trent provides newly discovered biographical information about the true author of the book -- an African American man enslaved in Alabama and Virginia. Trent identifies Williams's owners in those states as well as in Maryland and Louisiana. He explains how Williams escaped from slavery and then altered his life story to throw investigators off his track. Through meticulous and extensive research, Trent also reveals unknown details of James Williams's real life, drawing upon runaway ads, court cases, census records, and estate inventories never before linked to him or to the narrative. In the end, Trent proves that the author of the book was truly an enslaved man, albeit one who wrote a romanticized, fictionalized story based on his real life, which proved even more complex and remarkable than the story he told.
Published by: Louisiana State University Press
The fugitive who arrived at Emmor Kimber’s home on Christmas Day 1837 seemed different from the numerous enslaved people the wealthy old Quaker had helped along the Underground Railroad over the years. Like many, James Williams arrived alone, tired, poorly clothed, and afraid of capture. But as he rested and talked about his years in slavery, he impressed Kimber not only ...
NARRATIVE OF JAMES WILLIAMS
“American slavery,” said the celebrated John Wesley, “is the vilest beneath the sun!”2 Of the truth of this emphatic remark no other proof is required than an examination of the statute books of the American slave states. Tested by its own laws, in all that facilitates and protects the hateful process of converting a man into a “chattel personal”;3 in all that stamps the law-maker and ...
I was born in Powhatan County, Virginia,1 on the plantation of George Larrimore, sen.,2 at a place called Mount Pleasant,3 on the 16th of May, 1805.4 My father was the slave of an orphan family whose name I have forgotten, and was under the care of a Mr. Brooks, guardian of the family.5 He was a native of Africa, and was brought over when a mere child, with his mother. My mother ...
Note by the Editor
APPENDIXES TO THE ANNOTATED EDITION
A. George Larimer’s Letter
B. Poisoning Trial Transcript
C. Runaway Ads
D. Recapture in Baltimore
E. Slatter v. Holton
Page Count: 272
Illustrations: 1 halftone
Publication Year: 2013
OCLC Number: 860711623
MUSE Marc Record: Download for Narrative of James Williams, an American Slave | <urn:uuid:a40ddc8c-fac2-4ce0-a76e-1608288f9579> | CC-MAIN-2016-40 | http://muse.jhu.edu/book/27044 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2016-40/segments/1474738661775.4/warc/CC-MAIN-20160924173741-00284-ip-10-143-35-109.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.920961 | 699 | 3.09375 | 3 |
As urbanization rapidly increases, city life is becoming a reality for an ever-growing share of the global population. While cities can create opportunities for health, urban living can also adversely impact the health and wellness of communities.
Urban areas provide the opportunity to understand how places affect health and to also apply what we learn to promote action and protect the health of more people living in urban communities. Drexel's Urban Health Collaborative (UHC) aims to understand and improve urban health, beginning with engagement, both locally and globally. To achieve this goal, the UHC works to:
- research the causes of urban health problems
- evaluate policies and innovative solutions to urban challenges
- invest in training urban health leaders
- share what we learn
- build partnerships between cities and with our local communities
What is an Urban Area?
Defining Urban to Bring Focus to Our Work
We define ‘urban’ as the geographies where people’s homes, workplaces and gathering spaces are concentrated. While cities are prominent in discussions of urban health, the definition of urban areas is often inclusive of areas surrounding cities as contexts for the diverse sectors of daily life.
Why Focus on
Health in Cities?
Health issues faced by city residents have grown beyond traditional urban health concerns to include:
Infectious and chronic diseases
Toxic environmental exposures
Physical and mental health
Understanding the causes or determinants of these health challenges means drawing data and expertise from a variety of areas, including:
... to name a few.
Cities present opportunities for health improvement
- Design of cities and urban planning
- Location of food stores and parks
- Transportation and energy use
- Economic and social policies
Health Disparities Warrant Special Attention
In urban areas, there are often dramatic health differences from one neighborhood to the next. These inequities result from residential segregation and are reinforced by differences across neighborhoods in physical and social environments, many of which can be affected by policy.
In the U.S., urban residents are diverse in socioeconomic, racial and ethnic backgrounds, which often make cities a place where health disparities across social groups and neighborhoods are most striking. Globally, urban populations include those in tenuous and temporary living conditions, those subject to violence and persecution and systemic disadvantage. A focus on health inequities and vulnerable populations is key to achieving population health improvements. | <urn:uuid:5ef8fdf8-98e2-407d-9db5-ffc38c0084c4> | CC-MAIN-2023-23 | https://drexel.edu/uhc/about/what-is-urban-health/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-23/segments/1685224649986.95/warc/CC-MAIN-20230604125132-20230604155132-00014.warc.gz | en | 0.942635 | 509 | 3.390625 | 3 |
Properties of Gas
In our surrounding, there are lots of things like furniture, ceiling fan, tube light, refrigerator, TV, mobile, water, oil, juice etc. We can touch, feel and see these substances. But we can neither see nor touch Air without which the life is meaningless. Have you ever thought about Air? Why can not touch it? Why we can not see? How the Air is formed?
Air is a mixture of gasses. It contains oxygen gas, carbon dioxide gas, water vapour, nitrogen gas, nitrogen dioxide gas, other different gasses, dust particle and microbes etc. Still, we can not touch the air. Due to this unique behaviour of gas, many scientists researched and gave a conclusion. Some of that has been proved and some are valid only for the ideal case. Let us discuss the nature and properties of the gas.
Properties of Gas :
1 ) Shape and volume: The distance between the molecules of a gas is much much larger than that of liquid and solid. The intermolecular force of interaction between the molecules is negligible. For this reason, the gas has neither shape nor specific volume. It has volume as same as the volume of the container. Its volume is variable that means it can change with respect to some other factors like pressure, temperature and available space.
2 ) Motion of the gas molecules and gas pressure: The gas molecules always move randomly in all possible direction. During the motion, these molecules collide each other, as well as they, collide with the wall of the container. During this collision, it exerts pressure on the wall of the container. This pressure is called as Gas pressure.
3 ) Expansibility and compressibility: Gas has two unique and very important properties expansibility and compressibility. If the external pressure is increased on the surface of the gas then the molecules will tend to close to each other. Due to this, the volume will decrease and this property is termed as the compressibility. If we decrease the pressure on the surface of the gas, there is more space than the previous, the molecules tend to occupy this space and they move far to each other. In this way, the volume of the gas increases. This property is termed as the expansibility. But there are some common factors which should be kept constant throughout the experiment and these factors are temperature, mass ( number of molecules ) and nature of the gas. These two properties have been explained through Boye’s law.
4 ) Diffusibilty: The different gasses can be diffused to each other. There are two different gasses in two different containers. These gasses are mixed in a new container. Then the molecules of the gasses are diffused.
A very good example of the diffusibility of the gasses is the atmosphere. In the atmosphere, there are different gasses and their molecules are mixed but they can not affect the nature of each other.
5 ) Temperature and volume : If we increase the temperature of the gas, then the kinetic energy of the molecules is also increased. The rate of the motion of the molecules also increases and the molecules tend to occupy more space. Due to this, the volume of the gas increase. But the pressure, mass ( number of the molecules ) and nature of the gas should be kept constant. This is explained through Charl’s law.
Kinetic theory of the Gas :
1 ) The gas molecule is of spherical shape and has negligible mass and volume with respect to the mass and volume of the container.
2 ) Gas molecules are always in random motion ( Brownian Motion ) in all possible direction.
3 ) Molecular interaction is negligible.
4 ) The gas consists of a large number of molecules.
5 ) The gas molecules of the gas collide with each other as well as with the wall of the container during the rapid, constant and random motion. This collision has elastic in nature.
This theory is applicable only for the ideal case. In non-ideal case,
1 ) The mass of the molecule of the gas and its volume can not be neglected. It has an effective mass and volume. Even a single molecule contributes volume in calculating the volume of the gas kept in a container.
2 ) The intermolecular force of interaction can not be neglected. In calculating the pressure of the gas, it contributes an effective value. | <urn:uuid:2c18116e-ba6c-4097-8e8e-c1801debd513> | CC-MAIN-2021-17 | https://www.mindshut.com/properties-of-gas-class-10-chemistry/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2021-17/segments/1618039603582.93/warc/CC-MAIN-20210422100106-20210422130106-00613.warc.gz | en | 0.937104 | 897 | 3.921875 | 4 |
All Four Forces Act on an Airplane
When an airplane is flying straight and level at a constant speed, the lift it produces balances its weight, and the thrust it produces balances its drag. However, this balance of forces changes as the airplane rises and descends, as it speeds up and slows down, and as it turns.
Only Two Forces Affect a Spacecraft in Space
A spacecraft has weight, even in orbit, and uses thrust to reach space and to maneuver. But lift and drag—both created by movement through air—are absent in the near vacuum of space. | <urn:uuid:ef9f1b23-e47a-4be6-a068-5cea408a080e> | CC-MAIN-2015-22 | http://howthingsfly.si.edu/forces-flight/four-forces | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2015-22/segments/1432207929978.35/warc/CC-MAIN-20150521113209-00156-ip-10-180-206-219.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.967946 | 118 | 3.78125 | 4 |
Articles and Research about Science Education
The articles below are just some of the resources collected by the teacher cohort over the last few years. The articles come from all over, but most are peer reviewed and from trusted science education publications and websites. All are freely usable for educational purposes. Please obtain permission from the original source before using for any other purposes.
This list of science related story books is a great way to introduce scientific ideas and personalities to elementary students. The stories are not only scientifically acurate, but engaging and fun to read! | <urn:uuid:730a9f22-8a12-4226-a6cb-cdf36547db4f> | CC-MAIN-2019-18 | https://www.mriteacherresources.org/research-and-articles.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2019-18/segments/1555578613603.65/warc/CC-MAIN-20190423194825-20190423220825-00109.warc.gz | en | 0.926155 | 109 | 2.84375 | 3 |
NHANES Analysis Web Tutorials
Data from the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (NHANES) have provided unique opportunities to study major nutrition, infection, environmental, and chronic health conditions in the US. The National Center for Health Statistics (NCHS) makes NHANES datasets publicly available on its Web site. However, all NHANES users face similar challenges because of the complexity of NHANES' survey design and vast amount of information available in NHANES data.
NCI has partnered with NCHS to develop Web-based tutorials to promote broader and more proficient use of NHANES data. The tutorials are composed of numerous modules that provide background information to help users understand key concepts, and that take users step-by-step through typical analytic procedures. Relevant NHANES data information, explanations for SAS or SUDAAN programs, and downloadable sample program code are provided to facilitate the learning process.
The tutorials are designed for a wide range of NHANES users, including public health and other government staff, research and education community analysts, public health and medical professionals, and other groups interested in NHANES.
There are currently six tutorials:
- Continuous NHANES Web Tutorial
- NHANES I Web Tutorial
- NHANES II Web Tutorial
- NHANES III Web Tutorial
- NHANES Dietary Web Tutorial
- NHANES Physical Activity and Cardiovascular Fitness Data Tutorial
NCI led the development of the dietary tutorial and the physical activity and cardiovascular fitness tutorial.
Last Modified: 11 Apr 2014 | <urn:uuid:f10a5dd3-6362-4c67-a9df-ffbe46fead90> | CC-MAIN-2015-35 | http://appliedresearch.cancer.gov/tools/nhanes_tutorial.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2015-35/segments/1440644064420.15/warc/CC-MAIN-20150827025424-00153-ip-10-171-96-226.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.857866 | 319 | 2.796875 | 3 |
Nutrition for Athletes - What not to Eat
Nutrition for athletes is about knowing what not to eat. Photo Source: jmperformance.co.uk
As an athlete you know that your body is a machine that allows you to compete and enjoy your sport. You also know that nutrition for athletes is as much about what you don’t eat as what you do eat. Your body will only perform at optimal levels when fueled with nutritional organic foods. It's not hard to find nutrition advice out there and often it is contradictory. Many diets are so restricted they're nearly impossible to keep day in and day out. A good place to start is avoiding these common nutritional mistakes so you can experience better workouts and faster recover.
1. Vitamin Water and Sports Drinks
Here is a clue, if what you are drinking has a color to it, you probably don’t want it. Sports drinks and vitamin water are filled with sugar or artificial sweeteners and coloring. Some sports drinks have as much as 30 grams of sugar per bottle. Drinks high in sugar can cause rebound hypoglycemia, otherwise known as a sugar crash, and won’t supply the right kind of calories for sustained exercise and recovery. And artificial sweeteners and coloring…well, might give you cancer or have other long term effects. High-fructose corn syrup, real sugar, or artificial sweeteners can also promote dangerous fat buildup around your organs. It is wise to stick to water and if you need vitamins or electrolytes take supplements or whole foods that contain what you need.
Sports drinks and vitamin water can contain high levels of sugar and artificial coloring that can reduce performance and hinder recovery. Photo Source: trainingdayfitnessinc.com
2. Fruit Juice
I know what you are thinking, if not a sports drink, how about a big glass of OJ? Unless you squeeze your own, most fruit drinks have been so processed that all the good stuff is gone and nothing but sugar and artificial coloring remains. Nutritionists suggest whole fruits instead of the processed juice. The whole fruit will contain beneficial fiber and minerals that are normally removed in processing and can help you manage portion control. One piece of fruit will have 60-100 good-for-you calories, while that carton of fruit juice you are swigging by the refrigerator can easily give you 300 calories.
3. Protein Supplements
Nutritionists agree that post-workout the body needs a balanced mix of carbs and protein. The operative word here is “balanced.” Many popular protein powders contain too much protein forcing your body to convert the excess into carbs. In addition, a recent Consumer Reports study found high concentrations of heavy-metal and arsenic in many protein powders including Muscle Milk and EAS Myoplex. Another problem is that many powders contain whey protein and other animal-based protein that may actually increase inflammation and decrease performance. Generally if you are eating a balanced diet you will have the protein and carbs necessary for training. This balanced diet can be augmented by whole foods and high quality bars to supplement post-workout nutrition for athletes.
The refining process of grain removes most of its vitamins and fiber, what’s leftover is refined carbohydrates. White rice, many pastas, and white bread are considered refined carb. Photo Source: fitday.com
4. Processed Complex Carbs
Processed complex carbohydrates like those found in white bread and many types of pasta can cause inflammation and reduce performance. These foods have a low pH that can contribute to the formation of acid and increased inflammation. Generally the less processed your food, the better. There is evidence that carbs from raw fruit, quinoa, wild rice and other whole grains and seeds can help reduce inflammation and improve endurance, a quicker recovery, and joint mobility.
5. Energy Drinks
When thinking about nutrition for athletes this should be a no-brainer, but energy drink makers sponsor so many athletic events that it is probably good to mention this terrible idea. These drinks contain mostly sugar and caffeine, some three-times the amount of caffeine found in a cup of coffee. When used properly caffeine is a valuable resource during training and racing, however these drinks also include other supplements and stimulants that have led to overdose and hospital visits. This is especially true if you are under-trained for the endeavor or have an underlying medical condition. As an athlete, if you are relying on these types of product for energy, you probably need to overhaul your entire training and nutrition plan. | <urn:uuid:d72562c9-ff98-4d8d-ba56-78acfe1f7879> | CC-MAIN-2022-21 | https://electro-bites.com/blogs/news/90147457-nutrition-for-athletes-what-not-to-eat | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-21/segments/1652662534693.28/warc/CC-MAIN-20220520223029-20220521013029-00177.warc.gz | en | 0.949686 | 923 | 2.625 | 3 |
Avocado trees can produce as many as 100 to 200 avocados during the growing season, but this number may be affected if the fruit and/or tree is at risk. Even with careful maintenance, such as watering and fertilizing, threats like bad weather and pests can hinder the growth of your tree. Fortunately, by taking preventative measures, you can protect your avocados and avocado trees to ensure that you enjoy them for years to come.
Protect the Fruit
Wrap the base of your avocado tree with a tree trunk wrap made out of tin or copper. This material prevents animals, such as squirrels or rats, from climbing up the tree and gnawing and/or stealing your avocados.
Remove any fruit before the first frost. Avocados are generally available for picking during the cold season and any leftover fruit may be damaged from the drop in temperature.
Add a barrier of fencing around your trees to keep animals, such as deer and rabbits, from getting to your avocados.
Protect the Trees
Remove any grass or weeds that surround an avocado tree that is 2 years old or younger. These other plants steal nutrients that the tree needs.
Add mulch, such as dried leaves, to the base of the tree trunk to create a barrier that stops weeds and other plants from growing near your tree.
Wrap the tree trunk in sponge foam to protect against frost. Further, place a plastic covering over the tree to shelter it from the cold.
Place additional soil around the base of a tree if severe frost is expected. Water the mound completely for two to three days before the cold comes.
Things You Will Need
- Tree trunk wrap (tin or copper)
- Sponge foam
- Plastic covering
- Take Care of Banana Trees in the Winter
- Fertilize a Guava Tree
- Care for an Avocado Tree
- Use Tree Wrap
- Care for a Bacon Avocado Tree
- Protect Trees in Winter
- Care for a Tangerine Tree
- Paint Fruit Tree Trunks
- Care for an Ayers Pear Tree
- Care for Lemonade Lemon Citrus Trees
- Protect Orange Trees From Frost
- Support a Pomegranate Tree | <urn:uuid:e4f0d367-37f4-4117-8414-dec80acc3bce> | CC-MAIN-2019-47 | https://www.gardenguides.com/101249-protect-avocados-avocado-trees.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2019-47/segments/1573496668896.47/warc/CC-MAIN-20191117064703-20191117092703-00414.warc.gz | en | 0.921486 | 455 | 3.1875 | 3 |
Now pay attention, this is a theory class, but not too long and boring I promise!
How is it I’m able to play four Minor Pentatonics over a backing track in the key of A Major (an A dominant seventh chord backing to be precise AKA A7), and yet it still sounds great?! Here’s why it works: Minor Pentatonics can be found starting on the second, third, and sixth degrees of the major scale and the dominant chord is always found on the fifth degree of the major scale. So if we work this out from a A7 perspective, A is the fifth note of the D major scale:
Here, the Minor Pentatonics can be found starting on the E, F#, and the B. So you can play E Minor, F# Minor, or B Minor Pentatonic over an A7 chord. An essential ingredient of the blues is the minor third played over a major or dominant chord (a major or dominant chord has a major third). This conflict produces a sound which typifies the blues. Therefore, not only can you play E, F#, and B Minor Pentatonic, but you can also play A Minor Pentatonic, so you actually have a choice of four Minor Pentatonic shapes over one chord!
Those of you who are more advanced may wonder why bother playing four distinct Minor Pentatonics when you could just play the A Mixolydian Mode instead (it contains the same notes, except the A Minor Pentatonic). Well, the Pentatonics are a way of bringing out certain groups of sounds against the chord that you might not necessarily think of if you just used the Mixolydian Mode.
As always, below the YouTube video you’ll find the backing track to play along with, and below that, the tablature. Aren’t I nice?!
Feel free to ask questions or just share your thoughts in the comments! | <urn:uuid:0ae7e792-2772-476a-9db2-0b94ed86ccd5> | CC-MAIN-2022-05 | https://geekyguitarist.com/rock-solo-using-4-pentatonics-in-1-key/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-05/segments/1642320303864.86/warc/CC-MAIN-20220122134127-20220122164127-00186.warc.gz | en | 0.902602 | 440 | 2.734375 | 3 |
Disunion follows the Civil War as it unfolded.
Texas officially joined the Confederacy on March 1, 1861, and within days it was organizing representatives, resources and troops for the new Southern nation. So far out west, Texas would never be a central theater of the Civil War. Yet from the very beginning it played an unusually outsized role in the conflict.
The state raised vast numbers of fighting men in a motley mix of uniforms, cowboy hats and Mexican sombreros. Cowboys drove thousands of Spanish longhorns east to feed a swelling southern army. Texan generals and fighting units would play both heroic and tragic roles in the deadly combat that would unfold, fighting and dying in the war’s key battles. Texas would be the object of repeated Union invasion attempts by sea, all of which ultimately failed. Privation would set in at home. And like many heady love affairs, this one with the Confederacy would soon enough grow complicated, even bitter. That March, though, Texans were ready to give their all to the Confederacy.
Indeed, the Unionists’ situation in Texas was disastrous. Not only had Texas joined the Confederacy formally, but 3,000 troops had surrendered every federal post in Texas in an ignominious withdrawal, after which they had to be evacuated to Union territory. For that their commander, Gen. David Twiggs, was summarily dismissed from the federal Army.
A Georgia native who had logged 48 years in Union blues, Twiggs had been in poor health and had so hoped to avoid participating in the looming civil war that he even put off returning to his post at the San Antonio arsenal the previous year. Once there, he became the constant target of secessionists who wanted to seize the arsenal; they feared that if the Union army escaped to New Mexico, Twiggs could open a western front against Texas.
To root him out, the secessionists dispatched American Indian fighter Ben McCulloch. Throughout mid-February, inside the arsenal, Twiggs vacillated: he insisted he “would not be the first to shed blood,” yet he ordered his troops to pack light baggage and to open fire if the secessionists tried to take their weapons. Meanwhile, McCulloch’s force swelled to 700 armed, mounted men. He called for Twiggs’ surrender on Feb. 16, 1861 and entered San Antonio two days later.
Eventually the Unionists caved. In exchange for safe conduct to the coast, Twiggs surrendered the arsenal, all except personal arms and every federal post in the state, and he ordered all 3,000 troops to evacuate to the coast. The scene on Feb. 18, 1861 was captured in a rare photograph, known as an ambrotype. In it, riflemen prowl the rooftops. McCulloch’s horsemen line the street. Under their gaze, the humiliated Union troops file out.
Things were going poorly for Unionists on the political front as well. Texas’s secession ordinance went into effect the day after Lincoln’s inauguration, March 5; all government officials were required to swear an oath of allegiance to the Confederacy. In Austin Gov. Sam Houston, a staunch Unionist who had fought secession throughout the crisis, told his wife, Margaret: “I will never do it.” Ten days later, Houston received a final offer to take the oath. He declined. Fed up, the legislature unceremoniously fired him, appointing Lt. Gov. Edward Clark to take his place.
Secession fever set in quickly. Militia companies were raised across the state. Wealthy men funded them and experienced soldiers and American Indian fighters led them. An assortment of units in colorful uniforms drilled in town squares: part of the First Texas Infantry in red stripes, some Fourth Texas Infantry troops in gray and trimmed in blue. One cavalry commander even sported jaguar skins. There was no shortage, however, of bravado. Pvt. Ralph J. Smith, in Company K of the Second Texas Infantry, put it simply: “We knew no such words as fail.”
Infantry and cavalry alike assembled in westerners’ wide-brimmed hats; the volunteers from South Texas were partial to Mexican sombreros. They packed a frontiersman’s arsenal: shotguns, swords, knives, spears, carbines as well as Mississippi and Sharps rifles. Texans favored cavalry duty over infantry: 25,000 Texans volunteered in 1861; two-thirds formed into cavalry units.
Most men were in their 20s, a mix of migrants from the Upper and Deep South. But sprinkled throughout were Europeans, Mexicans, American Indians and even Unionists: James W. Throckmorton, the most outspoken Unionist at the Secession Convention, donned a Confederate uniform, eventually rising to general officer. In the brigade led by John Bell Hood alone was a mix of English, Welsh, Scottish, Germans, Irish, French, Jews, Dutch, at least 2,500 Mexicans — and even an American Indian.
Texans readied the beef, too, that the Confederacy needed to feed its new army. The short-legged English cattle from north Texas quickly proved ill-equipped for the long drive east. The tough, nearly drought-proof Spanish longhorn, however, was up to the task. Cowboys herded thousands of them in south and southeast Texas for the drive across Louisiana and the Mississippi River.
Within the year, Texas forces struck out both east and west, with Terry’s Texas Rangers headed to Kentucky and an invasion force headed for New Mexico, with disastrous consequences. The Texans who fought would prove indispensable in the most vicious fighting of the war; Robert E. Lee would come to refer to Hood’s brigade as “my Texans.”
Interestingly, both men who faced off in San Antonio would go on to become Confederate generals and, in a foreshadowing of the war ahead, each would meet a quick demise. Stripped of his Union blues, Twiggs became a Confederate general but died early in the war. And the man who saw him out of Texas, McCulloch, quickly became a decorated general but died at the Battle of Pea Ridge the next year.
Sources: Ralph A. Wooster, “Lone Star Blue and Gray: Essays on Texas in the Civil War”; Randolph B. Campbell, “An Empire for Slavery”; Guy Carleton Lee, “The History of North America: The Civil War from a Southern Standpoint”; Texas State Library and Archives Commission, “Under the Rebel Flag”; Kenneth Howell, “The Seventh Star of the Confederacy: Texas During the Civil War”; University of Virginia, 1860 Census; Sam Houston, “Address on Secession,” Sept. 22, 1860; Walter L. Buenger, “Secession”; Ralph A. Wooster, “Notes on Texas Largest Slaveholders, 1860,” Southwestern Historical Quarterly, Vol. 65; J.L. Smith, “Bynum Plantation”; Map of Bar X Ranch; The Avalon Project, Yale Law School, “A Declaration of Causes Which Impel Texas to Secede from the Federal Union”; Agnes Paschal McNeir, “Notes and Fragments,” The Quarterly of the Texas State Historical Association, Vol. 5; Texas Handbook Online; Ben R. Guttery, “Representing Texas”; James L. Haley, “Sam Houston.”
Richard Parker is a journalist and regular contributor to McClatchy-Tribune Information Service. He has been the visiting professional in journalism at the University of Texas at Austin and is the former associate publisher of The New Republic. Nicole Trimble contributed to this article. | <urn:uuid:5ced23e7-eb31-4e35-8ee6-c52bc9068fa1> | CC-MAIN-2018-34 | https://opinionator.blogs.nytimes.com/2011/02/28/the-lone-star-state-turns-south/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2018-34/segments/1534221209216.31/warc/CC-MAIN-20180814170309-20180814190309-00354.warc.gz | en | 0.967309 | 1,611 | 3.515625 | 4 |
Double agents in Russian language
In the Russian language there are two similar words that signify this substance: ‘soul’ and ‘spirit’, and each of them has its own shades of meaning and association
In any given Russian conversation, there is a high likelihood of hearing standard turns of phrase
After the fall of the Soviet Union and the removal of the restrictions of censorship, Russian pop music broke free and boldly began to dance. Sometimes vulgar, occasionally tasteless, at times funny, Russian pop was always a perfect reflection of its time...
Many Russian words have two or even more different meanings
Summer is harvest time for various vegetables and fruit. So it's time we talked about the double meanings that can often be found in their names
Lines from certain songs have transcended the musical genre completely and passed into everyday usage
Words not only give a neutral definition to events and notions but also contain connotations
Many city names in Russian are associated with interesting historical anecdotes or cultural references
Over the past quarter of a century, Russian cuisine has been enriched by new dishes that have arrived from abroad
The Russian language has notions that do not have direct equivalents in other cultures, so the words that denote them often do have an accurate translation into other languages. One of these words is "poshlost"
Sometimes last names can even reveal a person's key character traits
A number of expressions and collocations in Russian feature geographical adjectives. Many of these refer to places abroad and have their origins in food, history and culture
In the Russian language, every month has enduring social, folkloric and literary associations
Life in modern Russia is riddled with abbreviations. Whether forging a career or shopping, people in Russia are surrounded by acronyms wherever they go
A peculiar feature of the Russian language is the surprising number of alternative meanings for nouns referring to female nationals from other countries
Following "The 10 most well-known Russian words", readers have responded with suggestions of more Russian words that have become known and used internationally
Similarly to other languages, Russian has long made use of acronyms; they are particularly common in the ideological sphere
There are numerous ways of addressing a person in Russian, depending on whether you want to make your address tender, respectful, offensive, or official
There is a popular belief that a person's name can influence their destiny. What names do Russian parents choose for their children, and how can a name be used to express one's attitude to a person?
Anti-Kremlin protest movements add new trends to Russia’s colloquialisms | <urn:uuid:0385e60f-a5b6-4f35-9f47-e594a7679139> | CC-MAIN-2014-41 | http://rbth.com/double_agents | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2014-41/segments/1412037663739.33/warc/CC-MAIN-20140930004103-00177-ip-10-234-18-248.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.958792 | 527 | 2.984375 | 3 |
Food justice seeks to ensure that the benefits and risks of where, what and how food is grown, produced, transported, distributed, accessed and eaten are shared fairly. Food justice represents a transformation of the current food system, including but not limited to eliminating disparities and inequities. In the United States, more than 20 million people are workers in the food chain, over 11 million of which are full-time employees earning an income. Movements to make healthy food accessible to everyone are increasing in popularity, which is an important step towards achieving food equity for people of color. However, more attention must be paid to the often-invisible labor that produces and prepares the food that we put on the table. The good food movement (see “The Good Food Movement” sidebar) narrowly focuses on the relationship between the producer and consumer, and to the environmental benefits of sustainable agriculture.Consumers strive to directly relate to the process of food production, getting to know the conditions under which their eggs or vegetables were raised. They purchase food directly from the farmer or grow the crops themselves, shortening the time and space between when the food is first planted as a seed and when it is eaten by the consumer. | <urn:uuid:ae424892-7c76-49bd-9304-e48d4834ec51> | CC-MAIN-2018-09 | http://www.friendsofrpe.org/node/5998 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2018-09/segments/1518891811830.17/warc/CC-MAIN-20180218100444-20180218120444-00762.warc.gz | en | 0.963716 | 242 | 3.875 | 4 |
Learn the basics of A/B split testing and the 10 advantages and disadvantages of this type of testing.
A/B split testing is the most basic landing page optimization method available. The name comes from the fact that two versions of your landing page ("A" and "B") are tested. "Split testing" refers to the random assignment of new visitors to the version of the page that they see. In other words, the traffic is split and all versions are shown in parallel throughout the data collection period (usually in equal proportions). This is an important requirement. Parallel tests should always be conducted (as opposed to one-after-the-other "sequential" ones). This allows you to control as many outside factors as possible. The random assignment of new visitors to particular landing page designs is also critical, because randomness is the basis for the probability theory that underlies the statistical analysis of the results.
Usually, version "A" is defined as your original control page, or baseline (commonly called the champion version). The other version is the alternative (commonly called the challenger). If the challenger proves to be better than the champion, the challenger replaces the champion after the test and becomes the new champion to beat in any subsequent tests.
You can have more than two versions in a split test. For example, if you had one original and two alternative versions, you would have an A/B/C split test, and so on. In practice, split tests rarely have more than 10 versions of the page. The variable in your split test can be very granular (e.g., a single change such as headline text), or it can be a whole-page redesign of your landing page that is radically different than the current page.
A/B Split Testing Advantages
Split tests have several advantages:
Ease of test design. Unlike more complicated multivariate tests, split tests do not have to be carefully designed or balanced. You simply decide how many versions you want to test, and then split the available traffic evenly among them. No follow-up tests are required to verify the results - the best performer in the test is declared the winner once enough data is collected.
Ease of implementation. Many software packages are available to support simple split tests. If you are testing granular test elements, you can design, set up your test, and collect data within minutes. This can be done in most cases without support from your IT department or others. You may even be able to collect the data you need with your existing Web analytics tools, without the use of additional landing page testing tools.
Ease of analysis. Only very simple statistical tests are needed to determine the winner. Basically, all you have to do is compare the baseline version to each challenger to see if you have reached your desired statistical confidence level.
Ease of explanation. No complicated analyses or charts are needed to present your results to others. You can simply declare that you are very confident that a particular version is better than another. You can also give a likely range of percentage improvement (based on the amount of data you have collected and the width of the error bars).
Flexibility in defining the variable values. In whole-page split tests, you have complete flexibility in how different the proposed alternatives are. For example, in one alternative, you may simply choose to test a different headline. In another you may completely restructure everything about the page (layout, color scheme, sales copy, offer, and call-to-action). This ability to mix and match allows you to test a range of evolutionary and revolutionary alternatives in one test, without being constrained by the more granular definition of variables in a multivariate test.
Useful in low data rate tests. If your landing page only has a few conversions per day, you simply cannot use more advanced tuning methods. But with the proper selection of the test variable and alternative values, you can still achieve significant results in a split test. Improvements in the double or even triple digits are not uncommon.
A/B Split Testing Disadvantages
Split tests also have several drawbacks:
Limited number of versions. The number of versions in a typical split test is usually very small. If you did your homework properly, you probably came up with dozens of potential issues with your landing page, and also constructed many alternative variations to test. However, because of the limited scope of split testing, you will be reduced to testing your ideas one at a time. You will also be forced to guess which ideas to test first (based on your intuition about which ones might make the most difference). In other tuning methods, you may be able to test many of your key ideas at once and find all of the changes that improve your conversion rate in one test.
Does not consider context or variable interactions. By definition, split tests consider only one variable at a time, so you cannot detect variable interactions (how combinations of variables influence each other). A series of split tests covering several variables is not the same as a multivariate test with the same variables. Depending on the variable interactions, you may not be able to find the best-performing combination of variables on the page at all. Whether you do depends on the order in which you conduct your split tests, and the exact nature of the interactions.
No way to discover the importance of page elements. Often, you may choose very coarse variables for your split test. Because of the limited data rate, you are forced to make your best guess at page elements that might improve performance. These elements may actually involve many simultaneous changes to your landing page. In the extreme case of a whole-page redesign, you may have changed dozens of details on the page in question and defined them as a single alternative version.
However, the same flexibility that allows you to do this also limits your ability to interpret results and attribute credit for the conversion improvement to any particular change that you made. Was it the button color? Or was it the headline change? Or was it the different offer? You will never know. By squashing multiple changes into one page, you have confounded their effects and lost the ability to look at them separately.
In practice, this may not be such a huge issue, since many of the so-called learnings about the relative importance of variables are based on the spurious assumption that they are all independent of each other. Furthermore, the biggest conversion improvements may be due to the specific variable values you have chosen, and not the variable itself. For example, a particular headline that you chose to test was very powerful. But this does not allow you to generalize about headlines being more important than the other variables tested. In any case, you should avoid trying to interpret split test results if the variable values involve changing multiple elements on the page.
Inefficient data collection. Multivariate tests are often carefully constructed in order to get the most information from a smaller data sample. In effect, they allow you to more efficiently conduct multiple split tests simultaneously, and even to detect certain kinds of variable interactions. Conducting multiple split tests back-to-back is the most wasteful kind of data collection - none of the information from a previous test can be reused to draw conclusions about the other variables that you may want to test in the future.
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Tim Ash is CEO of SiteTuners.com, a landing page optimization firm that offers conversion consulting, full-service guaranteed-improvement tests, and software tools to improve conversion rates. SiteTuners' AttentionWizard.com visual attention prediction tool can be used on a landing page screenshot or mock-up to quickly identify major conversion issues. He has worked with Google, Facebook, American Express, CBS, Sony Music, Universal Studios, Verizon Wireless, Texas Instruments, and Coach.
Tim is a highly-regarded presenter at SES, eMetrics, PPC Summit, Affiliate Summit, PubCon, Affiliate Conference, and LeadsCon. He is the chairperson of ConversionConference.com, the first conference focused on improving online conversions. A columnist for several publications including ClickZ, he's host of the weekly Landing Page Optimization show and podcast on WebmasterRadio.fm. His columns can be found in the Search Engine Watch archive.
He received his B.S. and M.S. during his Ph.D. studies at UC San Diego. Tim is the author of the bestselling book, "Landing Page Optimization."
Connect with Tim on Google+.
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Redefining 'Mobile-Only' Users: Millions Selectively Avoid the Desktop
A new breed of selective mobile-only consumers has emerged. What are the demos of these users and how and where can marketers reach them?
March 19, 2014 | <urn:uuid:8e6930ea-dac7-492a-a70f-88e6254256e0> | CC-MAIN-2014-15 | http://www.clickz.com/clickz/column/1716983/a-b-split-testing-crash-course | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2014-15/segments/1397609524259.30/warc/CC-MAIN-20140416005204-00404-ip-10-147-4-33.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.932971 | 1,896 | 2.578125 | 3 |
The interest for exploration is closely connected to the metal prices on the world market. Gold, copper and iron ore are the three dominant metals and together they account for about two-thirds of the total value of all metals produced.
Gold is priced in USD per troy ounce (oz.) with purity above 995 fine, corresponding to approximately 23.9 carat. One oz. corresponds to 31.104 grams. Gold is traded on a global market and differs from other metals through its status as monetary asset.
Gold has through the years provided the basis for different currency systems and has therefore rarely been priced as a regular raw material. Unexpected events in society are often reflected in the gold price. Concern about increasing inflation is another factor considered to affect the gold price positively.
The average gold price over the last five years has been approximately 1,100 USD/oz. In 2011, the average gold price was 1,757 USD/oz. | <urn:uuid:01fa4400-95b2-4b98-8790-808d12d7a59b> | CC-MAIN-2020-45 | https://www.botniaexploration.com/en/4137-2/metal-prices/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2020-45/segments/1603107910815.89/warc/CC-MAIN-20201030122851-20201030152851-00093.warc.gz | en | 0.95407 | 191 | 2.890625 | 3 |
What Is Jainism?
Founder: Jainism (the name derives from a Sanskrit word meaning "follower of the Jina, or conqueror") was established in our era by Mahavira ("the Great Hero") in the sixth century B.C.E. In fact, Mahavira is considered only the most recent in a list of 24 such teachers who brought Jainism into the world during previous great cosmic eras of time. These teachers, or "Tirthankaras," taught a path to religious awakening based on renouncing the world by practice of strict religious austerity. Mahavira established a monastic community of both nuns and monks. This community is the oldest continually surviving monastic community in the world.
Main Tenets: Jains reject belief in a creator god and seek release from endless reincarnation through a life of strict self-denial. The title of Jina is given to those who are believed to have triumphed over all material existence. As all human activity accumulates karma, the force that perpetuates reincarnation, the only way to free one's jiva, or soul, from the bondage of material existence is by reducing this activity through ascetic practice. In addition, Jainism places a special emphasis on ahimsa ("non-injury") to all living beings. The concern for life is extended to all creatures, even minute microbes that are not visible. The Jain ideal is a mendicant ascetic who takes extreme measures to avoid injuring all creatures. Monks and nuns are sometimes seen with muslin cloths over their mouths to keep out flying insects, and they are enjoined to use small brooms to gently sweep away living creatures from their path, so as to not accidentally crush them.
Main Sacred Text: The sacred texts of the Jains are called Agamas. The two main branches of Jainism share many of the same sacred texts in common, but since their split in the fifth century C.E., they have developed different traditions of textual transmission. Both branches claim that authority for the most ancient texts derives from Mahavira, who was in turn enunciating sacred truths that the Tirthankaras before him had taught. Handed down orally in the monastic communities, the sacred literature was not written down until about 500 C.E.
There are several differences between the two traditions of Jainism, the Shvetambaras ("white-clad monastics") and the Digambaras ("sky-clad monastics"). Shvetambaras believe that monks and nuns should be permitted to wear a simple white robe. Digambaras require monks to be nude.
Top Jainism Features
The Jain concept of ahimsa (non-injury) prevents one from doing any harm to our fellow sentient beings. While the monastic order (Sadhus and Sadhvis) go to great lengths and austerities to prevent harm upon others, householders are encouraged to observe this principle as well. This is why most householder Jains often employ themselves in business, thus reducing their direct influence upon any l ...
Yesterday, I asked the Congregation what they would do if they knew without a shadow of a doubt that they only had one more month to live. The answers were what one might expect. Spend more time with family, travel, eat delicious food, meditate in some mystical land. These are wonderful thoughts, and I appreciate the input from those who answered. The interesting thing about everyone's answers ...
Practicing as a Jain ascetic this month, I took certain vows. The five most important being: Ahimsa (Non-injury) Always tell the truth Do not steal Celibacy Non-possession So far I've done pretty well. I even took on the practice of one small meal a day. With non-injury it means that I must avoid killing or harming even the smallest insect. One day I actually sat and ...
Fasting, the act of abstaining from food, drink, or really anything else for a prescribed amount of time, is a time-honored practice in many faiths. In February, I fasted for a day after I found out about my Hindu Mentor's passing. As a Latter-day Saint in July, I observed a fast on the first Sunday of the month, and gave money otherwise spent on two meals to the church to help the needy. In Augu ...
"To kill any living being amounts to killing one's self. Compassion to others is compassion to one's own self. Therefore one should avoid violence like poison and thorn." --Mahavira It's no secret that Jain philosophy is big on ahimsa (non-injury), however does that hold true outside of their relationship with their fellow man? According to the Jain world view, Jiva, or the etern ... | <urn:uuid:85fd0e5e-86a9-4fea-8386-b8b25df983a2> | CC-MAIN-2014-49 | http://www.beliefnet.com/Faiths/Jainism/index.aspx?q=%22jainism%22+%22jain%22&p=4 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2014-49/segments/1416931009825.77/warc/CC-MAIN-20141125155649-00216-ip-10-235-23-156.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.961075 | 1,004 | 3.359375 | 3 |
Hostas (Hosta spp.) produce racemes with flowers in various shades of purple, but their broad clumping leaves are their most distinguishing feature. Leaves can be variegated or solid-colored, with colors ranging from light green to dark green and greenish-blue. These perennial plants grow in U.S. Department of Agriculture plant hardiness zones 3 through 9 and can grow quite large over several years. If you want to add more hosta plants to other areas of your garden, you can propagate new plants by division, and you can employ the same process if you want to control a big hosta.
Water the hosta deeply the night before digging to ensure that the roots are evenly moist, but not wet. You want the ground to be soft so digging is easy, but the soil should not be muddy. The best time to divide the hostas is in early spring, just as the leaf spears emerge, but before the broad leaves open, or in late summer to early fall after plants finish blooming and the temperature cools.
Dig a wide circle around the entire hosta plant, using a spade to cut straight down into the soil.
Insert the spade in the cut circle and pull back on the handle to pry the hosta plant out of the soil. Reposition the spade and pry the root ball until you can lift the entire hosta plant out of the hole. Knock loose soil from the root ball onto a tarp, if desired, so you can save any soil that falls off the root ball.
Wash the soil off the roots with a gentle stream of water until you can clearly see the network of rhizomes.
Cut the hosta root ball into multiple sections, using a pruning saw that has been disinfected in a solution of one part chlorine bleach to nine parts water. You might be able to pull the plant apart with your hands if you notice natural divisions in the roots. Each section should have a large section of rhizome several inches long.
Plant each hosta section in a hole twice as wide as its root ball and the same depth as the original hole. You can return one plant section to the original hole and select a planting site that receives partial shade for the remaining sections. Space each new plant about 3 feet apart. If you only have room for one hosta plant in your garden, you can give the other divisions to a neighbor or brush off any remaining soil and allow them to dry out and die before adding them to your compost pile.
Spread a 2-inch layer of shredded bark mulch around the plants, leaving 1 to 2 inches around the plant stalk free of mulch to avoid rot and infestation problems.
Water the hosta transplants deeply at planting to ensure the roots are evenly moist. Water as needed when the top 1 inch of soil dries.
Things You Will Need
- Tarp (optional)
- Pruning saw
- Chlorine bleach
- Shredded bark mulch
- Your hosta shouldn't require division to control the size for at least three years.
- The common name for the genus Hosta is plantain lily, but people widely refer to the plants as hosta.
- Jupiterimages/liquidlibrary/Getty Images | <urn:uuid:e62653e7-c990-4023-b0d8-f058d18b90d5> | CC-MAIN-2017-17 | http://homeguides.sfgate.com/control-big-hostas-64877.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-17/segments/1492917119838.12/warc/CC-MAIN-20170423031159-00080-ip-10-145-167-34.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.927491 | 674 | 3.34375 | 3 |
This past week we released 105,098 pages to The Archive. In time for International Women’s Day we are thrilled to add nine new titles to our Suffragette Collection. We have also updated four existing titles including The Globe for which we now have editions spanning 1804 to 1921, and our recently added Scottish title The North Star and Farmer’s Chronicle for which we now have a run from 1893 to 1911.
Our new titles represent the full spectrum of the feminist and suffrage movements, from conservative to militant. The earliest title, published by Lady Somerset, The Woman’s Signal described itself as ‘A weekly paper for all women, about their interests, in the home and in the wider world’ and dealt with both the private and public sphere of women in the late nineteenth century.
It may surprise some readers to see that both the Church, and Conservatives had dedicated Suffrage titles. The Church League for Women’s Suffrage even changed its name to The Church Militant in 1918. Presided over by The Right Rev. the Lord Bishop of Lincoln the first edition declared the organisation’s objectives
The objects are to band together, on a non-party basis, Suffragists of every shade of opinion who are Church people in order to
1. Secure for women the Parliamentary Vote as it is or may be granted to men.
2. Use the power thus obtained to establish equality of rights and opportunities between the sexes.
3. Promote the moral, social, and industrial well-being of the community.
While titles like The Common Cause ran for many decades, often undergoing several changes of ownership and title changes, some Suffrage titles had extremely short runs. The Suffragist appears to have published only a single issue in October 1909. The paper has a satirical tone and is dominated by cartoons signed by an Osmond Garrick. You can learn more about each of the titles we have added to this week by clicking on their names. On each paper’s title page you can read a FREE sample issue, learn more about our current holdings, and our plans for digitisation.
|Church League for Women’s Suffrage||1912-1928|
|Common Cause||1914-1924, 1928, 1930-1933|
|Conservative and Unionist Women’s Franchise Review||1910-1916|
|Free Church Suffrage Times||1913-1920|
|Women’s Suffrage Record||1903-1904, 1906|
|Globe||1838-1839, 1871, 1873-1875, 1908-1909|
|Newcastle Evening Chronicle||1946-1947, 1949-1956, 1958-1960|
|North Star and Farmers’ Chronicle||1893-1894, 1904| | <urn:uuid:4b8ea3ac-4b42-4b85-8227-f6da0a02e434> | CC-MAIN-2020-10 | https://blog.britishnewspaperarchive.co.uk/2018/03/05/new-titles-05-mar-2018/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2020-10/segments/1581875148375.36/warc/CC-MAIN-20200229022458-20200229052458-00165.warc.gz | en | 0.924831 | 588 | 2.515625 | 3 |
In 1976, children were massacred in Soweto, South Africa, for protesting against education injustice and inequality in the apartheid regime. Forty-six years later, the African child is still plagued with education injustice, inequality and harmful practices across most of Africa.
As we honor the memory of those children massacred in Soweto, perhaps we should take a glimpse into the life of the African child.
The African Child is playful. They are excited to interact with family and friends and play all the made-up games that children do.
The African Child is intelligent. From an early age, they learn many skills, including animal rearing, farming, and learning two to three languages to communicate effectively with whomever they encounter, which is on top of formal school education. In addition, the African Child is resilient. Challenges, obstacles, and hardships are an expectation, and they know they must work hard; if they fall, they must get up again.
The African Child is more than just a child but is a molded result of generations and
generations of people who were told they were less than others and that their worth was lesser than in this world. However, the African Child is a triumph that, time and time again, those people never gave up, so the African Child does not give up.
The African Child is a child like any other, a dreamer whose dreams are just as vibrant,
beautiful, and brilliant.
They say that luck is that momentary spark when hard work meets opportunity. While the
African Child works hard and strives for these opportunities; the truth is those opportunities are far and few.
The truth is that there is a mass of educated, ambitious, intelligent children who put the work in and explore all facets of opportunities to get that chance to revolutionize their lives and enrich their families and fellow citizens.
The change the African child needs is empowering education and opportunities to succeed. They need to not only dream about what their life would be if they had different circumstances but be given a chance for that reality to be.
The African Child needs an environment free of harmful practices such as subjection to gender-based violence, female genital mutilation, period poverty, and child marriages. Children should never worry about surviving their childhood and hoping they come out of it intact.
Kenya Connect believes in the potential and power of the African child. For two decades we have broken down barriers to education and provided enrichment and empowerment programs. A mobile library program and the first-ever community library in the subcounty, computer classes to help bridge the vast digital divide, the girl/boy empowerment program to reduce teen pregnancy and leadership and mentorship programs are occurring daily in Wamunyu.
The African child needs you!
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There is no clearer evidence of the maldistribution of wealth and of social services in Canada to the detriment of Indigenous people than the tuberculosis epidemic under way in the Arctic.
Last week, 14-year-old Gussie Bennett, from Nain, Labrador, died of tuberculosis. Nain’s last serious outbreak of TB was just in 2015. In January, 15-year-old Ileen Kooneeliusie, from Qikiqtarjuak, on Baffin Island, died. The screening program undertaken in the weeks following revealed 10 per cent of the population of Qikiqtarjuak to be infected. Across Nunavut, 17 of the 25 communities have cases of tuberculosis. But the largest of these outbreaks so far is the one in Arviat.
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- Rebuilding and Reform
- Prisoners and the Making of the Modern Prison
- Borough Compter, Southwark
- Clink, Southwark
- Cold Bath Fields
- Fleet Prison
- Gatehouse Prison, Westminster
- Giltspur Street Compter
- Horsemonger Lane Gaol
- King’s Bench
- New Prison
- Poultry Compter
- Surrey Gaol
- Wellclose Square
- Whitechapel Debtors' Prison
- Wood Street Compter
- Introductory Reading
When Daniel Defoe published his Tour thro' the Whole Island of Great Britain (1724-26), he reported that there were twenty two "public gaols" and many more "tolerated prisons" in London.1 The city was awash with places for confining prisoners, whether they were arrested for debt, petty crime, or serious crime. Most were run along commercial lines, though the fees charged were regulated by Justices of the Peace and others. Throughout the eighteenth century there were repeated scandals concerning the treatment of prisoners, and as penal principles changed and expectations increased towards the end of the century substantial efforts were made to rebuild prisons and reform conditions.
Following a section on the reform and rebuilding of prisons, this page describes, in alphabetical order, the most important individual prisons and lockups in London. For more general information about the role of imprisonment in eighteenth-century penal policy, and the growing use of imprisonment for the punishment of felons in the late eighteenth century, see the Punishment page.
While the late eighteenth century is widely recognised as a period in which a substantial amount of prison rebuilding took place, London prisons experienced change throughout the century as a consequence of a series of parliamentary statutes and local government decisions which sought to regulate existing prisons and facilitate their repair or rebuilding. As early as 1698, the Gaol Act gave Justices of the Peace the responsibility for repairing and building county gaols and dictated that those accused of murder and other felonies should be held in those gaols (rather than in private lockups).2 Occasional parliamentary investigations, such as the ones conducted into the Fleet and Newgate prisons in 1729, led to prohibitions of the sale of prison offices and other reforms.
The pace of reform quickened, however, in the 1770s. Following the publication of an English translation of Cesare Beccaria's Of Crimes and Punishments in 1767, which argued that punishments should attempt to reform the mind and not the body of the criminal and be proportionate to the severity of the crime, there was renewed interest in the reformative potential of imprisonment. In the 1770s Jonas Hanway argued that, if prisoners could be put to hard labour, kept in solitary confinement and subject to religious instruction, imprisonment had the potential to reform offenders. At the same time prison investigators called attention to the poor conditions in many existing prisons. John Howard's published account of his prison visits (The State of the Prisons, 1777) called attention to the insanitary and crowded conditions of many prisons, and in 1774 the Health of Prisoners Act mandated the appointment of a surgeon or apothecary for each prison, and the creation of separate prison infirmaries for men and women.3
In response to all these concerns, and to the interruption to transportation in 1776 which placed extreme pressure on the prisons, the Penitentiary Act was passed in 1779.4 This act authorised the building of one or more national penitentiaries and increased the length of sentences at hard labour. Although these prisons were never built, the Act stimulated further interest in prison reform and influenced the design of new prisons built in the 1790s, as explained below.
In 1780, perhaps reflecting widespread popular anger about prison conditions, the Gordon Riots resulted in the destruction of at least eight London prisons and houses of correction: Newgate, the Fleet, Clerkenwell House of Correction, New Prison, Surrey House of Correction, the Clink, King's Bench Prison, and the Borough Compter. All but the Clink were immediately rebuilt. Reflecting both the urgency with which the rebuilding took place and the fundamentally pragmatic approach of most magistrates, however, there were few changes to the design of these buildings.
But further reforms came in 1784, with the passage of an act which required regular inspections of county gaols, the segregation of prisoners by category, and the creation of separate infirmaries, chapels, and baths. Gaolers were to be paid salaries and not live off the fees charged to prisoners, and liquor and gambling were prohibited.5
A series of prisons built in London in the 1790s according to the plans set out in the Penitentiary Act demonstrates just how much had changed over the course of the century. Coldbath Fields, the Giltspur Street Compter, and the Horsemonger Lane Gaol all segregated prisoners according to sex and category of offence, put prisoners to hard labour, provided separate cells for felons and included high levels of surveillance by prison officers.
As the above narrative suggests, accounts of prison reform can easily be told from the top down, ascribing the impetus for change to reform ideologies, heroic prison visitors, parliamentary statutes, and the decisions of magistrates. But this is only part of the story. Given the reluctance of many of those in government to spend money, it took the actions of the prisoners themselves to force the pace of change.
The simple fact of the growth in the number of prisoners, even before the interruption to transportation in 1776, and the consequent overcrowding, frequent escapes, and disease made some kind of rebuilding inevitable. While a number of political factors contributed to the passage of the 1779 Penitentiary Act, for example, the most pressing reason for its passage was clearly stated by William Eden: "the fact is, our prisons are full".6 Given its potential to spread beyond the prison walls, as occurred when the judges in the Old Bailey courtroom were struck down in 1750, fear of the spread of contagious disease was a particularly strong motivation for reform. Prisoners' persistent demands for medical care thereby acquired a new force.
The fact that prisoners largely ran their own affairs inside prisons added to the pressure for change, both because prisoners knew how to make complaints which would excite the attention of the government (complaints of extortion and mistreatment by prison keepers were particularly effective) and because the alternative political culture of the prisons came to be seen as a challenge to the authorities. At the same time, improvements were often effectively resisted by prisoners as well as prison officers, both of whom sought to protect their traditional privileges, identities and customs.7
Prisoners were thus not merely the passive recipients of prison reform; in their numbers and by their actions they forced the pace of change and shaped its direction.
Located on the Borough High Street until 1717, and then on Tooley Street, this prison was used to hold debtors and accused criminals who were arrested in Southwark, south of the river. The prison catered primarily for debtors: in 1776 it held fifteen debtors and only one felon, and when it was rebuilt in 1787 it had accommodation for twelve felons and fifty debtors. There were complaints early in the century that the keeper extorted fees from the prisoners, and later that male and female debtors were not separated.
Originally used principally for religious prisoners sentenced from the court of the Bishop of Winchester, in the eighteenth century the Clink acted as the local gaol for Southwark, holding a small number of debtors and minor offenders. Following its destruction in the Gordon Riots in 1780 it was not rebuilt.
Built in 1794 according to the designs provided in the 1779 Penitentiary Act, this house of correction held 384 prisoners of both sexes. It had 232 single cells and radial wings consisting of two stories of sleeping cells above a vaulted ground floor. The prisoners were provided with an infirmary, religious instruction and employment. The use of solitary confinement in order to force prisoners to reflect on their sins proved controversial, however, and there were complaints that inmates suffered from cold, hunger and abuse.
Located next to the Fleet River in the City of London, the Fleet was a debtors' prison, not just for those arrested in London but also for those imprisoned elsewhere in the country who were transferred there under a warrant from the high courts. Like most debtors' prisons, within the walls it was a relatively free community of more than 300 prisoners, run by a prisoners' committee. The small number of officers who ran the prison had little power to regulate internal conditions, and most did not even have access to the prison at night. Wealthier prisoners stayed on the master's side, where they had their own rooms and lived in relative luxury, while the poor prisoners lived in squalid conditions on the common side, and depended on prison charities for survival.
In 1729 complaints about oppressive practices by the keeper, Thomas Bambridge, led to the formation of a Parliamentary inquiry into his government of the prison. The committee's report found him guilty of extorting money from prisoners, and blamed the abuses on the system of making keepers purchase their office, which required them to charge substantial fees to the prisoners. Bambridge was also accused of torturing prisoners and was tried for murder and acquitted. He was subsequently also tried for the theft of a prisoner's goods and acquitted. Nonetheless, Bambridge was dismissed from his office and new rules for future keepers were drawn up which included a prohibition on the sale of prison offices.
The Fleet was rebuilt between 1770 and 1774, but when the prison reformer John Howard visited it in 1778 he found it crowded and dirty. The prison was destroyed in the Gordon riots in 1780, though the prisoners were warned in advance so they could remove their goods before the rioters set fire to the prison. Rapidly rebuilt, in the early 1790s there were once again complaints about the prison being in poor repair and escapes. Because the prisoners were debtors rather than criminals, this was not one of the prisons affected by the late eighteenth-century reform movement, and in 1814 the Fleet was described as "the largest brothel in the metropolis".8
It was not only the keeper who was accused of abuses. Indeed, there were complaints that some of the wealthier prisoners exploited the debt laws by moving into the prison, where they could live in comfort, in order to escape their creditors. Fraudulent tradesmen allegedly entered the prison and then took advantage of the periodic insolvency acts to gain their release with their debts cleared. Some debtors imprisoned elsewhere deliberately obtained writs which allowed them to be committed to the Fleet, a more salubrious prison compared to provincial prisons. Similarly, it was alleged that some prisoners used writs of habeas corpus to move between prisons so that they could spend their winters in the warmer Fleet, and their summers in more airy King's Bench prison south of the river. For the resourceful debtor, the Fleet provided a valuable route to survival.
The Gatehouse held those accused of felonies and petty offences who were awaiting trial in Westminster, as well as, owing to the presence of the royal palace and Parliament nearby, state prisoners. The prison was vulnerable to escapes, and in 1749 was stormed by twenty-four armed Irishmen who released a member of the gang who had been accused of pickpocketing.9 It was pulled down in 1776 and the prisoners transferred to Tothill Fields.
Located close to Newgate Prison in the City of London, this prison was built on reformed principles in 1791 in order to replace the Poultry Compter and the Wood Street Compter. Intended to hold 136 prisoners, the prisoners were divided into four classes: debtors, felons, petty offenders, and those charged with assault. There were rows of cells for felons, separate buildings for male and female debtors, and separate rooms for those apprehended by the night watch. Despite the aspiration to keep prisoners divided by classification, in practice inmates were moved around the prison regardless of their class according to the space available.10 In this sense, the prison "marked a perpetuation of the existing regime".11
This was the county gaol for Surrey, located near St George's Fields outside Southwark. Built in 1792-99, it was a model prison, with 177 cells in three wings for petty criminals, and a fourth wing for debtors. A control keeper's house oversaw eight separate courtyards, allowing the prisoners to be both separated by sex and offence (felons, petty criminals, debtors) and constantly watched. Two surgeons attended.
Created following the 1776 statute which ordered that male prisoners sentenced to transportation should be put to hard labour improving the navigation of the Thames,12 the hulks were an emergency measure to cope with prison overcrowding following the interruption to transportation caused by the outbreak of war with America. The London focus of the act is evident in the fact the work took place on the Thames, and the influence of reformist principles can be seen in the fact that prisoners were put to hard labour and subjected to restrictive discipline. The first ships, the Justicia and the Censor, took on their first convicts in August 1776. The hulks were run by contractors, overseen by the Middlesex Justices of the Peace.
There were difficulties from the start. Crowded and insanitary conditions led to a high mortality rate (from August 1776 to April 1778 176 of 632 prisoners on board died), largely due to gaol fever (typhus).13 Belatedly medical treatment was provided, from 1779 in a separate hospital ship. There were mutinies, and many prisoners escaped from the work parties on shore. Problems with prisoner morale led the authorities to offer pardons to well-behaved prisoners; this practice also addressed the problem of overcrowding.
Despite attempts to address these problems, the hulks remained crowded and expensive, and in a sense contributed to the very phenomenon of criminal intransigence they were meant to solve. Their presence led to pressure for the resumption of transportation, but even after transportation was resumed the hulks remained, to be used as a place for confining and punishing prisoners prior to the departure of the transport ships. During the first twenty years, 8,000 prisoners spent time in the hulks.
As a debtors' prison, King's Bench was largely run by the prisoners themselves, with conditions for individual prisoners depending largely on how much they were able to pay. There were persistent complaints of overcrowding and extortion by prison officers. In 1754, a Parliamentary inquiry prompted by a petition from the prisoners found mistreatment, misbehaviour and overcrowding, and led to an act authorising the building of a new prison. In 1758 the new building in St George's Fields, Southwark, opened (the site was chosen for the fresh air), with 224 rooms and an open courtyard. Despite its size, the prison was soon overcrowded. The open ground outside the prison provided a place for protesters to gather, as occurred when John Wilkes was imprisoned there in 1768 for libel. Radicalism spread inside the prison in 1770-71 when the prisoners campaigned for the abolition of imprisonment for debt and against the prison governors. In 1773 the Marshall petitioned the House of Commons for additional space, noting that there were no rooms for sick prisoners, nor to keep separate the small number of prisoners committed for "capital or high crimes and offences" (who therefore found it easy to escape). The prison was finally enlarged in 1780, shortly before it was entirely destroyed in the Gordon riots, after which it was rebuilt in the same form. In 1792 the Keeper demanded further repairs, in order to prevent escapes and "keep off the mob in case of riots".14 By the end of the century prison officers were apparently governing the prison more closely, but the prison was still known in the early nineteenth century for the laxity of its rules.
Originally one of the gates in the Roman wall of the City of London, this was used mainly for debtors, but also for petty offenders who were freemen of the City, clergy or attorneys. Prisoners elected the warden and essentially ran the prison. In 1760 when the City walls and gates were demolished, the prisoners were moved to a section of the London Workhouse in Bishopsgate Street.
A debtors' prison, the Marshalsea was also used for smugglers and those who owed customs and excise fines. Like other debtors' prisons, there were complaints about mistreatment of the prisoners, and the fact that, although required by law, coroners' inquests were not held when prisoners died in the prison. Essentially in competition with the Fleet and King's Bench prisons for the business of wealthier debtors, the Marshalsea lost out in the late eighteenth century owing to its poor state of repair.
The principal prison for holding those accused of serious crimes in the metropolis, Newgate was part of the city wall on the western side of the City of London, next door to the Old Bailey courthouse. In addition to male and female felons, who were generally kept in irons and whose numbers swelled before each meeting of the court, there were separate wards for male and female debtors, both master's side (for those able to pay for their accommodation) and common side. As with most debtors' prisons, the master's side could be very comfortable, but the common side was "hell".15 Despite the separate wards, prisoners could mix freely with other prisoners and visitors.
Rebuilt after the great fire of 1666, the prison was five stories high. In 1726-28, when the prison was extended and the total capacity increased to 150 prisoners, fifteen cells for condemned prisoners were added in order to allow them a period of solitary reflection before their executions. The remaining prisoners were held in large wards; in the mid eighteenth century there were thirteen common wards and four master's wards.
Like most eighteenth-century prisons, prisoners' fees paid for running the prison, and much of the day to day government, following the practice at Ludgate, was performed by the prisoners themselves. At the start of the century the prison was run by four partners, prisoners appointed by the keeper, but in 1730 these were replaced by elected officers, who were responsible for enforcing discipline. Garnish, a fee paid by each prisoner on their arrival, continued throughout the century despite the fact it was a source of frequent complaints. Those who could not afford to pay garnish had to surrender their clothes.
Newgate was frequently overcrowded, particularly just before meetings of the Old Bailey court, and poor sanitary conditions meant that disease was rife, with mortality rates particularly high in winter. In 1726 gaol fever killed eighty-three prisoners, and in 1750 the prisoners brought the fever into the Old Bailey courtoom, leading to sixty deaths, including the Lord Mayor. This disaster led to immediate consideration of plans for rebuilding the prison, though that would not be achieved for almost thirty years. Although ventilators were added in 1752, between 1755 and 1765 132 prisoners died. Overcrowding also contributed to frequent escapes, most notably that of Jack Sheppard in 1724.
The first stones of a new prison were finally laid in 1770. Opened fully in 1778, the new building had separate quadrangles for debtors, male felons, and women felons. (The use of courtyards to provide fresh air for inmates can also be found in eighteenth-century hospitals such as St Thomas's.) The building held 300 male felons, 60 female felons, and 100 debtors, and included an infirmary. The lack of individual cells for prisoners demonstrates the limited impact around 1770 of contemporary reformist discourses which would radically shape prison building in the 1790s. Shortly after the building was finished it was completely destroyed by the Gordon Riots in 1780. The rioters' support for the prisoners is evident in the fact that they struck off the irons of the felons who were liberated and prevented the authorities from recapturing them. Popular hostility to the prison can also be seen in the fact that chains from the prison were paraded in triumph the next day. This triumph, however, was short-lived, and the prison was rebuilt to the same design and completed in 1783.
Attempts to reform conditions in Newgate met with little success. In the 1750 a ban on the sale of spirits in the prison was circumvented by visitors who smuggled them in. A 1774 Act which specified rules for cleanliness and ventilation in response to problems with gaol fever was "almost a dead letter".16 Similarly ineffective were the 1784 Act requiring the classification of prisoners and a 1791 act requiring regular visitations of the prison. In the 1780s the sheriffs sought to introduce new regulations concerning prisoners' clothing but these were rejected by the inmates. When the taproom was closed, prisoners simply purchased beer from passers-by on the street through the grates.
The tradition of prisoner self-management clearly led to a strong culture of prisoner initiative and collaboration. Prisoners knew how to elicit sympathy from those who visited the prison, extracting food, money, and drink from visitors. They also collaborated in developing methods of obtaining the most favourable sentences and verdicts when they appeared in court. From the 1780s, those convicted of forgery helped each other write petitions to the Bank of England soliciting financial support, a plea bargain, or a reduction of their sentence, many of which were successful.17 In 1789, groups of prisoners anxious about the prospect of transportation to Australia conspired together in agreeing to refuse the royal pardon. In addition, the open nature of the prison allowed radical prisoners, such as John Wilkes, to coordinate their political campaigns from inside the prison. In the 1790s, partly stimulated by the presence of Lord George Gordon, a heterodox republican and Jacobin culture developed in the prison, which formed networks and even published radical literature.18
Located in Clerkenwell, New Prison held those accused of petty and serious crimes in Middlesex while they awaited trial. Owing to overcrowding at Newgate, those who were to be tried at the Old Bailey were not transferred to Newgate until just before the start of the sessions. The original prison was extended in 1773-75 in order to accommodate more felons, but there were nonetheless escape attempts in the 1780s.
This was a sheriff's prison in the City, used primarily for prisoners committed by the Lord Mayor. Although primarily used for debtors, it also held those arrested by the night watch and accused criminals awaiting trial. The prisoners were not segregated and conditions were described as poor. In 1776 William Smith described this prison as a place where "riot, drunkenness, blasphemy and debauchery, echo from the walls, sickness and misery are confined within them".19 In 1791 it was replaced by the Giltspur Street Compter.
Built in 1695 as a military prison, the Savoy held deserters and military offenders.
This prison held those accused of crimes and awaiting their trials from Surrey, as well as convicts awaiting transportation. In 1770 it was the subject of a grand jury presentment which described it as "too small, unhealthy, inconvenient and unsafe".20 Although enlarged in 1771, it was replaced with the Horsemonger Lane Gaol in 1791.
Every parish had a watchhouse, where those apprehended by the night watch could be kept overnight before they were examined by a Justice of the Peace in the morning. While facilities varied, watchhouses typically had a public room, where the keeper profited from the sale of drinks, and holding cells. The watchhouse was known by the poor as a place where emergency relief could be obtained, but conditions in the cells could be horrific, particularly when overcrowded.21 In 1742 four women suffocated to death in the St Martin's Roundhouse and the keeper, William Bird, was put on trial for murder at the Old Bailey.
This small prison, essentially just an ordinary house, served the Tower Liberty. In 1792 it was described as being in "ruinous" condition.
This prison held debtors sentenced by courts serving the manors of Stepney and Hackney. An attempt by the constables and other officers of the Tower Hamlets to obtain permission to use it also for petty criminal offenders, to save them the trouble of carrying prisoners all the way to the Middlesex house of correction or New Prison in Clerkenwell, was rejected by the Middlesex Justices in 1707, but it is possible that in spite of this ruling such prisoners were held here.
Like the Poultry Compter, the Wood Street Compter was a sheriff's prison. Primarily used for debtors, it also held those arrested by the night watch and accused criminals awaiting trial. Prisoners were segregated according to their wealth, and tradesmen debtors were able to continue practising their trades. Poor prisoners could beg for cash or food from passers-by. The male and female felons were each confined to two rooms. This was clearly an unreformed prison: in 1776 William Smith described the prison as "dark, confined, ill-aired, and full of filth and vermin. There are no proper divisions for men and women, debtors and felons".22 It burned down in 1780 and was rebuilt, only to be closed in 1797, when the prisoners were moved to the Giltspur Street Compter.
- Brown, Roger Lee. A History of the Fleet Prison, London: The Anatomy of the Fleet. Studies in British History, 42. Lampeter, 1996.
- Byrne, Richard. Prisons and Punishments of London. 1929.
- Chalklin, C. W., The Reconstruction of London's Prisons 1770-99: An Aspect of the Growth of Georgian London. London Journal 9 (1983), pp. 21-34.
- Evans, R. The Fabrication of Virtue: Prison Architecture, 1750-1840. Cambridge, 1982.
- Sheehan, W. H. Finding Solace in Eighteenth-Century Newgate. In Cockburn, J. S., ed., Crime in England 1550-1800. 1977, pp. 229-45.
For further reading on this subject see the London Lives Bibliography
1 Daniel Defoe, A Tour thro' the Whole Island of Great Britain , p. 155. ⇑
2 11 William III c. 19. ⇑
3 14 George III c. 59. ⇑
4 19 George III c. 74. ⇑
5 24 George III c. 54. ⇑
6 Simon Devereaux, The Making of the Penitentiary Act, 1775-1779, Historical Journal, 42 (1999), p. 416. ⇑
7 S. E. Brown, Policing and Privilege: The Resistance to Penal Reform in Eighteenth-Century London, in Anne Goldgar and Robert Frost, eds, Institutional Culture in Early Modern Society, Cultures, Beliefs, and Traditions, 20 (Leiden and Boston, Mass., 2004). ⇑
8 Joseph Crook and Michael Port, The History of the King's Works, Vol. 6: 1782-1851 (1973), p. 628. ⇑
9 Ruth Paley, Thief-Takers in London in the Age of the McDaniel Gang, c. 1745-1754, in D. Hay and F. Snyder, eds, Policing and Prosecution in Britain 1750-1850 (Oxford, 1989), p. 326. ⇑
10 Richard Byrne, Prisons and Punishments of London (1929), pp. 47-50. ⇑
11 Bruce Watson, The Compter Prisons of London, London Archaeologist, 7 (1993), p. 120. ⇑
12 16 George III c. 43. ⇑
13 Charles Campbell, The Intolerable Hulks (Bowie, 1993), pp. 34-35. ⇑
14 Cited in Crook and Port, The History of the King's Works, p. 628. ⇑
15 Batty Langley, An Accurate Description of Newgate (1724), p. 35. ⇑
16 Arthur Griffiths, The Chronicles of Newgate, 2 vols (1884), p. 388. ⇑
17 Deirdre Palk, (ed.), Prisoners' Letters to the Bank of England, 1781-1827 (London Record Society vol. 42, 2007). ⇑
18 Iain McCalman, Newgate in Revolution: Radical Enthusiasm and Romantic Counterculture, Eighteenth Century Life, 22:1 (1998), pp. 95-110. ⇑
19 William Smith, State of the Gaols in London, Westminster, and the Borough of Southwark (1776), p. 33. ⇑
20 Cited by C. W. Chalklin, The Reconstruction of London's Prisons 1770-99: An Aspect of the Growth of Georgian London, London Journal 9 (1983), p. 27. ⇑
21 Tim Hitchcock, Down and Out in Eighteenth-Century London (London, 2004), p. 153. ⇑
22 Smith, State of the Gaols, p. 31. ⇑ | <urn:uuid:c9850111-14aa-489d-a6a7-ac39df6fd176> | CC-MAIN-2015-14 | http://www.londonlives.org/static/Prisons.jsp | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2015-14/segments/1427131296456.82/warc/CC-MAIN-20150323172136-00134-ip-10-168-14-71.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.97325 | 6,082 | 2.578125 | 3 |
Leadership Model for Social Change
The Social Change Model of Leadership Development fosters leadership and service at our Center, as an inclusive process to create positive change in the community.
It is vital to the application and pedagogy of our vision and work, through;
- Encouraging development in social justice
- Collaboration, leadership and citizenship
- The understanding of one’s self and of others
Asset-Based Community Development
The primary function of this model is to frame our work with community stakeholders in an empowering, collaborative, non-paternalistic way.
Developed in response to more traditional community intervention methods, this model begins the community development process by recognizing the assets within a community and proceeds by building on those assets for positive change.
Bloom's Taxonomy was created in 1956 under the leadership of educational psychologist Dr. Benjamin Bloom in order to promote higher forms of thinking in education, such as analyzing and evaluating, rather than just remembering facts (rote learning).
Kolb's Cycle of Experiential Learning | <urn:uuid:41a1ef65-3854-43f7-987d-6f64571ad88c> | CC-MAIN-2016-44 | http://www.cwu.edu/leadership-engage/print/2586 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2016-44/segments/1476988719041.14/warc/CC-MAIN-20161020183839-00237-ip-10-171-6-4.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.938624 | 211 | 3.1875 | 3 |
As environmental policy, improving energy efficiency isn’t just a no-brainer; it’s a no-loser. By limiting wasted energy, we reduce the number of power plants we need–along with their resulting pollution–and we save money.
Cutting energy waste is first and foremost a data challenge. You can’t cut waste until you know what you’re wasting, and most of us have only the slightest idea. Standard electricity meters take one reading for an entire month. Imagine trying to diet if all you knew was the total amount of food you ate every four weeks. Says Bennett Fisher, CEO of the building-efficiency start-up Retroficiency: “You need data to make energy saving work.”
We’ve got the data, thanks to the growth of smart, Internet-enabled sensors that can read and relay energy use almost in real time. A host of new big-data companies are figuring out how to crunch that information so energy users from huge factories to individual households can track and reduce waste. This combination of energy technology with the Internet–the industry calls it the Enernet–is the hottest sector in clean tech, in part because it relies on relatively cheap, easily scalable software rather than on the expensive factories needed for, say, making solar panels. “It’s much more capital-efficient,” says Roy Johnson, CEO of EcoFactor, an energy-management start-up.
And efficiency is what the Enernet is all about. Take Virginia-based Opower, one of the oldest and most successful Enernet companies. Opower began by offering homeowners the chance to compare their power use with their neighbors’. Just knowing whether they were energy hogs or energy saints–along with following Opower’s energy-efficiency tips–was enough to reduce waste among homeowners. But as smarter meters taking dozens of readings per day have begun to gather more-granular data, Opower has been able to offer much more. The company sorts through the data collected by smart meters to help customers identify exactly where the waste is occurring and how it can be reduced. “These are things we could never do without big-data analytics,” says Dan Yates, CEO of Opower.
For utilities, big data can be even more powerful and valuable for the bottom line. Smarter energy management can keep overloaded grids running and prevent the need for new, expensive plants. Energy use isn’t constant throughout the day or the year, but because utilities keep power running 24/7, they need to have spare capacity to accommodate spikes. Even if it isn’t needed all the time, that extra power has to be generated, usually by polluting and costly coal or gas plants. Companies like AutoGrid help utilities spread out the demand for energy, smoothing the spikes and reducing the need for unused excess power. AutoGrid’s algorithms sort through the petabytes of data from smart meters–adjusting for variables like weather–and spit out solutions that let utilities and their customers automatically shift nonessential electricity use to nonpeak times. The Enernet can also help utilities make better use of wind and solar power, compensating when the wind isn’t blowing or the sun isn’t shining. Amit Narayan, AutoGrid’s CEO, estimates that his company’s algorithms can help utilities get about 30% more power out of existing resources.
If we’re ever going to truly clean up our electrical grid, we’ll need to replace coal and natural gas with zero-carbon sources like solar or nuclear while improving efficiency. It won’t be easy or cheap. But a smarter, more efficient grid–enabled by the same intelligence that brought us the Internet–can help smooth that transition. | <urn:uuid:9afc9e9c-dae3-418f-b86d-8160f338f99d> | CC-MAIN-2022-21 | https://business.time.com/2013/03/28/smart-power/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-21/segments/1652662539131.21/warc/CC-MAIN-20220521143241-20220521173241-00041.warc.gz | en | 0.928438 | 785 | 2.875 | 3 |
Hypoglycemia is the direct result of a lack of glucides in the body. To make up for this lack it is very important to consume complex (slow assimilation) sugars, since simple (rapid assimilation) sugars cause blood sugar and insulin levels to rise suddenly, and then drop just as suddenly, a short time later. Complex sugars, which take a lot longer to digest, provide the body with the energy it needs throughout the course of the day.
Complex sugars are generally easy to digest and burn, providing the body with more than enough calories to meet its energy requirements.
Foods like pasta contain starch, a complex sugar that takes a very long time to reach the bloodstream, and therefore does not cause blood sugar levels to fluctuate dramatically.
Sudden increases in blood sugar trigger the secretion of massive amounts of insulin, which decrease sugar levels by storing excess sugar as fat.
Every time you eat some pastry or drink a soft drink or alcohol, insulin is released into your system, gathering up any excess sugar and storing it as fat, so that you feel hungry or thirsty again a short time later (in fact what you crave is more sugar).
Indulging in too many sweet foods creates a vicious circle of hyperglycemia – insulin secretion – hypoglycemia.
Also make sure you do not lack chromium. Good sources of this oligo-element include:
– certain condiments (black pepper, thyme)
Because of its regulating effect on sugar metabolism, chromium is recommended for the prevention and treatment of disorders related to improper metabolism, including diabetes and hypoglycemia. | <urn:uuid:a2d2ef08-520a-4914-ab43-de6b573f70bc> | CC-MAIN-2019-26 | http://secrets-of-self-sufficiency.com/nutritional-cure-for-hypoglycemia | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2019-26/segments/1560627998558.51/warc/CC-MAIN-20190617183209-20190617205209-00363.warc.gz | en | 0.928426 | 332 | 3.0625 | 3 |
Keywords: Chinese restaurants
Historical Items Showing 3 of 9 View All
Contributed by: Maine Historical Society
Date: circa 1980
Contributed by: Maine Historical Society/MaineToday Media
Media: Glass negative
In 1857, when Daniel Cough left Amoy Island, China, as a stowaway on a sailing ship from Mt. Desert Island he was on his way into history as the first Chinese person to make his home in Maine. He was soon followed by a cigar maker and a tea merchant who settled in Portland and then by many more Chinese men who spread all over Maine working mostly as laundrymen.
Concern about immigrants and their loyalty in the post World War I era led to programs to "Americanize" them -- an effort to help them learn English and otherwise adjust to life in the United States. Clara Soule ran one such program for the Portland Public Schools, hoping it would help the immigrants be accepted.
The largest textile factory in the country reached seven stories up on the banks of the Saco River in 1825, ushering in more than a century of making cloth in Biddeford and Saco. Along with the industry came larger populations and commercial, retail, social, and cultural growth.
The history of a 350+-year-old city south of Portland, the Scarborough site was constructed by representatives from Scarborough Historical Society, Scarborough Middle School, and Scarborough Public Library. Exhibits include the marsh, transportation and roads, shipyards and shipwrecks, clamming and lobstering, famous residents, and education.
An introduction to Bangor history as depicted by a broad-based group of city institutions and organizations. Partners included the middle-level William S. Cohen and James F. Doughty Schools, Bangor High School, Bangor Public Library, Bangor Museum and Center for History, and individual city historians. Topics covered include early railroads, natural disasters, the Brady Gang, the Civil War, and the 1940s.
Highlights of Biddeford history presented by McArthur Public Library, Biddeford Historical Society, and Biddeford High School’s Project ASPIRE class. The site explores shipbuilding, the Civil War homefront, women’s clubs, influential residents, and some of the city’s famous artists and inventors. | <urn:uuid:a244e5dd-8a3f-47ad-9e3d-5ca734f76680> | CC-MAIN-2016-18 | http://www.mainememory.net/search/?keywords=Chinese+restaurants%0D | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2016-18/segments/1461860116929.30/warc/CC-MAIN-20160428161516-00017-ip-10-239-7-51.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.944585 | 482 | 2.609375 | 3 |
Hazing Prevention Strategies
January 14, 2014
Ryan Hamilton, PhD MSES
Department of Psychology
University of New Brunswick
Sport Psychology Consultant
Editors Note: This is the second of two articles by Dr. Hamilton on Hazing. The first article appeared in Volume 8#2.
The term hazing represents a vast number of activities that potentially degrade, embarrass, endanger or abuse incoming group members. These behaviors continue to be highly prevalent as indicated by recent empirical study – in spite of the introduction of anti-hazing policies. Indeed, more than 90% of varsity athletes report being hazed at some point in their athletic career, with 86% reporting being hazed as a part of joining their university team (Allan & Madden, 2008; Hamilton et al., 2013). The causes and supporting factors of hazing are vast and complex and thus, new rules alone are often inadequate in quelling these behaviours. This is not to say that new rules are not important, but simply that they are not sufficient to create meaningful changes in initiation practices. Educational initiatives, replacement activities, moral engagement processes, and leadership moments must all be fostered to prevent the continued and cyclical perpetration of hazing behaviours. Hazing prevention strategies are the focus of this article.
Moral disengagement has been linked to hazing perpetration (Hamilton, 2011). Specifically, individuals who are more prone to avoid self-sanctioning reactions when they commit some form of harmful act are more likely to subject others to embarrassing and dangerous hazing activities. Conversely, if a person feels morally responsible for the initiation practices being carried out, they will be less likely to subject incoming members to injurious activities. Individual differences exist amongst any group or team(some people will naturally be more inclined to morally disengage); however, certain features of a social environment may also promote moral disengagement. It’s important to look at the situation this way, as hazing is not exclusively the behavioural domain of the morally corrupt; indeed many fine students, athletes, orientation leaders, and colleagues may commit harmful behaviour in the right (or wrong) context. What follows is a list of the key contributing factors to moral disengagement and suggestions of how to mitigate them.
(1) Moral justification occurs when individuals cognitively reconstruct their detrimental conduct into something that is personally and socially acceptable by deeming that it serves a productive function (e.g., hazing is a means to bonding as a team) (Bandura, 1999). Hazers may say they did it to “bring the group together”. If you truly believe that what you are doing is a justified means to an end then you are less likely to feel morally responsible for the wrongdoing. To prevent this justification process I suggest two things. First, leaders should be educated about the detrimental impacts of hazing to group dynamics. There is a growing body of literature demonstrating that hazing actually fractures a group (e.g., VanRaalte et al., 2007) rather than unites it (think about it, an immediate division is made between newcomer and returner). The second strategy I recommend is to have leadership groups think first about the type of team, fraternity, group they want to have; to really explore the way they want their new members to feel and then design activities to meet that end. The common alternative is to pursue the same traditional hazing activities and then retrospectively find a way to justify them as producing some desirable outcome. The activity should be generated from the purpose, not the purpose from the activity.
( 2) Euphemistic labeling – it has been found that people behave more maliciously when their actions are stated in less severe or neutral terms (Diener, Dineen, Endresen, Beaman & Fraser, 1975). Hazers thus use terms like rookie party, team bonding, and welcoming ceremony instead of more accurate descriptions like public humiliation, hazing, harassment or emotional abuse. Don’t allow leaders to speak in generalities when describing the orientation activities they are pursuing. Have them be specific to exactly what is being done and the purpose of each of these things. General descriptions tend to mean one of two things that could open the door for hazing: 1) not well planned so the actual activity will be more of an ad hoc occurrence; and 2) purposefully misleading.
(3) Advantageous comparison occurs when individuals use the contrast principle in which judgments about an activity largely depend on comparisons (Bandura, 1999). Perpetrators of hazing may engage in any number of exonerative social comparisons including comparing the activities that they are perpetrating to the hazing they endured or to more extreme hazing activities conducted by other groups. When an individual feels that what they are doing isn’t as bad as what was done to them or what has happened somewhere else they may be lulled into believing that their activity is not dangerous or humiliating at all. Leaders should be reminded to look at the activities planned for newcomers in isolation, not relative to some other group or other year. Much damage can be done under the guise of not as damaging as before.
(4) Displacement of responsibility involves transferring the responsibility for one’s behaviors onto a higher source of authority (e.g., captain, coach, tradition) thereby reducing the personal moral implications. This particular moral disengagement mechanism is important to consider. Student leaders need to know that they are responsible for any individual activity that they engage in, including being complicit while others engage in wrongdoing. The word tradition comes up frequently as a justification for hazing behaviour. Administrators should be clear with all levels of group leadership that the wrongdoings of previous years are not a defense for wrongdoings in the present year. Furthermore, coaches, residence leaders, orientation committee chairs, and other levels of leadership must be clear on their position about hazing. If lower levels of leadership feel that hazing is tolerated by their immediate supervisors they will be less likely to feel morally responsible for any activity that they engage in. We need to take away the excuses of tradition and supportive higher authority in order to put the moral responsibility for initiation activities squarely on the individuals responsible for carrying out orientation.
(5) Diffusion of responsibility is also an applicable form of moral disengagement in the hazing context as hazing acts are more often carried out in a team setting than by individuals, thereby diffusing personal responsibility. If a single individual were responsible for initiating an incoming group member they would probably be less likely to haze as they would be solely responsible for the actions taken. Diffusion of responsibility is less available to student leaders when they are informed specifically that they are responsible for any actions that they take regardless of the larger group. Furthermore, by having individual returning members champion specific activities they are given more individual responsibility for what occurs. Associating leaders’ names to each aspect of the orientation may make them less likely to advocate, tolerate, or ignore hazing activities as they are personally responsible for what occurs, not just the generalized team or group.
6) Disregard and distortion of consequences occurs as returning group members may ignore or minimize the effect of their actions on the incoming members. In sports settings, athletes are often adept at hiding pain, so the consequences of the hazing act (physical, psychological and emotional) are not as salient as with other groups (Gervais, 2004). If the harm being caused isn’t observed, is reframed or ignored, the potential for moral self-sanctioning is reduced. All new members of a group are under pressure to fit in and appear ready to join the group to which they are being initiated; thus, they are likely to state that everything is fine and that they accept everything they are being asked to do. This may not be reality. It is incumbent upon the returning group members to ensure that no harm will be done while designing the activities rather than having an ad hoc approach where the activity will be stopped at the first sign of harm.
(7) Dehumanization is one of the more widely investigated mechanisms of moral disengagement. In sport, rookies are often made to wear costumes, are referred to as “rooks” or “grunts”; in other groups the term “frosh” or “pledge” is used to dehumanize. It is easier to haze a frosh or a grunt then a “human”. I believe it is essential to “humanize” incoming group members before any initiation or orientation activities begin. The more information that can be gained about a new group member, including a sense of their struggles and concerns, and developing a sense for their vulnerabilities will make it more difficult to commit wrongful behaviour in their direction. Other ways to humanize include minimizing the use of costumes (especially degrading ones), calling individuals by their first names in place of nicknames (especially degrading ones), and increasing the number of close and supportive conversations that occur between returning and incoming group members.
Finally, (8) attribution of blame may also enable moral disengagement. In the hazing context, it is possible that rookies get blamed for the hazing because they are too defiant, too compliant, too emotional, or not emotional enough. To avoid this, all activities should be designed and framed as what you can do FOR the incoming group member, rather than what you are going to or have to do TO them.
Importantly, the preceding suggestions are grounded in moral disengagement theory and empirical findings. Other factors found to be related to hazing perpetration are attitudes toward initiation and previous experiences with hazing. In particular, practitioners should especially consider past hazing experiences of team/group members and explore the culture of hazing that exists within particular teams or groups. Understanding these past experiences can provide insight as to what activities may be carried out and how strongly committed group members are to hazing. The more hazing experiences people have had as a victim is directly related to their increased willingness to perpetrate hazing as a perpetrator; these past learning experiences must not be overlooked.
While the preceding discussion of hazing is somewhat theory laden and written with the administrator in mind I have also provided some more tangible suggestions to help groups determine if their activities are hazing and some suggestions to help prevent hazing.
Is this Hazing or Not?
Below are 8 questions that leaders can ask themselves to determine if the activity they are using is a hazing activity or not. If the answer to any of the questions is YES, than the activity should likely be avoided.
1) Is alcohol involved?
2) Will returning members of the group hesitate to participate or be uncomfortable with participating in the activities being asked of new members?
3) Does the activity risk emotional or physical harm?
4) Do you have any reservation describing the activity to your parents, to a professor, to the first year student’s parents or to an administrator? If not, do so.
5) Would you object to the activity being photographed by the local paper or filmed by a local TV crew?
6) Is there any risk of the first year student being embarrassed, insulted or degraded
7) Is the activity more for your own enjoyment than for the benefit of the first year student?
8) Will you have to coerce the first year student to participate?
Other Suggestions for Preventing Hazing
1) Ask Yourself: “Who is this activity for?”
2) Know that bystanders are the key to stopping hazing that is occurring. Typically if someone is being hazed, both parties (hazee and hazer) are committed to the activity. It is thus incumbent upon those observing the activity to stop it.
3) Challenge group decisions that don’t sound quite right. If you are involved with planning orientation or initiation activities, value doing the right thing over protecting group consensus.
4) Don’t try to tone down old hazing practices – be creative and create new traditions that will produce the group identity that you desire..
About the Author
Ryan Hamilton is an assistant professor of psychology at the University of New Brunswick in Fredericton, NB, Canada and an active sport psychology consultant. Ryan’s PhD thesis examined hazing in Canadian University athletics and his program of research continues in this area. In addition to his sport psychology consulting work, Ryan conducts hazing prevention workshops in the domains of athletics, student orientation, and residential life for universities and high schools.
Dr. Hamilton can be reached at (506) 453-5030, email@example.com, or @hammy_sportpsyc on twitter.
Allan, E.J., & Madden, M. (2008). Hazing in view: College students at risk. Initial findings from the National Study of Student Hazing. Retrieved, July 10, 2008, from http://www.hazingstudy.org/publications/hazing_in_view_web.pdf
Bandura, A. (1999). Moral disengagement in the perpetration of inhumanities. Personality and Social Psychology Review. (Special Issue on Evil and Violence), 3, 193-209.
Diener, E., Dineen, J., Endresen, K., Beaman, A. L., & Fraser, S. C. (1975). Effects of altered responsibility, cognitive set, and modeling on physical aggression and deindividuation. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 31, 328-337.
Gervais, J. (2004). Cracking the myths of hazing. Paper presented at the meeting of the National Hazing Symposium, West Lafayette, IN.
Hamilton, R., & Scott, D. (2012, November). Using social cognitive theory to predict hazing in athletics. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Canadian Society for Psychomotor Learning and Sport Psychology, Halifax, NS.
Hamilton, R., Scott, D., O’Sullivan, L.F., & LaChapelle, D.L. (2013). An examination of the rookie hazing experiences of university athletes in Canada. Canadian Journal for Social Research, 3 (1), 35-48
Van Raalte, J.L., Cornelius, A.E., Linder, D.E., & Brewer, B.W. (2007). The relationship between hazing and team cohesion. Journal of Sport Behaviour 30(4), 491-507. | <urn:uuid:581e501b-8042-4a06-bdfe-b47619e00a3e> | CC-MAIN-2018-09 | http://www.sportrisk.com/2014/01/hazing-prevention-strategies/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2018-09/segments/1518891814700.55/warc/CC-MAIN-20180223115053-20180223135053-00556.warc.gz | en | 0.944965 | 2,966 | 3.078125 | 3 |
« EdellinenJatka »
It should be observed, that the distances on the lakes are not measured; but simply estimated by the different pilots. Hence there is a disagreement in the various tables, to the extent of forty or fifty miles in a thousand. The above table may be relied on as about right.
Steamboats are usually about two days in going from Buffalo to Detroit, and five days from Buffalo to Chicago.
There is a class of steam-vessels on the lakes, called "propellers," which are found to be very desirable modes of conveyance for emigrants. They are large-sized schooners, with a small steam-engine in the after part of their hold, to use in head-winds and in calms, using their sails at other times. Their charges are somewhat less than those of the large steamers—say, a sixth less. Their speed bears about the same proportion to that of the steamers.
Sail vessels-schooners and brigs-of which there are great numbers, of the best description, take freight and passengers at about the following rates:-for cabin pas
sengers from Buffalo to Chicago, $10-steerage $3; freight and luggage 25 cents per 100 lbs.
The prices we have given, both for steam and sailing. vessels, frequently vary, particularly those by the large steamers. The reader will be safe, however, in relying on our estimates; for if there be any change, it will be likely to be lower.
TO OHIO, MICHIGAN, WISCONSIN, ILLINOIS, ETC., AND TO CANADA WEST.
This route is favorably spoken of by many who have tried it. Early in the spring, and late in the autumn, it is not a desirable route for passengers going west of Buffalo; as there is more lake navigation than by way of Buffalo.
Passengers bound to such portions of Canada West as lie upon and are near to Lake Ontario, will find this a good route. They can also go by the way of Rochester.
At Oswego, steamers will be found, plying daily to Rochester, Niagara, Lewiston, Toronto, Hamilton, Coburgh, Kingston, Sacket's Harbor, Brockville, Ogdensburgh, Prescott, and intermediate ports. The following are the present rates of
From Oswego to Kingston...
100 lbs. of luggage to each passenger, free. Extra
luggage 25 cents per 100 lbs.
Emigrants will find at Oswego a weekly line of Propellers, bound for Milwaukie, Racine, Chicago, Detroit, and intermediate ports. These Propellers carry freight and passengers. They have commodious cabins, hand. somely fitted up. The cabins are specially prepared for the accommodation of families; and their steerages will each furnish good berths for seventy-five passengers. The charges of these vessels are as follows:
FROM OSWEGO TO MILWAUKIE, RACINE, SOUTHPORT, AND CHICAGO.
The barrel bulk is estimated at seven cubic feet; three chairs called one barrel bulk; children between two and twelve years of age, half-price; under two vears of age, free; one half a barrel bulk of furniture or luggage is allowed each full passenger, free. No charge is made for the freight of the bedding used by the steerage or deck passengers on their passage. A cookingstove, not exposed to the weather, is provided for the accommodation of those who wish to board themselves. All luggage belonging to passengers consenting to have it carried on the promenade-deck, at their own risk, will be transported at 75 cents for each barrel bulk; and for that carried under deck, $1 for each barrel bulk.
The rates of passage on the Ohio Canal, are about the same as on the Erie Canal; averaging for the steerage, about three-fourths of a cent a mile, without board.
RAILROAD LINES LEAVING THE CITY OF NEW-YORK, WITH THEIR TIMES AND PLACES OF DEPARTURE.-Camden and Amboy Railroad Line for Philadelphia and intermediate places. New-York and Philadelphia Railroad Line. Paterson Railroad. New-York and Erie Railroad. STEAMBOAT LINES LEAVING THE CITY OF NEW-YORK.-Regular mail line for Stonington, Providence, and Boston. New-York and Boston Railroad Line, via Norwich, by Steamboat. Hartford Line. New Haven Line. New-York and Bridgeport Lines. Housatonic Railroad Line. DISTANCES.-Steamboat and Railroad Route from NewYork to Albany. Railroad Route from Albany to Boston. From Albany to Buffalo. From Albany to Saratoga Springs. Utica to Sacketts Harbor. Utica to Ogdensburgh. Utica to Binghamton. Oswego to Ogdensburgh. Oswego to Lewistown. Lewistown to Toronto. Lewistown to Hamilton. Plattsburgh to Ogdensburgh. Toronto to Kingston. Steamboats on Lake Champlain. Dis tances of the principal cities and towns in the United States from the city of New-York.
VARIOUS RAILROAD, STEAMBOAT, AND STAGE
Railroad Lines leaving the City of New-York.
CAMDEN AND AMBOY RAILROAD LINE, FOR PHILADELPHIA AND IN
Passengers leave New-York daily, (Sundays excepted,) from Pier No. 2, near the foot of Battery-Place, at 5 1-2 o'clock A. M., going by Steamboat to South Amboy, 26 miles; from thence to Philadelphia by Railroad, 62 miles. Usual time 6 hours; fare through $300.
NEW-YORK AND PHILADELPHIA RAILROAD LINE, via New-Jersey Railroad, 30 miles; Trenton and New-Brunswick Railroad, 28 miles; Philadelphia and Trenton Railroad, 27 miles.
Passengers leave New-York daily, from the foot of Liberty-street, for Philadelphia and intermediate places. Distance through 86 miles. Usual time 5 1-2 hours; fare $4 00.
Passengers leave New-York from the foot of Cortlandt-street, for Patterson N. J. Distance 17 miles. | <urn:uuid:4cd58935-9ff6-4b7b-bd94-7c780ade5b9e> | CC-MAIN-2023-40 | https://books.google.fi/books?id=qmsFAAAAQAAJ&pg=PA120&vq=%22in+good+faith,+for+the+use+of+any+society,+incorporated+or+established+for%22&dq=editions:UOM39015023111324&hl=fi&output=html_text | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-40/segments/1695233510326.82/warc/CC-MAIN-20230927203115-20230927233115-00710.warc.gz | en | 0.925311 | 1,382 | 2.609375 | 3 |
Common Core State Standards
Analyze multiple accounts of the same event or topic, noting important similarities and differences in the point of view they represent.
2 teaching resources for those 'aha' moments
Historical Recounts - Literary vs Factual
A 60 minute lesson in which students will explore the difference between a literary historical recount and a factual historical recount.
Introduction to Historical Recounts Unit Plan
This English unit has been designed to introduce the historical recount text type to older students; specifically, the purpose, structure and language features of factual historical recounts. | <urn:uuid:7e367322-e467-473e-bc93-eb8c103bcb2b> | CC-MAIN-2023-23 | https://www.teachstarter.com/us/common-core-standards-in-america/ccss-ela-literacy-ri-5-6/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-23/segments/1685224657144.94/warc/CC-MAIN-20230610062920-20230610092920-00541.warc.gz | en | 0.844873 | 156 | 3.875 | 4 |
After hardware detection, the suggestion window, shown in Figure 2.4: “Suggestion Window”, displays some information about the hardware recognized and proposes a number of installation and partitioning options. When selecting any of these items and configuring them in the corresponding dialogs, you are always returned to the suggestion window, which is updated accordingly. The individual settings are discussed in the following sections.
This offers the opportunity to change the installation type selected previously. If you already have a Linux system installed on your machine, you can use this to boot into that system. This is useful if the system is damaged for some reason and cannot be booted from the hard disk.
Select the keyboard layout. By default, the layout corresponds to the selected language. After changing the layout, test Y, Z, and special characters to make sure the selection is correct. When finished, selectto return to the suggestion window.
If YaST did not detect your mouse automatically, press Tab in the suggestion window several times until 2.5: “Selecting the Mouse Type”.is selected. Then use Space to open the dialog in which to set the mouse type. This dialog is shown in Figure
To select the mouse type, use ↑ and ↓. Consult the mouse documentation for information about the mouse type. After selecting a mouse type, use the key combination Alt + T to test whether the device works correctly without selecting it permanently. If the mouse does not behave as expected, use the keyboard to select another type and test again. Use Tab and Return to make the current selection permanent.
In most cases, YaST proposes a reasonable partitioning scheme that can be accepted without change. If desired, modify this scheme to meet your needs or create a new one.
Every hard disk has a partition table with space for four entries. Each entry in the partition table can be a primary partition or an extended partition. Only one extended partition entry is allowed, however.
Primary partitions consist of a continuous range of cylinders (physical disk areas) assigned to a particular operating system. Using primary partitions, you could not set up more than four partitions per hard disk. More do not fit in the partition table.
This is why extended partitions are used. Extended partitions are also continuous ranges of disk cylinders, but an extended partition may itself be subdivided into logical partitions. Logical partitions do not require entries in the partition table. In other words, an extended partition is a container for logical partitions.
If you need more than four partitions, create an extended partition. This extended partition should span the entire remaining free cylinder range. Then create multiple logical partitions within the extended partition. The maximum number of logical partitions is fifteen on SCSI disks and 63 on (E)IDE disks.
It does not matter which type of partitions are used for Linux. Primary and logical partitions both work fine.
The amount of hard disk space needed depends on the intended use of the system. Available space limits what applications can be installed. The following hints give some guidelines for space requirements:
Minimal system: 180 MB
No graphical interface (X Window System) is installed, which means only console applications can be used. Also, only a very basic selection of software is installed.
Minimal system with graphical interface: 500 MB
This includes X and some applications.
Graphical system with modern applications: between 1 GB and 2 GB
This includes recent versions of graphical desktops, namely KDE and GNOME, and bigger application packages, such as OpenOffice.org and Netscape or Mozilla.
For downloading lots of movies and music with Linux: 2 GB
Both items: 3 GB
Burning CDs and the items listed above: 4 GB
These guidelines can help develop a partitioning scheme for your system:
Under 500 MB:
A swap partition and a root partition (/).
Between 500 MB and 4 GB:
A small boot partition located within the first cylinders of the hard disk (/boot, at least 8 MB or 1 cylinder) to hold the kernel and the boot loader. Also create a swap partition of approximately 256 MB then use the rest for the root partition (/).
For more than 4 GB:
Boot (/boot), swap, root (250 MB), home directories (/home) with about 200 MB for each user, and the rest for programs and data (/usr). You may also reserve an extra partition each for /opt and /var.
Things should be fine if your partitioning setup is similar to that proposed by YaST. This is usually a small partition for /boot at the beginning of the hard disk (about 10 MB, or 1 cylinder on a large hard disk), a swap partition (between 128 and 256 MB), and the rest for /.
When you select the partitioning item in the suggestion window for the first time, YaST displays a dialog listing the partition settings as currently proposed. Accept these current settings without change or change them before continuing.Alternatively, discard all the settings and start over from scratch.
Nothing in the partitioning setup is changed if you select “Expert Partitioning with YaST”. The original setup as proposed by YaST is offered there as a starting point.. If you select , the opens. It allows you to tweak the partition setup in every detail. This dialog is explained in Section
If you select 2.7: “Selecting the Hard Disk”, opens in which to select a hard disk from those on your system. SuSE Linux will be installed on the disk selected in this dialog., a dialog, like that in Figure
The next step is to determine whether the entire disk should be used (“Resizing a Windows Partition”. If desired, go to the dialog to create a custom partition setup at this point (see Section “Expert Partitioning with YaST”).) or whether to use any existing partitions, if available, for the installation. If a Windows operating system was found on the disk or if there is some other FAT file system, select whether to delete or resize the partition. Before doing so, read Section
If you choose, all data on that disk will be lost.
YaST checks during the installation whether the disk space is sufficient for the software selection made. If not, YaST automatically removes parts from the software selection as needed. The suggestion window then includes a notice to inform you about this. As long as there is sufficient disk space available, YaST simply accepts your settings and partitions the hard disk accordingly.
With the expert dialog, shown in Figure 2.8: “The YaST Partitioner in Expert Mode”, the partitioning of your hard disk can be modified manually. Partitions can be added, deleted, or edited.
All existing or suggested partitions on all connected hard disks are displayed in the list of the expert dialog. Entire hard disks are listed as devices without numbers, such as /dev/hda or /dev/sda. Partitions are listed as parts of these devices, such as /dev/hda1 or /dev/sda1. The size, type, file system, and mount point of the hard disks and their partitions are also displayed. The mount point describes where the partition is mounted in the Linux file system tree.
Any free hard disk space is also listed and automatically selected. To allocate additional storage space to Linux, free the needed space starting from the bottom toward the top of the list (starting from the last partition of a hard disk toward the first). For example, if you have three partitions, you cannot use the second exclusively for Linux and retain the third and first for other operating systems.
Select “Partition Types”).. If several hard disks are connected, a selection dialog appears in which to select a hard disk for the new partition. Then, specify the partition type (primary or extended). Create up to four primary partitions or up to three primary partitions and one extended partition. Within the extended partition, you can create several logical partitions (see Section
Select the file system to use to format the partition and a mount point, if necessary. YaST suggests a mount point for each partition created. Details of the parameters are provided in the next section.
Selectto apply your changes.
The new partition is then listed in the partition table. If you click, the current values are adopted and you are returned to the suggestion screen.
If you create a new partition or modify an existing partition, various parameters can be set in the partitioning tool. For new partitions, suitable parameters are set by YaST and usually do not require any modification. To perform manual settings, proceed as follows:
Select the partition.
the partition and set the parameters:
File System ID
Even if you do not want to format the partition at this stage, specify one of the following file system IDs to ensure that the partition is registered correctly:, , , or . Refer to the Administrationshandbuch for details on LVM and RAID.
To format the partition immediately within the scope of the installation, specify one of the following file systems for the partition:, , , , or .
Swap is a special format that makes the partition usable as virtual memory. Every system should have at least one swap partition of at least 128 MB (see page Important). ReiserFS is the default for Linux partitions. ReiserFS as well as JFS and Ext3 are journaling file systems. These file systems are able to restore your system very quickly after a system crash, as write processes are logged during the operation. Furthermore, ReiserFS is very fast in handling lots of small files. Ext2 is not a journaling file system. It is rock solid and good for smaller partitions, as it does not require too much disk space for management.
File System Options
Here, specify various parameters for the selected file system. Depending on the file system used, various options are offered. Only make changes if you are absolutely sure what you are doing.
Encrypt File System
If you activate the encryption, all data is written to the hard disk in encrypted form. This increases the security of sensitive data, but reduces the system speed, as the encryption takes some time.
Here you can specify various parameters for the administration file of the file systems (/etc/fstab). Experienced users have the possibility to modify a number of options. Refer to the respective chapter in the Administrationshandbuch before changing anything.
This specifies the directory at which the partition should be mounted in the file system tree. Various YaST suggestions can be expanded at the respective entry field. If you accept these suggestions, the default file system structure is implemented. However, you can also specify any other names.
Selectto activate the partition.
If a hard disk containing a Windows FAT or NTFS partition was selected as installation target, YaST will offer to delete or shrink this partition. In this way, you can install SuSE Linux even if there is currently not enough space on the hard disk. This functionality is especially useful if the selected hard disk merely contains one Windows partition that covers the entire hard disk, which is often the case with preinstalled computers.
If YaST sees that there is not enough space on the selected hard disk, but that space could be made available by deleting or shrinking a Windows partion, it will present a dialog in which you can choose one of these two options.
If you select, the Windows partition will be marked for deletion, and the freed space will be used for the installation of SuSE Linux.
If you delete Windows, all data will be lost beyond recovery as soon as the formatting starts.
To shrink the Windows partition, interrupt the installation and boot Windows in order to prepare the partition from there. Although this step is not strictly required for FAT partitions, it speeds up the resizing process and also makes it safer. These steps are vital for NTFS partitions.
In Windows, first run scandisk to make sure the FAT partition is free of lost file fragments and crosslinks. After that, run defrag to move files to the beginning of the partition. This will accelerate the resizing procedure in Linux.
If you have optimized virtual memory settings for Windows in such a way that a contiguous swap file is used with the same initial (minimum) and maximum size limit, consider another step. With these Windows settings, the resizing might have the effect that the swap file is split into many small parts scattered all over the FAT partition. Also, the entire swap file would need to be moved during the resizing, which makes the process rather slow. It is therefore useful to unset these Windows optimizations for the time being and reenable them after the resizing has been completed.
In Windows, run scandisk and defrag in order to move the files to the beginning of the hard disk. In contrast to the FAT file system, this must be done in NTFS in order to enable resizing.
If you operate your system with a permanent swap file on an NTFS file system, this file may be located at the end of the hard disk and remain there despite defrag. Therefore, it may be impossible to shrink the partition sufficiently. In this case, temporarily deactivate the swap file (the virtual memory in Windows). After the partition has been resized, you can configure as much virtual memory as you need..
After these preparation, return to the Linux partitioning setup and select. After a quick check of the partition, YaST will open a dialog with a suggestion for resizing the Windows partition.
The first bar graph shows how much disk space is currently occupied by Windows and how much space is still available. The second bar graph shows how the space would be distributed after the resizing, according to YaST's current proposal (Figure 2.10: “Resizing the Windows Partition”). Accept the proposed settings or use the slider to change the partition sizing (within certain limits).
If you leave this dialog by selecting, the settings will be stored and you will be taken back to the previous dialog. The actual resizing will take place later, before the hard disk is formatted.
By default, the Windows versions NT, 2000, and XP use the NTFS file system. Unlike FAT file systems, NTFS file systems can (currently) only be read from Linux. Therefore, you can read your Windows files from Linux, but you cannot edit them. If you want write access to your Windows data and do not need the NTFS file system, you can install Windows anew on a FAT32 file system. In this case, you will have full access to your Windows data from SuSE Linux.
If the partitioning is performed by YaST and other partitions are detected in the system, these partitions are also entered in the file /etc/fstab to enable easy access to this data. This file contains all partitions in the system with their properties (parameters), such as the file system, mount point, and user permissions.
Example 2.1. /etc/fstab: Partition Data
/dev/sda1 /data1 auto noauto,user 0 0 /dev/sda8 /data2 auto noauto,user 0 0
The partitions, regardless of whether they are Linux or FAT partitions, are specified with the options noauto and user. This allows any user to mount or unmount these partitions as needed. For security reasons, YaST does not automatically enter the exec option here, which is needed for executing programs from the respective location. However, to run programs from there, you can enter this option manually. This measure is necessary if you encounter system messages such as bad interpreter or Permission denied.
Detailed background information and tips for partitioning are provided in the Administrationshandbuch in Special Installation Procedures, Partitioning for Experts.
SuSE Linux contains a number of software packages for various application purposes. As it would be burdensome to select the needed packages one by one, SuSE Linux offers three system types with various installation scopes. Depending on the available disk space, YaST selects one of these basic systems and displays it in the suggestion screen.
Minimum System (only recommended for special purposes)
This installs the operating system with various services without the graphical user interface. The machine can only be operated by way of the ASCII consoles. This system type is especially suitable for server applications requiring little direct user interaction.
Minimum Graphical System (without KDE)
If you do not want the KDE desktop or if the disk space is insufficient, install this system type. The installed system includes an elementary graphical user interface with terminal windows, but no real desktop with the usual functionality. You can use all programs that have their own graphical user interfaces (such as Netscape). No office programs are installed.
Default System (with KDE and office package)
This is the largest of all offered basic systems. It contains the KDE desktop together with most of the KDE programs and the office programs. This is the most suitable system type for normal stand-alone machines. If possible, YaST selects this system type.
If you install the default system, there is usually no need to add or remove individual packages. This basic system consists of a software selection that meets most requirements without any changes. If you have specific needs, modify this selection with the package manager. It offers various filter criteria for determining a selection from the numerous packages in SuSE Linux.
The filter selection box is located at the top left under the menu bar. At start-up, thefilter is active. This filter groups the program packages by their application purpose, such as multimedia or office applications. The various groups of the Selections filter are listed under the filter selection box. The packages included in the selected system type are preselected. Click the respective check boxes to select or deselect entire selections for installation.
The right part of the window displays a table listing the individual packages included in the current selection. The leftmost table column shows the current status of each package. Two status flags are especially relevant for the installation: Install (the box in front of the package name is checked) and Do Not Install (the box is empty). To select or deselect individual software packages, click the status box until the desired status is displayed.
Alternatively, right-click the package line to access a pop-up menu listing various status options. However, the other status settings are not needed for the installation. They are described in detailed in Section “Installing and Removing Software”.
Click the filter selection box to view the range of possible filters. The selection according tocan also be used for the installation. This filter sorts the program packages by subjects in a tree structure to the left. The more you expand the branches, the more specific the selection of packages is and the fewer packages that are displayed in the list of associated packages to the right.
Instead of rewriting the same basic functions in each software package, programmers access the functions of other packages. For this reason, many packages require that other packages are installed for the programs to function. In rare cases, programs interfere with each other, causing conflicts. When selecting and deselecting software packages in this dialog, alerts about unresolved package dependencies or conflicts may be displayed. If you install SuSE Linux for the first time or if you do not understand the alerts, read Section “Installing and Removing Software”, which provides detailed information about the operation of the package manager and a brief summary of the software organization in Linux.
The software preselected for installation is based on our long-standing experience and is usually suitable for the needs of most newcomers and advanced home users. In general, there is no need to change anything here. However, if you decide to select or deselect any packages, you should be aware of the consequences. In particular, observe any warnings and avoid deselecting any packages of the base system.
If you are satisfied with your software selection and there are no more unresolved package dependencies or conflicts, clickto apply your changes and exit the program. If this module is started in the installed system, the changes are applied immediately. During the installation, however, the changes are recorded internally and applied later when the actual installation starts.
During the installation, YaST proposes a boot configuration for your system. Normally, you should leave these settings unchanged. However, if you need a custom setup, modify the proposal for your system.
One possibility is to configure the boot mechanism to rely on a special boot floppy. Although this has the disadvantage of requiring the boot floppy in the drive for boot, it allows you to leave an existing boot mechanism untouched. This should not normally be necessary, however, because YaST can configure the SuSE Linux boot loader to boot existing operating systems as well. Another possibility with the configuration is to change the location of the boot mechanism on hard disk.
To change the boot configuration proposed by YaST, select “Boot Loader Configuration with YaST”.to open a dialog in which to change many details of the boot mechanism. For information, read Section
The boot method should only be changed by experienced computer users.
In this dialog, shown in Figure 2.12: “Selecting the Time Zone”, choose between Local Time and UTC under . The selection depends on how the hardware (BIOS) clock is set on your machine. If it is set to GMT, which corresponds to UTC, your system can rely on SuSE Linux to switch from standard time to daylight savings time and vice versa.
The language was already selected at the beginning of the installation (see Section “Language Selection”. If you want to change this setting, you can do this here. Furthermore, advanced users can use the button to set the language for the user root. The drop-down menu offers three options:
The value of the variable LC_CTYPE in the file /etc/sysconfig/language is adopted for the user root. This sets the localization for language-specific function calls.
The user root has the same language settings as the local user.
The language settings for the user root are not affected by the language selection.
Clickto complete the configuration or to undo your changes. | <urn:uuid:bc684158-ea86-4d50-91ea-c753d62725b7> | CC-MAIN-2022-49 | http://mirror.apps.cam.ac.uk/pub/doc/suse/suse9.0/userguide-9.0/ch02s05.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-49/segments/1669446711077.50/warc/CC-MAIN-20221206092907-20221206122907-00696.warc.gz | en | 0.905334 | 4,580 | 2.578125 | 3 |
Inexpensive CNC Machines Turn Students Into Manufacturers
DAVID GREENE, HOST:
The world of manufacturing is certainly changing. Increasingly, it doesn't involve people, but robotic power tools known as CNC, or computer-numerical-control machines. Let's hear now about a California company that's working to make that technology accessible to kids.
Jon Kalish has the story.
JON KALISH, BYLINE: Otherlab is a research and development firm housed in a former pipe organ factory in the Mission District of San Francisco. The organs that were made here were used to rouse religious congregations. The hope now is that the affordable CNC machines being manufactured in this space will inspire very small manufacturers and high school students.
SAUL GRIFFITH: Civilization is built on tools, and these are the most powerful tools that civilization has ever been able to produce, because the computer can give precision that your hand never will.
KALISH: Saul Griffith won a MacArthur genius grant in 2007 for his work on a machine that manufactures low-cost eyeglass lenses, and a comic book called "Howtoons" that explains science and engineering to kids. Griffith is passionate about preparing students for the technological challenges of the 21st Century.
GRIFFITH: Computer-controlled machines and robots are the future of manufacturing everywhere on Earth. We need to be teaching American kids how to use them and design and build them now.
KALISH: Griffith's latest start-up is the Other Machine Company, which makes a CNC machine small enough to sit on a desktop. It's a 13-inch cube called the Othermill, and can cut anything softer than stainless steel. The Othermill can be used to make every thing from jewelry to printed circuit boards for robots. And here's the important thing: It sells for just $1,500. That's an incredible bargain, considering that dentists and jewelers use a similar-size CNC mill that sells for $20,000.
(SOUNDBITE OF MACHINERY)
KALISH: Corinne Okada Takara is a technology educator based in Silicon Valley. She can't wait to get her hands on the Other Machine Company's next desktop CNC machine, which is currently in development. It'll be called the Othercutter, and will use an Exacto knife blade to cut cardboard.
CORINNE OKADA TAKARA: You need to have a low-cost material for exploration, because a lot of the schools don't have the funds to buy the special plastics.
KALISH: Special plastics shaped by a laser cutter, which is more expensive and dangerous than a cardboard cutter. Cheap tools and materials will allow students to design, revise and try again.
TAKARA: It's a dance between the physical and the digital, and we need to be engaging students in that back-and-forth dance.
KALISH: One manufacturing expert thinks that smaller, cheaper computer-numeric-controlled machines could have a big impact on education. Jerry Jasinowski is an economist and former president of the National Association of Manufacturers.
JERRY JASINOWSKI: It's wonderful to make things. But to be able to conceive conceptually of how to make it and then to actually execute it puts making and design together, so that manufacturing is brought back to the very creative, almost artistic kind of activity it was to begin with. And I think that's very exciting, and I think that'll turn kids on.
KALISH: Otherlab's founder, Saul Griffith, says that's one of his goals: getting students to use computer-aided design software with CNC machines, so they get excited about studying manufacturing.
GRIFFITH: There's no science to say that this is going to be a better education. But it's hard to believe that it's not going to be better than just reading a book or looking at a blackboard.
KALISH: For NPR News, I'm Jon Kalish.
NPR transcripts are created on a rush deadline by Verb8tm, Inc., an NPR contractor, and produced using a proprietary transcription process developed with NPR. This text may not be in its final form and may be updated or revised in the future. Accuracy and availability may vary. The authoritative record of NPR’s programming is the audio record. | <urn:uuid:384b70ba-ec70-4a9f-9ad4-d736cae94a79> | CC-MAIN-2017-47 | https://www.npr.org/2013/08/19/213401663/computer-numerical-control-machines?ft=3&f= | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-47/segments/1510934806353.62/warc/CC-MAIN-20171121113222-20171121133222-00065.warc.gz | en | 0.965284 | 912 | 3.3125 | 3 |
What is Good Deed (amal salih)?
Submitted by on Mon, 28/09/2009 - 19:04
Dear Brother / Sister,
Good deed means “good, beautiful and beneficial act,” and “to act in accordance with Allah’s content and pleasure.”
“By the Time. Verily Man is in loss. Except such as have Faith, and do righteous deeds, and (join together) in the mutual enjoining of Truth, and of Patience and Constancy.” (The Surah Time Through Ages (Al-Àsr), 1-3)
There are a lot of verses in which good deeds are mentioned immediately after faith, in the Holy Qur’an. This is guidance and drawing attention. It is a divine warning to men, who believe in Allah, to support his belief with consciousness of adoration and acts of worship.
Another verse mentioning faith and good deed together:
”But give glad tidings to those who believe and work righteousness, that their portion is Gardens, beneath which rivers flow.” (The Heifer (Al-Baqara), 25)
It is very important that the deed should be good. The most important condition for the deed to be good is sincerity, that is to say, to expect only Allah’s pleasure as a result of that act, prayer or favor, and not to look after another benefit.
The author of Nur (Badiuzzaman Said Nursi) compares the acts without sincerity to soulless beings, to statues by saying, “sincerity is the spirit of good deeds”. Even if we gather hundreds of human statues in a place, they will not be equal to one living individual because they do not have life and spirit. All of the prayers performed for hypocrisy, material benefits or gaining appreciation are included in this group.
However, the body also has an importance apart from the spirit. The form acts as the body in a sincere prayer.
The Maghrib (evening) prayer is three rak’ats and if this prayer is performed as four rak’ats, this act becomes invalid in terms of form. Assume that that four-rak’at prayer becomes embodied, nobody would say it is Maghrib prayer. Similarly the formal condition of the fasting of Ramadan starts before the sun rise and ends after sunset. It cannot be called fasting if it starts after sunrise and ends after nightfall. In terms of form, that fasting is something different. Therefore, the format condition of prayers must be taken into consideration and prayers must be performed in the style which Allah is pleased with.
An individual could be absolved from responsibility when he fulfills the format conditions of prayers. However, prosperity and spiritual perfection gained from that prayer is compared to the sincerity, which is the spirit of prayers.
An important definition of good deed included in the Nur Collection is as follows:
“Good deed is second the most important and necessary deed after the knowledge of faith. As for good deed, it is carrying out Allah’s rights without infringing on material and immaterial rights of people. (Mesnevî-i Nuriye)
Not to infringe on material and immaterial rights of people is included in the definition of “good deed”. At first sight, this definition may be assumed to mean taqwâ but when it is considered that there is a strong relation between taqwâ and good deeds, it is understood that this definition is also valid for good deed. A life, which is spent without infringing on both material and immaterial rights of people, is a good life.
Avoiding is taqwâ; telling the truth is good deed. Regarding the absence of worshipping as wrong is taqwâ; worshipping is good deed.
People are the slaves of Allah. It is obvious that God is not pleased with infringing on people’s rights. Our Lord does not approve of tyrannizing unbelievers, either. Then, avoiding from hurting God’s slaves, slandering, smearing, begrudging and killing them are included in the definition of good deed.
When the term ‘Allah’s rights’ is used, mostly individual’s faith and prayer life is understood. A person who has a wrong creed infringes on God’s rights ; similarly a person who does not live in accordance with his belief and does not obey God’s commands infringes on God’s rights too.
It is both disobedience to God’s rights and infringement on people’s rights to set a bad example with one’s wrong deeds
Questions on Islam | <urn:uuid:1814b2c2-ae7a-42ae-8f1c-df54ee90ae23> | CC-MAIN-2018-26 | https://questionsonislam.com/question/what-good-deed-amal-salih | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2018-26/segments/1529267867050.73/warc/CC-MAIN-20180624180240-20180624200240-00174.warc.gz | en | 0.953414 | 980 | 3.0625 | 3 |
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A symposium hosted by Longwood Symphony Orchestra and The Lab at Harvard Saturday, January 29, 20119:00-5:00 The Lab at Harvard Northwest Building, Harvard University
Aims and scope How does music shape the developing brain? How can music aid recovery from neurological disorders? Can music be the way towards recovering functions for children with autism?
These questions and more will be explored in a day-long symposium on neuroscience, healing, and music at Harvard University. Hosted by Longwood Symphony Orchestra, the non-profit orchestra of Boston's medical community, and The Lab at Harvard, a new forum and platform for idea experimentation in the arts and sciences at Harvard University, the symposium will explore the intersection between music, science, and medicine, through a series of talks, panel discussion, musical performances and networking opportunities for all who have an interest in topics related to the science and health of music.
Program The schedule will include a day-long course of events including talks by experts on music and brain development, music and rehabilitation, and a discussion panel on music and autism.
·Gottfried Schlaug, MD PhD, from Beth Israel Deaconess Medical Center and Harvard Medical School, will speak about the effects of music on brain development and rehabilitation.
·Nina Kraus, PhD, from Northwestern University, will speak on using music for the development of listening and learning skills.
·Nadine Gaab, PhD, from Children's Hospital Boston and Harvard Medical School, will speak on the influences of musical training on language processing and executive functioning in typical and atypical developing children.
·Laurel J. Trainor, PhD, from McMaster University, will speak on music perception in the infant brain.
·Arthur Bloom from Renovation in Music Education (RIME) will speak on using music as a rehabilitative tool for soldiers suffering from traumatic injuries.
·A panel on the effects of music on autism. Panelists include the Boston Higashi School for Autism, Catherine Wan, PhD (Beth Israel Deaconess Medical Center and Harvard Medical School), and Nicholas Lange, ScD (McLean's Hospital, Harvard Medical School / Harvard School of Public Health).
Chamber music will be provided by musicians from the Longwood Symphony Orchestra | <urn:uuid:7a6b9bab-0546-4f35-b7d1-ba4181a0c858> | CC-MAIN-2022-40 | http://www.bachboston.org/symposium-on-arts-and-healing-2011.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-40/segments/1664030337473.26/warc/CC-MAIN-20221004023206-20221004053206-00554.warc.gz | en | 0.933219 | 463 | 2.5625 | 3 |
The scientific community is a diverse network of interacting scientists. It includes many "sub-communities" working on particular scientific fields, and within particular institutions; interdisciplinary and cross-institutional activities are also significant. Objectivity is expected to be achieved by the scientific method. Peer review, through discussion and debate within journals and conferences, assists in this objectivity by maintaining the quality of research methodology and interpretation of results.
History of scientific communitiesEdit
The eighteenth century had some societies made up of men who studied nature, also known as natural philosophers and natural historians, which included even amateurs. As such these societies were more like local clubs and groups with diverse interests than actual scientific communities, which usually had interests on specialized disciplines. Though there were a few older societies of men who studied nature such as the Royal Society of London, the concept of scientific communities emerged in the second half of the 19th century, not before, because it was in this century that the language of modern science emerged, the professionalization of science occurred, specialized institutions were created, and the specialization of scientific disciplines and fields occurred.
For instance, the term scientist was first coined by the naturalist-theologian William Whewell in 1834 and the wider acceptance of the term along with the growth of specialized societies allowed for researchers to see themselves as a part of a wider imagined community, similar to the concept of nationhood.
Membership, status and interactionsEdit
Membership in the community is generally, but not exclusively, a function of education, employment status, research activity and institutional affiliation. Status within the community is highly correlated with publication record, and also depends on the status within the institution and the status of the institution. Researchers can hold roles of different degrees of influence inside the scientific community. Researchers of a stronger influence can act as mentors for early career researchers and steer the direction of research in the community like agenda setters. Scientists are usually trained in academia through universities. As such, degrees in the relevant scientific sub-disciplines are often considered prerequisites in the relevant community. In particular, the PhD with its research requirements functions as a marker of being an important integrator into the community, though continued membership is dependent on maintaining connections to other researchers through publication, technical contributions, and conferences. After obtaining a PhD an academic scientist may continue through being on an academic position, receiving a post-doctoral fellowships and onto professorships. Other scientists make contributions to the scientific community in alternate ways such as in industry, education, think tanks, or the government.
Members of the same community do not need to work together. Communication between the members is established by disseminating research work and hypotheses through articles in peer reviewed journals, or by attending conferences where new research is presented and ideas exchanged and discussed. There are also many informal methods of communication of scientific work and results as well. And many in a coherent community may actually not communicate all of their work with one another, for various professional reasons.
Speaking for the scientific communityEdit
Unlike in previous centuries when the community of scholars were all members of few learned societies and similar institutions, there are no singular bodies or individuals which can be said today to speak for all science or all scientists. This is partly due to the specialized training most scientists receive in very few fields. As a result, many would lack expertise in all the other fields of the sciences. For instance, due to the increasing complexity of information and specialization of scientists, most of the cutting-edge research today is done by well funded groups of scientists, rather than individuals. However, there are still multiple societies and academies in many countries which help consolidate some opinions and research to help guide public discussions on matters of policy and government-funded research. For example, the United States' National Academy of Science (NAS) and United Kingdom's Royal Society sometimes act as surrogates when the opinions of the scientific community need to be ascertained by policy makers or the national government, but the statements of the National Academy of Science or the Royal Society are not binding on scientists nor do they necessarily reflect the opinions of every scientist in a given community since membership is often exclusive, their commissions are explicitly focused on serving their governments, and they have never "shown systematic interest in what rank-and-file scientists think about scientific matters". Exclusivity of membership in these types of organizations can be seen in their election processes in which only existing members can officially nominate others for candidacy of membership. It is very unusual for organizations like the National Academy of Science to engage in external research projects since they normally focus on preparing scientific reports for government agencies. An example of how rarely the NAS engages in external and active research can be seen in its struggle to prepare and overcome hurdles, due to its lack of experience in coordinating research grants and major research programs on the environment and health.
Nevertheless, general scientific consensus is a concept which is often referred to when dealing with questions that can be subject to scientific methodology. While the consensus opinion of the community is not always easy to ascertain or fix due to paradigm shifting, generally the standards and utility of the scientific method have tended to ensure, to some degree, that scientists agree on some general corpus of facts explicated by scientific theory while rejecting some ideas which run counter to this realization. The concept of scientific consensus is very important to science pedagogy, the evaluation of new ideas, and research funding. Sometimes it is argued that there is a closed shop bias within the scientific community toward new ideas. Protoscience, fringe science, and pseudoscience have been topics that discuss demarcation problems. In response to this some non-consensus claims skeptical organizations, not research institutions, have devoted considerable amounts of time and money contesting ideas which run counter to general agreement on a particular topic.
Philosophers of science argue over the epistemological limits of such a consensus and some, including Thomas Kuhn, have pointed to the existence of scientific revolutions in the history of science as being an important indication that scientific consensus can, at times, be wrong. Nevertheless, the sheer explanatory power of science in its ability to make accurate and precise predictions and aid in the design and engineering of new technology has ensconced "science" and, by proxy, the opinions of the scientific community as a highly respected form of knowledge both in the academy and in popular culture.
The high regard with which scientific results are held in Western society has caused a number of political controversies over scientific subjects to arise. An alleged conflict thesis proposed in the 19th century between religion and science has been cited by some as representative of a struggle between tradition and substantial change and faith and reason.. A popular example used to support this thesis is when Galileo was tried before the Inquisition concerning the heliocentric model. The persecution began after Pope Urban VIII permitted Galileo to write about the Copernican model. Galileo had used arguments from the Pope and put them in the voice of the simpleton in the work "Dialogue Concerning the Two Chief World Systems" which caused great offense to him. Even though many historians of science have discredited the conflict thesis it still remains a popular belief among many including some scientists. In more recent times, the creation-evolution controversy has resulted in many religious believers in a supernatural creation to challenge some naturalistic assumptions that have been proposed in some of the branches of scientific fields such as evolutionary biology, geology, and astronomy. Although the dichotomy seems to be of a different outlook from a Continental European perspective, it does exist. The Vienna Circle, for instance, had a paramount (i.e. symbolic) influence on the semiotic regime represented by the Scientific Community in Europe.
In the decades following World War II, some were convinced that nuclear power would solve the pending energy crisis by providing energy at low cost. This advocacy led to the construction of many nuclear power plants, but was also accompanied by a global political movement opposed to nuclear power due to safety concerns and associations of the technology with nuclear weapons. Mass protests in the United States and Europe during the 1970s and 1980s along with the disasters of Chernobyl and Three Mile Island led to a decline in nuclear power plant construction.
References and external articlesEdit
- Kornfeld, W; Hewitt, CE (1981). "The Scientific Community Metaphor" (PDF). IEEE Trans. Sys., Man, and Cyber. SMC-11 (1): 24–33. doi:10.1109/TSMC.1981.4308575.
- Cahan, David (2003). "Institutions and Communities". In Cahan, David (ed.). From Natural Philosophy to the Sciences: Writing the History of Nineteenth-Century Science. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. pp. 291–328. ISBN 978-0226089287.
- Yearley, Steven; Collins, Harry M. (1992), "Epistemological chicken", in Pickering, Andrew (ed.), Science as practice and culture, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, pp. 301–326, ISBN 9780226668017.
- Höhle, Ester (2015). From apprentice to agenda-setter: comparative analysis of the influence of contract conditions on roles in the scientific community. Studies in Higher Education 40(8), 1423-1437. http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/03075079.2015.1060704
- Höhle, Ester (2015). From apprentice to agenda-setter: comparative analysis of the influence of contract conditions on roles in the scientific community. Studies in Higher Education 40(8), 1423-1437.http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/03075079.2015.1060704
- Simonton, Dean Keith (2013). "After Einstein: Scientific genius is extinct". Nature. 493 (7434): 602. doi:10.1038/493602a. PMID 23364725.
- Fuller, Steve (2007). Dissent Over Descent. Icon. p. 25. ISBN 9781840468045.
- Bruce Alberts, Kenneth R. Fulton (24 May 2005). "Election to the National Academy of Sciences: Pathways to membership". Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. 102 (21): 7405–7406. doi:10.1073/pnas.0503457102. PMC 1140467. PMID 16586925.
- "Election to the Fellowship of the Royal Society".
- Shen, Helen (2013). "Oil money takes US academy into uncharted waters". Nature. 494 (7437): 295. doi:10.1038/494295a. PMID 23426305.
- Page 37 John Hedley Brooke: Science and Religion – Some Historical Perspectives, Cambridge 1991
- "Galileo Project - Pope Urban VIII Biography".
- Ferngren, Gary (2002). Science & Religion: A Historical Introduction. Johns Hopkins University Press. pp. Introduction, p.ix–x. ISBN 978-0-8018-7038-5.
- Sociologies of science
- Latour, Bruno; Woolgar, Steve (1986) . Laboratory life: the construction of scientific facts. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press. ISBN 9780691094182.
- Traweek, Sharon (1992). Beamtimes and lifetimes: the world of high energy physicists. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. ISBN 9780674044449.
- Shapin, Steven; Schaffer, Simon (1985). Leviathan and the Air-Pump: Hobbes, Boyle, and the experimental life. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press. ISBN 9780691083933.
- Knorr-Cetina, Karin (1999). Epistemic cultures: how the sciences make knowledge. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. ISBN 9780674258945.
- History and philosophy of science
- Kuhn, Thomas S. (2012). The Structure of Scientific Revolutions. 50th anniversary. Ian Hacking (intro.) (4th ed.). University of Chicago Press. p. 264. ISBN 9780226458113. LCCN 2011042476.
- Alan Chalmers - What is this thing called science
- Other articles
- Haas, Peter M. (Winter 1992). "Introduction: epistemic communities and international policy coordination". International Organization. 46 (1): 1–35. doi:10.1017/S0020818300001442. Pdf.
- Höhle, Ester (2015). From apprentice to agenda-setter: comparative analysis of the influence of contract conditions on roles in the scientific community. Studies in Higher Education 40(8), 1423-1437. | <urn:uuid:d33244d1-f745-4956-a56f-d658f3a4160f> | CC-MAIN-2020-10 | http://conceptmap.cfapps.io/wikipage?lang=en&name=Scientific_community | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2020-10/segments/1581875144722.77/warc/CC-MAIN-20200220100914-20200220130914-00400.warc.gz | en | 0.913727 | 2,641 | 3.546875 | 4 |
Whidbey GeoDome can be brought into educational institutions at all levels — K-12, university, and professional schools. Specific subjects, such as astronomy, physics, biology, earth sciences, mathematics, can be studied in depth using powerful visualization tools. Complex issues and datasets can be readily explored using the principle that “a picture is worth a thousand words, and a metaphor is worth a thousand pictures.”
Students of all ages find the GeoDome to be an enjoyable catalyst for learning any subject, and design and problem solving skills are readily engaged.
Customized curricula for the classroom can be developed in conjunction with the educational objectives of each institution, including formal and informal evaluation tools.
“I saw my entire Earth science astronomy unit presented in less than an hour. Even behaviorally challenged students were awed, attentive, and appreciative of this format.”
Kay McLeod – Buncombe County, NC
“As an educator I am partial to the GeoDome’s truncated design. Placing the audience closer to the screen and filling their field of view with imagery creates an increased sense of immersion, and students react to it every time.” Joel Halvorson – Director, MnPS
Contact us at firstname.lastname@example.org to learn more about setting up a
GeoDome educational program for your school. | <urn:uuid:6d5bd2f5-f2f6-4714-9416-33c049a21fc0> | CC-MAIN-2021-21 | http://www.storydome.org/programs/educational-programs/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2021-21/segments/1620243989030.65/warc/CC-MAIN-20210510003422-20210510033422-00591.warc.gz | en | 0.937237 | 286 | 2.84375 | 3 |
This window was a gift from Jane Keppel Marsilje in memory of
(left) The Prophet Jeremiah has his hand
over his heart, showing submission. The lightning to the
left of his head illustrates the storminess of his reign,
while the sun to the right portrays God’s calm and
forgiveness. Next to his right foot is his crown with three
points broken off and under his left foot is an open scroll
with the Hebrew letters for “Lamentations.” Above
the scroll is a broken bottle, which is typified in the
19th chapter of Jeremiah as Jerusalem’s destruction.
(right) The Apostle Matthew is carrying an open scroll and quill. His facial
expression has a very stern and worried appearance, perhaps attempting to
portray his demeanor as a tax collector.
The symbols, from left to right, are The Tree of the Knowledge
of Good and Evil, The Ten Commandments, and The Harp. | <urn:uuid:3217bd0e-9164-43ff-9fcf-8abfeb5cb9b2> | CC-MAIN-2017-04 | http://www.hope.edu/pr/stainedglass/windows/n3/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-04/segments/1484560279410.32/warc/CC-MAIN-20170116095119-00253-ip-10-171-10-70.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.979378 | 206 | 2.640625 | 3 |
The Science of Stem Cell Research and Potential Therapies
The benefits to society gained
by the introduction of new drugs or medical technologies are considerable. The introductions of antibiotics and
vaccines, for example, have dramatically increased life spans and improved the
health of people all over the world.
The science of stem cell therapies, potentially as important as these
other advances, is about to enter a phase of research and development that
could lead to unprecedented cures and palliative treatments. The current
excitement over potential stem cell therapies emanates from new understandings
of genetics and developmental biology.
Although there is no way to predict the outcomes from basic research,
there is enough data to indicate that much of the enthusiasm is warranted.
link | Printer-friendly | Feedback
| Contributed by: AAAS DoSER and the Institute for | <urn:uuid:65fa5377-ac72-417a-b2c8-ed6c1d710078> | CC-MAIN-2017-13 | http://www.counterbalance.org/stemcell/scien-body.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-13/segments/1490218187206.64/warc/CC-MAIN-20170322212947-00024-ip-10-233-31-227.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.903944 | 176 | 3.03125 | 3 |
Title: Aleurodicus rugioperculatus (Regose spiraling whitefly) Authors
|Kumar, Vivek -|
|Mannion, Catherine -|
|Stocks, Ian -|
|Smith, Trevor -|
|Osborne, Lance -|
Submitted to: Agricultural Experiment Station Publication
Publication Type: Other
Publication Acceptance Date: October 24, 2013
Publication Date: October 29, 2013
Citation: Kumar, V., McKenzie, C.L., Mannion, C., Stocks, I., Smith, T., Osborne, L.S. 2013. Aleurodicus rugioperculatus (Rugose spiraling whitefly). Online extension publication. Featured Creatures. Entomology and Nematology Department, Florida Department of Plant Industry, Institute of Food and Agricultural Sciences,University of Florida. Available: http://entnemdept.ufl.edu/creatures/orn/Aleurodicus_rugioperculatus.htm Interpretive Summary: Rugose spiraling whitelfly which was earlier known and gumbo limbo spiraling whitefly is a new invasive pest in Florida. Since 2009 when it was reported for the first time in Florida from Miami-Dade County, its distribution range has expanded considerably within the state. According to a current report of FDACS-DPI it has been found damaging its hosts in 17 counties of Florida. It has wide range of host plants from palms to woody ornamentals and fruits. As of June 2012, 96 different hosts of rugose spiraling whitefly have been reported from Florida, which include a combination of edibles, ornamentals, palms, weeds, as well as native and invasive plant species. This extension article summarizes the latest information available encompassing its biology, distribution, damage symptoms, hosts and management practices that could be helpful to homeowners, landscapers, businesses, and governmental officials to regulate this pest efficiently and reduce the damage associated with the pest.
Technical Abstract: Aleurodicus rugioperculatus Martin, infamous as gumbo limbo or the rugose spiraling whitefly (RSWF), is a new addition in the list of whitefly species found in Florida. It is a newly introduced pest, endemic to Central America, and reported for the first time in Florida from Miami-Dade County in 2009. Since then it has become an escalating problem for homeowners, landscapers, businesses, and governmental officials throughout the southern coastal counties of Florida. Feeding damage caused by this pest not only brings its plant host under stress, but the massive production of wax and honeydew promotes the growth of fungi called sooty mold, which causes a nuisance in infested regions. Being a fairly new species to the science - identified less than a decade ago, not much information is available about this pest. In this article we have summarized the important information from various reports/presentations that would help to better understand this insect, and manage the problems related to this pest in Florida. | <urn:uuid:906dd267-0a0e-40c9-9dbf-d550a16c531c> | CC-MAIN-2015-14 | http://www.ars.usda.gov/research/publications/Publications.htm?seq_no_115=299810 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2015-14/segments/1427131292567.7/warc/CC-MAIN-20150323172132-00166-ip-10-168-14-71.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.921124 | 622 | 2.625 | 3 |
Note: This table presents the IBA criteria triggered and the species that triggered then at the time of
assessment, the current IUCN Red List category may vary from that which was in place at that time.
For more information about the IBA assessment process and criteria please click here
Most recent IBA monitoring assessment
Year of assessment
Threat score (pressure)
Condition score (state)
Action score (response)
Was the whole site covered?
State assessed by
Accuracy of information
Threats to the site (pressure)
Threat Level 1
Threat Level 2
Invasive and other problematic species and genes
invasive non-native/alien species/diseases - unspecified species
Ephemeral, Freshwater lakes & pools, Saline lakes, Salt marshes
For further information about the habitat classification please click here.
Extent (% of site)
nature conservation and research
For further information about the land use classification please click here.
Most managed by Parks Victoria. Lakes Beeac, Bookaar, Cundare, Milangil, Murdeduke and Terangpom are State Wildlife Reserves. Lakes Colongulac, Corangamite and Gnarpurt are Lake Reserves. Lake Thurrumbong is a State Game Reserve. Cundare Pool/Lake Martin and Lough Calvert are public land managed by Southern Rural Water.
BirdLife International (2019) Important Bird Areas factsheet: Lake Corangamite Complex. Downloaded from
http://www.birdlife.org on 16/01/2019. | <urn:uuid:35a21443-8f5d-497d-b4b5-ee7d71087a20> | CC-MAIN-2019-04 | http://datazone.birdlife.org/site/factsheet/23929/details | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2019-04/segments/1547583657470.23/warc/CC-MAIN-20190116113941-20190116135941-00427.warc.gz | en | 0.773746 | 332 | 2.625 | 3 |
College: Arts and Sciences
Physicists are concerned with an extremely broad range of natural phenomena, extending from the submicroscopic world of elementary particles to the vast reaches of the cosmos and the origins of the universe, from the simplest of everyday activities to the behavior of matter at the furthest extremes in energy, temperature, distance and time.
The defining characteristic of physics is the quest for the underlying logic—the theoretical structure that unifies and explains all the different phenomena that we study experimentally. Both the experiments themselves and the theoretical work that goes on at the same time are motivated primarily by this quest. As a by-product of this quest, physicists have pioneered many of the basic ideas on which our modern technology rests. Such developments as transistors, lasers and perhaps someday fusion energy all come directly from research in physics.
Students should have had some calculus, or be prepared to begin calculus upon arrival at Ohio State, in order to begin the physics program without unnecessary delay.
The Department of Physics wants to become involved with students as soon as they know that they intend to become physics majors, which can be as early as their first arrival at Ohio State. Those who intend to major in physics or are interested in exploring that option should schedule a visit at physics.osu.edu/request-visit.
A student who is interested in majoring in physics should consider carefully whether to choose a program in the College of Arts and Sciences (Bachelor of Science in Physics) or in the College of Engineering (Bachelor of Science in Engineering Physics). The courses of study are very similar and prepare students for a variety of outcomes including graduate school in physics, astronomy, math or engineering; professional school; and employment as engineers, programmers, teachers, technicians and scientists.
Students pursuing a BS in physics can choose from among four options ranging from a rigorous preparation for graduate study in physics to a more flexible option for students who wish to combine a core of physics courses with courses in other areas. In addition to the technical electives unique to each option, all physics majors must complete the core physics and math requirements.
Students choose one of the following options based on what they want to do after they finish their undergraduate work:
- Advanced Physics is designed for students who wish to pursue an advanced physics degree; this option provides an excellent preparation for graduate school in physics, mathematics or astronomy.
- Applied Physics prepares students to begin a full-time job after graduation or to enroll in a graduate program outside of physics including engineering, law, business, journalism, chemistry and biology.
- Life Sciences is designed for those intending to attend medical school; this option satisfies all of the medical school admission requirements when combined with the required physics and math courses in the physics core curriculum.
- Physics Teaching was created for those seeking secondary level certification in physics (e.g., to be a high school teacher); this option has been designed to satisfy the College of Education Master of Education (physics certification) curriculum.
Engineering physics majors have recently participated in study abroad programs in Germany, Switzerland, England, Spain, Italy, Brazil and Canada.
Students have internship opportunities in various fields, including at Johns-Hopkins Applied Physics Lab, NASA, Microsoft, Boeing, Cook Nuclear Plant, Fermilab, Jet Propulsion Lab, SETI Institute and Air Force bases.
The Department of Physics encourages all of its students to become involved in research with a faculty member on one of many active research programs. This is an excellent opportunity to learn about and become involved in cutting edge physics research and discoveries. Areas of research include astrophysics, nuclear and elementary particle physics, solid state physics, biophysics, laser physics, superconductivity, and low temperature physics. In addition, undergraduate physics student organizations have many activities, including hosting guest physicists who speak about their research.
Student organizations of interest to physics majors include Sigma Pi Sigma (the physics honorary society), Society of Physics Students and the Society for Women in Physics.
Recent graduates of the physics program have gone on to study physics, engineering and astronomy at top universities such as Cornell University, Harvard University, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Princeton University, Stanford University, University of Cambridge, University of Pennsylvania, University of Oxford, University of Hawaii and University of Chicago.
Graduates of the physics program have a variety of careers open to them. As workers in basic research, physicists may help expand the frontiers of the knowledge of the physical universe; as teachers in high schools, colleges or universities, they may help to transmit to others knowledge and appreciation of that universe and of scientific methods of investigating and understanding it. In an industrial laboratory or government agency, physicists may deal with the application of fundamental knowledge to the development of solutions for a wide range of practical problems, or they may be managers of large scientific or technical programs. In collaboration with colleagues in other disciplines, physicists may help attack problems spanning a number of important areas, many of which—such as energy usage, radiation hazards and environmental issues—are of current public concern.
Learn more at physics.osu.edu/ug-careers.
Recent graduates in physics have been employed at salaries in the range of $60,000 to $95,000 with the average at $72,000.
- Provide students with the opportunity to master the fundamental areas of physics: classical mechanics, electromagnetism, quantum mechanics and thermodynamics.
- Allow students to develop problem-solving skills and the ability to analyze physical systems and to understand the theoretical framework that applies to them.
- Provide students with a basic mastery of experimental science, including an understanding of data reduction and error analysis.
- Teach students to communicate effectively both orally and in writing.
- Provide students with the opportunity to develop a basic knowledge of and facility with computing.
Undergraduate Studies Office
Department of Physics
1142 Physics Research Building
191 W. Woodruff Ave.
Columbus, OH 43210
- 12 Goldwater Scholarship recipients in the past 10 years
- 11 National Science Foundation (NSF) Fellowship recipients in the past 10 years
- 2007 Rhodes Scholar
- 2011 and 2015 Churchill Scholars
- Two 2009 Gates-Cambridge Scholarship Finalists
- Fulbright Scholars in 2010 and 2013
- 1st, 2nd, 3rd and 4th place winners of the Denman Research Forum
Interested in a career in the STEM fields?
Check out the STEM Pathway to discover the many majors Ohio State offers that can lead to a career in the fields of science, technology, engineering and math. | <urn:uuid:577ea627-f977-48b7-8ef1-d7a67a79005e> | CC-MAIN-2019-30 | https://undergrad.osu.edu/majors-and-academics/majors/detail/124 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2019-30/segments/1563195530246.91/warc/CC-MAIN-20190723235815-20190724021815-00460.warc.gz | en | 0.941518 | 1,337 | 2.828125 | 3 |
Blueberries: Those sapphire blue jewels of summer
Big nutrition in a small package.
Blueberries are the blue sapphires of summer. They vary in color from purple-blue to blue-black. The silvery sheen on the berries is called the bloom.
Although small in size, they are a powerhouse of nutrition. A one cup serving only contains 80 calories. Blueberries have only 0.5 gram of fat. Blueberries contain 3.6 grams of fiber per serving. Blueberries are also excellent sources of Vitamin C, manganese, and antioxidants.
Michigan grown blueberries are available during July and August.
When preparing fresh blueberries Michigan State University Extension recommends that you wash your hands. The fresh produce needs to be rinsed well with lukewarm water before any further preparation takes place.
Are you looking to have some of these sapphire jewels in the winter? Why not freeze them?
Select only berries that are uniform in color and free of blemishes.
To freeze the blueberries, they can be done in either a syrup pack or a dry pack.
The syrup pack is designed to help the blueberries keep their flavor, color, and shape. For freezing blueberries 50 percent syrup is desired. Dissolve one cup of sugar in one cup of water. The syrup needs to be cooled before covering the berries. Put the washed blueberries in a rigid container. Pour the cold syrup over the berries leaving a half of an inch headspace. Label the container and put it in the freezer.
Maybe you prefer a dry pack blueberry where you can shake out only the number of berries you want. If you choose a dry pack method, DO NOT wash the berries before freezing. With this method, if you wash the berries before freezing them the skin will toughen. Place the berries on a tray in the freezer. When they are frozen, put them in rigid containers or plastic bags. This technique will allow you to shake out only the amount of berries you desire.
To can blueberries syrup is necessary. Prepare the syrup ahead of time whether it is light syrup which is a half cup dissolved in four cups of water or a heavy syrup, which is 2 ¾ cups of sugar dissolved in four cups of water.
There are two types of pack for canning blueberries.
For the hot pack, heat the blueberries in boiling water for 30 seconds and drain. Then put the hot blueberries in the hot jars and cover with a hot liquid. Fill the jar with hot liquid, leaving a half inch head space. Remove the air bubbles. Wipe the rims and adjust the lids. Process the blueberries in a boiling water bath canner for 15 minutes for pints and quarts if you live at 0-1000 feet above sea level. If you live 1001-3000 feet above sea level, the process time is 20 minutes.
For the raw pack, put the blueberries into a hot clean jar. Cover the berries with hot syrup, juice, or water leaving a half inch headspace. Remove the air bubbles. Wipe the jar rims, adjust the lids. Process the blueberries in a boiling water bath canner for 15 minutes for pints, if you are at 0-1000 feet above sea level. For quarts it is necessary, to process 20 minutes. If you live 1001-3000 feet above sea level, process the pints for 20 minutes and the quarts for 25 minutes.
Whether you choose to eat them fresh or preserved, enjoy the blue sapphires of summer. For further information contact the local county Michigan State University Extension office. To contact an expert in your area, visit the website, or call 888-MSUE4MI, (888-678-3464). | <urn:uuid:f815110b-bed4-4488-9886-88a46d43fe26> | CC-MAIN-2017-04 | http://msue.anr.msu.edu/news/blueberries_those_sapphire_blue_jewels_of_summer | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-04/segments/1484560284376.37/warc/CC-MAIN-20170116095124-00253-ip-10-171-10-70.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.901126 | 780 | 2.75 | 3 |
During my eight years in Taiwan, I learned to adore Chinese food in all its permutations. One sweet snack I loved in particular would start showing up in the local pastry shops as Chinese New Year rolled around. This was the only time when squares of sachima could be eaten in a perfectly fresh state, the strips of fried dough collapsing at each bite, the syrup still gooey and luscious, the raisins sweet and tender.
I had been told that these were traditional Beijing treats, and I took that as gospel for a long time. But the name always confused me, as it made no sense in Chinese. Most stores displayed signs that said 沙其馬 shāqímǎ, which literally means “sand his horse” — hardly a mouthwatering image. So I started looking into this, and the more I looked, the weirder things got.
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The chef went on to relate a shaggy-dog story about a General Sa who had a penchant for yummy desserts and riding horses, and who was stationed in Guangdong province during the Qing dynasty. The general commanded his cook to prepare a different sweet for him whenever he returned from hunting on horseback. One day the cook fell behind, and by the time his boss had gotten back, he still hadn’t prepared the requisite confection, so he poured some honey over deep-fried noodles, cut them into squares and served the dessert to the general. The officer was delighted. But the cook, grumbling in the back of the kitchen, was heard to mutter, 殺那騎馬的 “Shā nà qímāde.” Loosely translated, it means “[I’d like to] kill that guy on the horse,” but fortunately this was misheard and then interpreted as the name of his new creation, 薩其馬Sà qí mǎ, or “Sa [and] his horse.”
Chinese New Year sweet’s imperial origins
The truth, as it often does, fell straight through the cracks of these tall tales.1 (There at least four more accounts on the origin of sachima, making this a sort of Rashomon of the dessert world.) This sweet actually originated in the Chinese Northeast, in what was once called Manchuria. As the Qing imperial household hailed from this cold area, they brought the treats they loved to Beijing when they arrive to rule over what became China’s last imperial dynasty. However, this didn’t explain the name. I kept digging, but soon wished I hadn’t.
You see, what I found out from some old Chinese books is that sachima is a Manchurian word whose literal definition is “dog nipples dipped in syrup,” or 狗奶子糖蘸 gǒunǎizi tángzhàn. Not an appealing image by any stretch of the imagination.
To my considerable relief, I later found that “dog nipples” was an old name for a wild Manchurian fruit similar to Chinese wolfberries, also known as goji berries. So, somewhere up the line, this sweet was just dried fruits bound with a syrup, which evolved into the more easily created fried strips of dough which are then dotted with dried fruits and nuts.
And so, after all that, what is the meaning of “sachima” in Chinese? It ends up that this is merely a transliteration of those, um, sugary dog nipples.
This recipe is a combination of traditional Beijing-style eggy puffs tossed with a sticky syrup and a big handful of goji berries, nuts, raisins, and sesame seeds to punctuate it with brilliant colors and a variety of flavors and textures. It is simple to make, a delight to eat, and fortunately, involves no horses being sanded or dogs being molested.
Sachima – 薩其馬 Sàqímǎ
Makes 64 pieces about 1 by 2 inches in size
For the dough:
4 cups pastry or cake flour, divided
¼ teaspoon sea salt
5 large eggs, at room temperature
Fresh oil for frying (2 cups or so)
For the fruits and nuts:
½ cup goji berries, a.k.a. Chinese wolfberries (see Tips)
½ cup plump raisins
½ cup chopped toasted or fried peanuts, or ¼ cup each chopped peanuts and pumpkin seeds
½ cup plus 1 tablespoon toasted sesame seeds
For the syrup:
2 cups maltose (see Tips)
Spray oil as needed
¼ cup filtered water
- Place 3½ cups flour and salt in a medium work bowl and toss them together. Stir in the eggs, make a soft dough and then turn the dough out on a lightly floured board. Knead the dough, adding only as much flour as needed until it is supple and smooth. Form the dough into a ball, cover and let it rest for 20 to 30 minutes.
- While the dough is resting, pour the frying oil into a wok to a depth of about 2 to 3 inches and place the wok on the stove. Measure out the fruits and nuts, reserving 1 tablespoon of the sesame seeds for a garnish.
- Measure the maltose by heating the jar of maltose for a minute or two in a pan of hot water or in the microwave until the maltose runs freely. Lightly spray a measuring cup with oil, and then pour the maltose into the cup (see Tips). Immediately pour the still-fluid maltose into a medium saucepan; add the water, as well as the goji berries and raisins so that they can plump up. Bring the syrup to a boil and then let it simmer for about 5 minutes; keep the syrup warm.
- Lightly flour a board and cut the dough into four pieces. Shape each piece into a square and then roll each piece out to a ⅛-inch thickness, dusting the dough with a bit more flour as needed. Use a wide, clean pastry scraper or cleaver to cut each piece in half (no wider than the length of your scraper or knife) and then slice the dough into strips that are also ⅛-inch wide; the length doesn’t matter.
- Heat the oil under the wok over high until a wooden chopstick dipped into it starts to bubble, and then lower the heat to medium-high. Toss a handful of the strips to lightly to shake off most of the flour, and then scatter these gently into the hot oil. Fry the strips until they are puffy and golden brown–adjusting the heat as necessary — and then remove them with a Chinese spider or slotted spoon to a large work bowl. Repeat with the rest of the dough until all of the dough is fried.
- Use the spray oil to lightly spray a 16 x 8-inch square pan and a piece of foil that is a bit larger than the pan. Add the peanuts and sesame seeds to the fried dough. Use a silicone spatula to toss the fried dough as you pour in all of the warm syrup. Keep tossing the dough, scraping up from the bottom where the syrup will like to collect to encourage the dough to absorb some of the syrup while the rest coats each of the strips. Keep tossing and scraping until it becomes difficult to move the spatula.
- Scoop the coated strips out into the waiting pan. Use the spatula to lightly press down on the strips, back and forth, slowly and gently compressing the strips together, and then sprinkle on the reserved tablespoon of sesame seeds while the syrup is still a bit warm and sticky. Lightly press the topping down onto the strips with the spatula, using the oiled foil to protect your hands. Let the sachima come to room temperature, cover and refrigerate.
- When the sachima is firm, turn it out on a cutting board and use a large, sharp knife to cut it into small (1 by 2-inch) rectangles, or even smaller, if you wish. If you are not serving them immediately, wrap each square in plastic, place these in a resealable plastic bag, and keep them refrigerated; serve cold, as this helps to rein in the inherent stickiness. They will stay fresh for weeks, I think, but I can never leave them alone for that long.
- You may cut the recipe in half and use an 8 x 8-inch pan; measure out the half egg by beating it lightly and adding half of it (about 2 tablespoons) to the flour along with the other two eggs.
- The best goji berries are found in busy health food stores or Chinese herbalist shops.
- Maltose, a.k.a. malt sugar, is sold in Chinese grocery stores next to the sugar, usually in white plastic tubs. It appears as an amber-like solid that needs to be heated before it can be measured, so either warm the jar in a pan of hot (not boiling) tap water or heat it with short bursts in the microwave.
- Measure maltose out in a greased cup so the sticky syrup will glide out easily. (This is the only thing I remember from seventh grade home ec class.)
1. According to “Yanjing suishi ji” (燕京歲時記 ), a book about contemporary miscellany by Duncong Fucha, “Sachima are Manchurian pastries made from rock sugar and butter mixed with white flour into a shape like sticky rice that are baked using wood without ash; they are cut into squares and are sweet, rich, and delicious,” which shows that the recipe at that time is a bit different from what is made today. The word he uses for “pastry” – 餑餑 bóbó – is northern Chinese dialect and refers to a variety of pastries and breads. There is also speculation that these might have traveled from Central and South Asia over the Silk Road, since so many sweets there are composed of fried dough drenched in honey syrup.
Top photo: Sachima. Credit: Carolyn Phillips | <urn:uuid:201b0efa-d9c3-449f-b64b-bb0e045b81b5> | CC-MAIN-2016-22 | http://zesterdaily.com/cooking/chinese-new-year-treat-sachima/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2016-22/segments/1464049275764.90/warc/CC-MAIN-20160524002115-00160-ip-10-185-217-139.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.953837 | 2,181 | 2.796875 | 3 |
History of the project
When my brother and me were young we built small model boats. While my interests tended more to computer hardware my brother stayed at this area. Finally, it was only a natural conclusion to make a combination of both things.
What is the job of such a board computer?
The model boat for which this system was developed for was (or is) a two-engine boat with two 7.5ccm combustion motors. These motors are basically independent and drive two independent propellors. Both motors are equipped with electric starter motors controllable via the remote control. This allows to restart the motors without the need to touch the boat.
The most interesting jobs initially planned to be performed by the computer are:
- RPM (Revolutions per Minute; also called Revs) measurement of the engines. That’s one essential job required for the most other things. For the first we used light barriers with infrared light to measure the RPMs. But because of big troubles with dirt and oil we changed to HALL-effect sensors in combination with permanent magnets that worked very well even under worst environmental conditions.
- Engine Syncronizing System (ESS). Stearing both motors with only one joystick is not trivial. Because both engines don’t behave exactly in the same way it’s not enough to provide the throttle-servo with the same signal. This will not lead to identical RPMs for both engines and the boat won’t drive straight forward. This in turn requires activities by the conventional stearing system.
The ESS is responsible to keep both engines at exactly the same RPM level. Of course, finally this is not the only prerequisite to drive straight forward. There are also other factors like wind, waves, and waterflow that have influence on direction. However, it’s one point and it was just interesting to see how it works.
- Automatic Engine Tuning System. Usually combustion engines don’t have only a throttle “input”. There’s at least one regulator intended to adjust the amount of fuel (Methanol+Nitromethane+Oil) to be mixed with air. This tuning system was intended for automatic adjustment of the mix so that the engine delivers always optimal power.
- Starter Control System. The electric starting motors are also controlled by the board computer. This is for safety reasons to not destroy the starter motors. In our concrete application they have drawn about 8Amperes from a 15Volts power supply. In some cases they are not able to get the combustion engines turning and they draw even more current in this case. Therefore the board computer is responsible for stopping the electric motors after a certain time when the combustion engine has not reached a certain threshold of rotations per minute.
The picture below shows the core processor board.
It is made completely by hand – especially making the vias was a terrible soldering job …
The formfactor of the board is a little bit strange because it had to fit into the bow-section of the boat.
The following components can be seen there:
- Rockwell R65C02 CPU (down-left)
- 2x Rockwell R65C22 Versatile Interface Adapter (VIA)
- 32kB RAM (above CPU)
- 16kB ROM (above RAM)
- GAL16V8 for address decoding (top-left)
- 4MHz oscillator (top-right)
The large connector at the right side contains a lot of I/O lines that are connected to other supplemental boards.
The smaller connector is used to control an alphanumeric LC Display (LTN211, 2 lines each 16 characters).
I wrote a small realtime operating system for this computer. This OS is able to handle several pseudo-concurrent operations and the I/O system (maily the LC Display handling). The OS I used in my DAT Recorder is based on this Operating System but has got a lot of improvements.
Status (What is really working?)
Three major functions are implemented for now:
- RPM measurement with maximum function
- starter engine handling
- servo signal decoding (pulse width received by the remote control receiver)
- servo signal generation (creation of a specific pulse width)
- forwarding of one incoming throttle signal to both throttle servos of the combustion engines
The most interesting functions such as engine syncronization and tuning were never implemented. There are several reasons for this.
One problem was the reliability of the combustion engines. At that time we built this boat we had not that much money to buy very expensive engines. I don’t know the situation today, but one should invest about 250 – 500 Euros in a good model combustion engine. Because the engines we used made a lot of troubles it was sometimes very difficult to get both engines running in a well state to make some tests.
Another problem was the reliability of the board computer itself. Although this is not completely true. The computer itself is running very well under laboratory conditions. But the electrical system of the boat caused sometimes system crashes. This is because I made the mistake to not make an optical isolation of the computer from other peripheral devices. So especially the starting process of the main engines often led into a crash of the computer because of heavy electrical bus instabilities (and there was nothing like a watch dog timer …). Even a separate computer power supply has brought no major advantages. There’s still a common ground and the computer controls more or less directly some servos and relais.
Since around 1995 this project is standing still and it is unclear whether it will be continued. There are several ideas in my mind for improvement of a lot of things and there’s enough money available to invest in very good combustion engines and a new professional hardware. Also I collected a lot of experience in hardware design meanwhile. However, there are a lot of other projects and time is the problem. Also my brother is working on a real sailing yacht now rather than on model ships.
Today one would choose a microcontroller or DSP with lots of things integrated rather than building such a system out of “discrete” components.
For questions and comments send your emails to Mario.Trams@digital-force.net | <urn:uuid:f10acd77-26fc-4e95-b651-6ae30fe19158> | CC-MAIN-2021-10 | https://digital-force.net/board-computer-for-model-boat/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2021-10/segments/1614178374217.78/warc/CC-MAIN-20210306004859-20210306034859-00406.warc.gz | en | 0.956773 | 1,290 | 3.21875 | 3 |
Basically mechanical gear trains are used in dial indicator comparators for amplification. Theoretically there is no limit for the amplification but practically gear errors, frictional losses and inertia limit the potential of the gear trains to amplify. Hence the practical limit of discrimination by such devices is
To overcome these mechanical limitations better amplifications methods like other mechanical actions, optical methods, pneumatics and electronics are being used by manufacturers to improve amplification for comparison measurement.
The practical limit of discrimination achieved by measuring devices using gear trains is Hence, option ‘a’ is wrong.
The dial indicators using gear trains have sufficient portability but have limited discrimination. Hence, option ‘b’ is wrong.
In some cases remote reading may be required but amplification of the read dimension plays an important role in improving the quality of the product. Hence, option ‘c’ is wrong.
To achieve discrimination finer than in comparators methods like optical methods, pneumatics and electronics are being used. Hence, option ‘d’ is correct.
Hence, the correct option is . | <urn:uuid:645a1d51-4b37-4d59-bff5-39e19e573983> | CC-MAIN-2016-07 | http://www.chegg.com/homework-help/fundamentals-of-dimensional-metrology-5th-edition-chapter-10-solutions-9781418020620 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2016-07/segments/1454701168076.20/warc/CC-MAIN-20160205193928-00085-ip-10-236-182-209.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.913912 | 220 | 3.09375 | 3 |
Create your own model car
If you’re a teacher, conceiving and designing a model car are great exercises in design thinking for students, particularly for the stages of ideation and prototype design. You can find a quick video on the stages of design thinking below. You can also find a complete lesson plan devoted to this topic, as well as instructional materials such as learning objectives, test materials, and evaluation rubrics here. While the focus of this project is mostly on the “how-to” of design, you can find a series of videos on using Sketchbook Pro to work out ideas before you design here. | <urn:uuid:08730ee7-19c5-4efa-aff5-c4b655c73726> | CC-MAIN-2021-25 | http://bethelccoh.org/Create/create-your-own-model-car | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2021-25/segments/1623487633444.37/warc/CC-MAIN-20210617192319-20210617222319-00254.warc.gz | en | 0.956467 | 128 | 3.296875 | 3 |
Properties (also called ‘attributes,’ ‘qualities,’ ‘features,’ ‘characteristics,’ ‘types’) are those entities that can be predicated of things or, in other words, attributed to them. Moreover, properties are entities that things are said to bear, possess or exemplify. For example, if we say that that thing over there is an apple and is red, we are presumably attributing the properties red and apple to it, and, if the attribution is veridical, the thing in question exemplifies this property. Thus, properties can be characterized both as predicables and as exemplifiables. Relations, e.g., loving and between, can also be viewed as predicables and exemplifiables. More generally they can be treated in many respects on a par with properties and indeed they may even be viewed as kinds of properties. Accordingly, this entry will also discuss them to some extent, although they are treated in more detail in another entry: relations.
Questions about the nature and existence of properties are nearly as old as philosophy itself. Interest in properties has ebbed and flowed over the centuries, but it has undergone a resurgence since at least the second half of the last century and keeps flourishing. The recent collections by Galluzzo & Loux (2015) and Marmodoro & Yates (forthcoming) well testify this trend. This entry will focus primarily on what has been done in this field in the last few decades (taking up where Loux’s (1972) earlier review of the literature leaves off).
Philosophers who argue that properties exist almost always do so because they think properties are needed to solve certain philosophical problems, and their views about the nature of properties are strongly influenced by the problems they think properties are needed to solve. So a good deal of discussion here will be devoted to the tasks properties have been introduced to perform and the ways in which these tasks influence accounts of the nature of properties.
In §1 we introduce some distinctions and terminology that will be useful in subsequent discussion. In §2 we deal with the central topic of what it is for properties to be exemplified. §3 contains a discussion of traditional attempts to use properties to explain phenomena in metaphysics, epistemology, and philosophy of language. §4 focuses on the three areas where contemporary philosophers have offered the most detailed accounts based on properties: philosophy of mathematics, the semantics of natural languages, and topics in a more nebulous area that might be called naturalistic ontology. We then turn to issues about the nature of properties, including their existence conditions (§5), their identity conditions (§6), and the various sorts of properties there might be (§7). §8 provides an introductory, informal discussion of formal theories of properties.
- 1. Distinctions and Terminology
- 2. Exemplification
- 3. Traditional Explanations
- 4. Recent Explanations
- 5. Existence Conditions
- 6. Identity Conditions
- 7. Kinds of Properties
- 7.1 First-order vs. Higher-order Properties
- 7.2 Typed Properties
- 7.3 Untyped Properties
- 7.4 Relations
- 7.5 Propositions
- 7.6 Structured vs. Unstructured Properties
- 7.7 Tensed Properties
- 7.8 Sortal vs. non-sortal Properties
- 7.9 Genus and Species
- 7.10 Determinables and Determinates
- 7.11 Natural Kinds
- 7.12 Purely Qualitative Properties
- 7.13 Essential Properties and Internal Relations
- 7.14 Intrinsic vs. Extrinsic Properties
- 7.15 Primary vs. Secondary Properties
- 7.16 Supervenient and Emergent Properties
- 7.17 Linguistic Types
- 7.18 Categorical Properties vs. Causal Powers
- 8. Formal Theories of Properties
- Academic Tools
- Other Internet Resources
- Related Entries
Not all philosophers acknowledge properties in their ontological inventory and even those who agree that properties exist often disagree about which properties there are. This means that it is difficult to find wholly uncontroversial examples of properties. For example, someone might claim that apple is a natural kind and that natural kinds are not properties (Summerford 2003).
Once properties are accepted, however, one would typically say that they characterize objects or, conversely, that objects instantiate or exemplify them (as we shall see in more detail in §2). To illustrate, if apple is recognized as a property, it is a property that characterizes all apples.
A fundamental question about properties—second only in importance to the question whether there are any—is whether they are universals or particulars. To say that properties are universals is to say that the selfsame property can be instantiated by numerically distinct things, at least in typical cases. (Exceptions are unexemplifiable properties, e.g., round and square, and properties that can only be exemplified by a single thing, e.g., identical to Socrates.) On this view it is possible for two different apples to exemplify exactly the same color, a single universal.
It appears then that a universal property can be in two completely different places (i.e., in two different instances) at the same time, but ordinary things can never be separated from themselves in this way. There are scattered individuals (like the former British Empire), but they have different spatial parts in different places. Properties, by contrast, do not seem to have spatial parts; indeed, they are sometimes said to be wholly present in each of their instances. But how could a single thing be wholly present in widely separated locations? (Plato, Philebus, 15b-c and Parmenides, 13b.)
There are two typical lines of reply here (both of which commit us to fairly definite views about the nature of properties). One response is that properties are not located in their instances (or anywhere else), so they are never located in two places at once. The other response is that this objection wrongly judges properties by standards that are only appropriate for individuals. Properties are a very different sort of entity, and they can exist in more than one place at the same time without needing spatial parts to do so (see Johansson 2013 for a recent discussion of this issue, with special emphasis on the special problems posed by relations.)
Despite these replies, this conundrum has worried some philosophers so much that they have opted for an alternative view, according to which properties are just as much individuals or particulars as concrete things such as apples and desks. No matter how similar the colors of two apples, their colors are numerically distinct properties, the redness of the first apple and the redness of the second. Such individualized properties are variously known as ‘perfect particulars,’ ‘abstract particulars,’ ‘quality instances,’ ‘moments,’ ‘modes,’and ‘tropes.’ Tropes have various attractions and liabilities, but since they are the topic of another entry, here we will construe properties as universals and limit ourselves to a few clarificatory remarks on tropes in §1.1.2. We thus presuppose a fundamental distinction between universals and particulars. This is typically accepted by supporters of universals, but is not uncontroversial (MacBride 2005).
1.1.1 Predication vs. exemplification
We have talked above in a way that might give the impression that predication is an activity that we perform, e.g., when we say or think that a certain apple is red. Although some philosophers might think of it in this way, predication is typically viewed as a special link that connects a property to a thing in a way that gives rise to a proposition, understood as a complex featuring the property and the thing as constituents with different roles: the latter occurs as logical subject or argument, as is often said, and the former as attributed to such an argument. A proposition is also typically viewed as a mind-independent entity that exists whether we think of it or not and that may be true or false (Carmichael 2010 argues from this conception of propositions to the existence of universals.) If a proposition is true (the predication is veridical), the argument instantiates (exemplifies) the property and is called an instance of that property. For example, if there is a red apple, the proposition in which the apple occurs as logical subject and the property red as attributed to it is veridical; the apple thus exemplifies this property and is an instance of it. It is often assumed nowadays that, when an object exemplifies a property, there is a further, complex, entity, a state of affairs or fact (Armstrong 1997), having the property (or perhaps some counterpart of it in the natural world; see §5.4) and the object as constituents (not all agree however with this compositional conception; see, e.g.. Bynoe 2011 for a dissenting voice). States of affairs are typically taken to fulfill the theoretical roles of truthmakers (the entities that make true propositions true) and causal relata (the entities connected by causal relations). Not all philosophers, however, distinguish between propositions and states of affairs; Russell (1903) acknowledges only propositions and, for a recent example, so does Gaskin (2008).
Properties are also often characterized as exemplifiables. But this terminology must be handled with care, because of the controversial issue of the existence of properties that cannot be instantiated, e.g., round and square. Other matters of controversy are whether properties can exist at all without being exemplified and whether some properties can be exemplified by other properties (in the way, perhaps, that redness exemplifies the property of being a color). There is almost universal consensus, however, on the idea that only properties can be predicated and exemplified. For example, ordinary objects like apples and chairs cannot be predicated of, and are not exemplified by, anything.
It is typically assumed that there is just one kind of predication and we will stick to this view here. It should be noted, however, that according to some philosophers who have revived Meinong’s account of nonexistent objects, there are two modes of predication, sometimes characterized as ‘external’ and ‘internal’ (Castañeda 1972; Rapaport 1978; Zalta 1983). Zalta (1983) traces back the distinction to Mally and uses ‘exemplification’ to characterize the former and ‘encoding’ to characterize the latter. Roughly, the idea is that a Meinongian object such as the winged horse is, in Zalta’s terminology, an abstract object that encodes the properties winged and horse, but does not exemplify them; such properties can only be exemplified by concrete objects such as birds and horses in the spatiotemporal realm. These concrete objects do not encode properties at all, they can only exemplify them. In contrast, abstract objects can exemplify some properties, e.g., abstract or thought by someone. Other Meinongians have kept predication univocal and have rather invoked a distinction between two kinds of properties: ‘nuclear,’ such as red and round and ‘extra-nuclear’ such as existent and thought by someone (Parsons 1980).
1.1.2 Universals vs. Tropes
According to some philosophers, universals and tropes may coexist in one ontological framework (see, e.g., Lowe 2006 for a well-known general system of this kind, and Orilia 2006a, for a proposal based on empirical data from quantum mechanics). However, nowadays they are typically seen as alternatives, with the typical supporter of universals (‘universalist’) trying to do without tropes and the typical supporter of tropes (‘tropist’) trying to dispense with universals (see, e.g., Armstrong 1997 and Maurin 2002; Benovsky 2014 is a recent attempt to show that deciding between these two frameworks may be a hard and perhaps insurmountable matter). In order to better clarify how differently they see matters, we may take advantage of the notion of state of affairs that we have just introduced. Both parties may agree, say, that there are two red apples, a and b. They will immediately disagree, however, for the universalist will add (a) that there are two distinct states of affairs, that a is red and that b is red, (b) that the former has a and the universal red as constituents, and (c) that the latter also has the universal red as constituent (and differs from the former only by having b rather than a as additional constituent). The tropist will rejoinder that there are no such states of affairs and universals and rather urge that there are entities such as the redness of a and the redness of b, i.e., two distinct tropes. Tropes are understood as simple entities, but the little exchange that we have just imagined suggests that they are meant to play a theoretical role analogous to the one that the universalist would invoke for complex entities, i.e., states of affairs. Hence, tropists typically claim that tropes can be causal relata (Williams 1953) and truthmakers (Mulligan, Simons and Smith 1984).
That tropes, in spite of their simplicity, can play the role of states of affairs, depends on the fact that universals combine two theoretical roles, only one of which is fulfilled by tropes. On the one hand, universals are characterizers, inasmuch as they characterize concrete objects. On the other hand, they are also unifiers, to the extent that different concrete objects may be characterized by the very same universal, which is thus somehow shared by all of them; when this is the case, there is, according to the universalist, an objective similarity among the different objects (see §3.1). In contrast, tropes are only characterizers, for they cannot be shared by distinct concrete objects. Given its dependency on one specific object, say, the apple a, a trope can do the work of a state of affairs with a as constituent. But for tropes to play this role, the tropist will have to pay a price and introduce additional theoretical machinery to account for objective similarities among concrete objects. To this end, she will typically resort to the idea that there are objective resemblances among tropes, which can then be grouped together in resemblance classes. These resemblance classes play the role of unifiers for the tropist. Hence, from the tropist’s point of view ‘property’ is ambiguous, since it may stand for the characterizers (tropes) or for the unifiers (resemblance classes) (in the terminology of §6.4 of the entry on mental causation). Similarly, ‘exemplification’ and related words may be regarded as ambiguous insofar as they can be used either to indicate that an object exemplifies a certain trope or to indicate that the object relates to a certain resemblance class by virtue of exemplifying a trope in that class.
The disagreement between the universalist and the tropist is operative at a very basic ontological level. One may wonder however whether divergencies at this foundational layer have some impact on more specific philosophical issues and indeed it has been claimed that this is the case in philosophy of mind, in particular as regards mental causation and the tenability of reductive physicalism (Robb 1997; §6.4 of the entry on mental causation; Gozzano & Orilia 2008).
1.1.3 Properties and Relations
Properties are usually distinguished from relations. For example, a specific shade of red or a rest mass of 3 kilograms is a property, while being smaller than or between are typically regarded as relations. Relations are usually taken to have a ‘degree’ (‘adicity’, ‘arity’), which depends on the number of objects that they can relate, or, to put it otherwise (somewhat metaphorically), on the number of ‘places’ they come with. They are thus called ‘dyadic’ (‘two-place’), ‘triadic’ (‘three-place’), and so forth, depending on their degree. For example, being smaller than and between are usually viewed as dyadic (of degree 2) and triadic (of degree 3), respectively. In line with this classification, properties can be called ‘monadic’ (of degree 1). (See Van Inwagen 2015 for a recent example of this way of seeing matters). This terminology is also applied to predicates. For example, the predicates ‘red’ and ‘smaller than’ are monadic and dyadic, respectively.
Relations can also be considered predicable and exemplifiable entities, although, at least in typical cases, they are attributed simultaneously not to single objects, but to a plurality of objects. These objects can be said to jointly instantiate the relation in question, if the attribution is veridical (in which case, one may add, the objects, i.e., the relata, and the relation are constituents of a state of affairs). Thus, except where otherwise noted or where the context indicates otherwise, we will use ‘property’ as a generic term to cover both monadic (one-place, nonrelational) properties and (polyadic, multi-place) relations (i.e., properties of degree higher than one). It should be noted, however, that relations can hardly be said to jointly instantiate certain objects simpliciter; it seems necessary to also specify how the instantiation occurs. This comes to the fore in particular with non-symmetric relations such as loving. For example, if John loves Mary, then loving is jointly instantiated by John and Mary in a certain way, whereas if it is Mary who loves John, then loving is instantiated by John and Mary in another way. Thus, one often hears that relations are exemplified by their relata in a certain order, or even that relations are exemplified by ordered sets of items. How this relational order should be understood is a complex issue, which has been discussed more and more in recent years; see §7.4.
1.1.4 Properties vs. Sets
Properties are often compared to sets and sometimes even assimilated to them. Just as properties can have instances, sets can have members, and it is typically assumed that, given a property, there is a corresponding set, called the extension of the property, having as members exactly those things that exemplify the property. But it is important to note a fundamental difference between the two. Sets have clear-cut identity conditions: they are identical when they have exactly the same members. In contrast, the identity conditions of properties are a matter of dispute. Everyone who believes there are properties at all, however, agrees that numerically distinct properties can have exactly the same instances without being identical. Even if it turns out that exactly the same things exemplify a given shade of green and circularity, these two properties are still distinct. For these reasons sets are called extensional and properties are often said to be intensional entities. Precisely because of their intensional nature properties were dismissed by Quine (1956) as ‘creatures of darkness’ and just a few decades ago many philosophers concurred with him. But philosophers now widely invoke properties without guilt or shame.
1.1.5 Realism, Nominalism, and Conceptualism
The deepest question about properties is whether there are any. Textbooks feature a triumvirate of answers: realism, nominalism, and conceptualism. There are many species of each view, but the rough distinctions come to this. Realists hold that there are universal properties, understood as mind-independent entities. Nominalists deny this (though some hold that there are tropes). And conceptualists urge that words (like ‘honesty’) which might seem to refer to properties really refer to concepts, understood as mind-dependent entities. Nominalism and conceptualism often come together and often are assimilated to the extent that they both involve a non-realist stance about universals (and some would say even an idealist rejection of a mind-independent world; Hochberg 2013). Such a stance is typically coupled with an attempt to reduce universals to other entities such as sets or classes of their instances or, as Lewis (1986) has proposed, to sets of all their possible instances. The former option suffers from notorious problems (Armstrong 1978). The latter can hardly be disentangled from Lewis’s realism about possible worlds; it is thus unpalatable to most philosophers and affected by its own technical problems (Egan 2004).
A few contemporary philosophers have defended conceptualism (cf. Cocchiarella 1986, ch. 3; 2007), and recent empirical work on concepts bears on it, but it is not a common view nowadays. Nominalism has many supporters, but the pros and cons of its various forms are treated extensively in other entries (e.g., nominalism in metaphysics and tropes). We will then focus on realism here (but see §5.1.4).
It is important to note that the realist house is a divided one; in broad outline it is useful to distinguish between those of a Platonist orientation and those whose views trace back to Aristotle. The former view universals as transcendent, ante rem in traditional terminology, capable of existing uninstantiated (see §5.2), but somehow related by instantiation to the objects that happen to exemplify them. In contrast, the latter takes universals to be in rebus, rooted in the spatio-temporal world and thus incapable of uninstantiated existence (see §5.1.4) and intimately related, some say as constituents, to the objects that exemplify them (for a recent take on this old dispute see the essays by Loux, Van Inwagen, Lowe and Galluzzo in Galluzzo & Loux 2015).
Philosophers do not have a settled idiom for talking about properties. Often they make do with a simple distinction between singular terms and predicates. Singular terms are words and phrases that can occupy subject positions in sentences and that purport to denote or refer to a single thing. Examples include proper names like ‘Bill Clinton’ and ‘Chicago,’ definite descriptions like ‘the first female Supreme Court Justice’ and indexicals or demonstratives like ‘I’ or ‘that.’ Predicates, by contrast, can be true of things and are usually taken to express, or (as some friends of properties may say) denote, a property. Expressions such as ‘is a philosopher,’ ‘is wise,’ ‘walks,’ ‘loves’ and the like are typically considered predicates. When we represent a sentence like ‘Quine is a philosopher’ in a standard formal language as ‘P(q),’ we absorb the entire expression ‘is a philosopher’ into the predicate ‘P.’ There is dispute over whether ‘is a philosopher’ as a whole expresses a property or it is rather ‘philosopher’ by itself that does. Frege viewed the meanings of predicates as ‘unsaturated,’ as somehow endowed with ‘holes’ that have to be filled by meanings of singular terms to generate thoughts. Philosophers who are influenced by Frege in this respect tend to prefer the former option. Others are more inclined to prefer the latter and regard the copula ‘is’ as the expression of an exemplification link (Strawson 1959; Bergmann 1960). For these philosophers it might be more appropriate to consider ‘philosopher’ and ‘wise’ as predicates. It will be convenient for us to use ‘predicate’ for expressions of both kinds and view all of them as ways of expressing properties.
Predicates can be nominalized by means of appropriate suffixes such as ‘-ity’ or ‘-ness,’ or via gerundive or infinitive phrases. Nominalization generates singular terms that at least prima facie denote properties. For example, ‘triangular’ and ‘is triangular’ can be turned into ‘triangularity’ and ‘being triangular’; ‘drunk’ and ‘is drunk’ into ‘drunkness,’ ‘being drunk’ or ‘to be drunk’; ‘gives’ and ‘gives a kiss to Mary’ into ‘giving’ and ‘to give a kiss to Mary’ (some think that ‘being F’ and ‘F-ness’ stand for different kinds of property (Levinson 1991), but we will not pursue this line here). It seems also possible to have definite descriptions and perhaps even indexicals that refer to properties. If Mary happens to prefer wisdom to any other property ‘Mary’s favorite property’ seemingly refers to wisdom. Moreover, though more controversially, if someone points to a red object while saying: ‘that shade of red is a beautiful color,’ then the demonstrative ‘that shade of red’ denotes a property (Heal 1997).
Frege (1892) and Russell (1903) had different opinions regarding the ontological import of nominalization. According to the former, nominalized predicates stand for a ‘correlate’ of the unsaturated entity that the predicate stands for (in Frege’s terminology they are a ‘concept correlate’ and a ‘concept,’ respectively). According to the latter, who speaks of ‘inextricable difficulties’ in Frege’s view (Russell 1903, §49), they stand for exactly the same entity. Mutatis mutandis, they had the same difference of opinion regarding singular terms such as ‘Mary’s favorite property.’ There is some prima facie grammatical evidence in favor of Frege’s view: it is perfectly grammatical to say ‘Monica is honest’ or ‘Honesty is a virtue,’ but your old English teacher will cringe if you say ‘Honest is a virtue’ or ‘Monica is honesty.’ But it is not clear that ontological conclusions can be drawn from grammar here or that other compelling reasons can be found (see Parsons 1986 for a good discussion); moreover, it would be desirable to avoid multiplying entities and semantic relations beyond necessity (distinguishing properties and their correlates on the one hand and denoting and expressing on the other hand). And so here we will be fairly cavalier about property terms, using terms such as ‘honesty’ and ‘honest’ indifferently to refer to (express) the same property. It should be noted, however, that some philosophers still support Frege’s view or at least take it very seriously (see Cocchiarella 1986 and Landini 2008).
We saw right at the outset that objects exemplify properties. More generally, we may say, items of all sorts, including properties themselves, exemplify properties, or, in different terminology, they instantiate, bear, have or possess properties. To reverse order, we can also say that properties characterize, or inhere in, the items that exemplify them. There is then a very general phenomenon of exemplification to investigate, which has been labeled in various ways, as the variety of terms of art just displayed testifies. All such terms, including ‘exemplification’ itself, have often been given special technical senses in the rich array of different explorations of this territory since Ancient and Medieval times up to the present age (see, e.g., Lowe 2006, 77), explorations that can hardly be disentangled from the task of providing a general ontological picture with its own categorial distinctions. In line with what most philosophers do nowadays, we choose ‘exemplification,’ or, equivalently, ‘instantiation’ (and their cognates), to discuss this phenomenon in general and to approach some different accounts that have been given of it in recent times. It should be borne in mind that this sweeping use of these terms is to be kept distinct from the more specialized uses of them that will surface below (and to some extent have already surfaced above) in describing specific approaches by different philosophers with their own terminologies.
Some philosophers deem it important to distinguish different kinds of exemplification, typically in relation to the categorial distinctions that they put forward in their ontology, whereas others are content with just one exemplification, applying indifferently to different categories of entities. The latter option may be considered the default one and a typical recent case of a philosopher who goes with it is Armstrong (1997). He distinguishes three basic categories, particulars, properties or relations, and states of affairs, and takes exemplification as cutting across them: properties and relations are exemplified not only by particulars, but by properties or relations and states of affairs as well. For instance, we may have two states of affairs exemplifying the relation of causation or laws of nature consisting of two properties exemplifying a necessitation relation.
The above-considered Meinongians may perhaps be attributed different kinds of exemplification corresponding to the different sorts of predication that they admit (see, e.g., Monhagan’s (2011) discussion of Zalta’s theory). A more typical example of the multifarious alternative is however provided by Lowe (2006), who distinguishes ‘instantiation,’ ‘characterization’ and ‘exemplification’ in his account of four fundamental categories: objects, and three different sorts of properties, namely kinds (substantial universals), attributes and modes (tropes) (‘property’ is being used here as elsewhere in this entry in a most generic sense, possibly not in line with Lowe’s more restricted usage of it): (i) kinds and attributes are instantiated by objects and modes, respectively, (ii) kinds and objects are characterized by attributes and modes, respectively; (iii) attributes are exemplified by objects, whether dispositionally or occurrently. Exemplification is dispositional to the extent that the exemplifying objects instantiate kinds characterized by the attributes in question, while it is occurrent when the exemplifying objects are characterized by modes that instantiate the attributes in question. Thus, for example, Fido is a dog insofar as it instantiates the kind dog, D, which in turn is characterized by the attribute of barking, B. Hence, when Fido is barking, it exemplifies B occurrently by virtue of being characterized by a barking mode, b, that instantiates B; and, when it is silent, it exemplifies B dispositionally, since D, which Fido instantiates, is characterized by B. (see Gorman 2014 for a critical discussion of this sort of view).
It might be thought that once a bundle theory of objects is endorsed, one automatically has an analysis of exemplification in terms of ‘compresence,’ the relation that ties properties together in such a way that they come to constitute a particular object (Russell 1948, Pt. IV, ch. 8): a particular’s exemplifying a property amounts to the property’s being compresent with other properties, those that constitute the particular in question (recently there have been on offer mereological interpretations of this; see Paul 2002 and Shiver 2014). Nevertheless, to the extent that the relation of compresence is itself taken to be jointly exemplified by the properties that constitute a given bundle, as it should seemingly be, there is no real analysis here.
There have been attempts to analyze instantiation even without (explicitly) endorsing a bundle theory. According to Cowling (2014), for instance, one can put forward, for at least some properties, an account in terms of occupying a location. A more well-known assay is provided by Baxter (2001, 2013), who relies on the notion of aspect and on the relativization of numerical identity to counts, as we shall now see. In his view, both particulars and properties have aspects, which can be similar to distinct aspects of other particulars or properties. For example, ‘Hume insofar as he is human’ denotes an aspect had by Hume, and it is similar to the aspect denoted by ‘Rousseau insofar as he is human,’ had by Rousseau. Further, ‘humanity insofar as it is had by Hume,’ denotes an aspect had by humanity, and it is similar to the other aspect had by humanity that is denoted by ‘humanity insofar as it is had by Rousseau.’ Both particulars and universals have different aspects. For example, Hume has also an aspect denoted by ‘Hume insofar as he is even-tempered,’ which differs from his other above-considered aspect, since, say, the former accounts for his being a rational mammal, whereas the latter accounts for his gentle manners. Yet, both aspects are numerically identical to the extent that the same particular has them. Similarly, different aspects of the same property are numerically identical. Thus, Leibniz’s law (telling us that what is true of x is also true of y, if x and y are numerically identical), while retained for properties and particulars, fails for aspects. The numerical identity of aspects is relative to standards for counting, counts, which allow us to group items together. Two counts are specifically relevant for instantiation: the particular count, which allows us to group particulars together; and the universal count, which allows us to group universals together. There can then be a cross-count identity, which holds between an aspect in a collection generated by a certain count, and an aspect in a collection generated by another count. For example, humanity insofar as it is had by Hume, to be found in the collection generated by the universal count, is cross-count identical to Hume insofar as he is human, to be found in the collection generated by the universal count. When there is a cross-count identity of this sort, the universal and the particular in question are taken to be partially identical. Instantiation then amounts to the partial identity of a universal and a particular. Thus, for example, Hume and humanity are partially identical and accordingly Hume instantiates humanity (he is human). As one can see, the theoretical and ontological costs of this analysis are very high and one may well have the feeling, as Baxter himself worries (2001, 449), that instantiation has been traded off for something definitely more obscure, such as aspects and an idiosyncratic view of identity. It can also be suspected that particulars’ and properties’ having aspects is presupposed in this analysis and that this having is a relation rather close to exemplification itself.
Baxter’s analysis has inspired a related approach by Armstrong (2004), who, however, has tried to do without aspects. At first glance it seems as if Armstrong analyzes exemplification, for he takes the exemplification of a property (a universal) by a particular to be a partial identity of the property and the particular; as he puts it (2004, 47),‘[i]t is not a mere mereological overlap, as when two streets intersect, but it is a partial identity.’ However, when we see more closely what this partial identity amounts to, the suspicion arises that it presupposes exemplification. For Armstrong appears to identify a particular via the properties that it instantiates and similarly a property via the particulars that instantiate it. So that we may take a particular, x, to be something like a bundle of properties qua instantiated by x, say Fx + Gx + Hx + … + Px + Qx + …; and a property, P, as something like a bundle of particulars qua instantiating P, say Pa + Pb + … + Px + Py + … By putting things in this way, we can then say that a particular is partially identical to a property when the bundle which the particular is has an element in common with the bundle that the property is. To illustrate, the x and the P of our example are partially identical because they have the element Px in common. Now, the elements of these bundles are neither properties tout court nor particulars tout court, which led us to talk of properties qua instantiated and particulars qua instantiating. But this of course presupposes instantiation. Alternatively (going very much beyond what Armstrong explicitly say), we can perhaps take these elements to be particularized properties, abstract particulars or tropes, which perfectly resemble each other when the bundle that they constitute is a property (a resemblance class playing the role of a universal); and which are compresent, when the bundle that they constitute is a concrete particular (say, an ordinary object). In any case, there is the unwelcome consequence that the world becomes dramatically less contingent than we would have thought at first sight, for neither a concrete particular nor a property-universal can exist without it being the case that the former has the properties it happens to have, and that the latter is instantiated by the same particulars that actually instantiate it; we get, as Mumford puts it (2007, 185), ‘a major new kind of necessity in the world.’
Despite these proposals, it seems safe to say that most philosophers, whether tacitly or overtly, take exemplification to be a primitive and unanalyzable phenomenon. The difficulties encountered by approaches such as those we have just considered (but see also, e.g., Forrest 2013) can perhaps be taken to confirm that there is some wisdom behind the majority view.
One important motivation, possibly the main one, behind attempts at analysis such as the ones above is the worry to avoid the so-called Bradley’s regress regarding exemplification (Baxter 2001, 449; Munford, 2007, 185). One construal of the regress that has passed into the literature goes like this (although it is not clear to what extent Bradley himself had this version in mind; for references to analogous regresses prior to Bradley’s, see Gaskin 2008, ch. 5, §70). Suppose that the individual a has the property F. For a to instantiate F it must be linked to F by a (dyadic) relation of instantiation, I1. But this requires a further (triadic) relation of instantiation, I2, that connects I1, F and a, and so on without end. At each stage a further connecting relation is required, and thus it seems that nothing ever gets connected to anything else. This regress has traditionally been regarded as vicious (see, e.g., Bergmann 1960), although philosophers such as Russell (1903, §55) and Armstrong (1997, 18–19) have argued that it is not. In doing so, however, they seem to take for granted the fact that a has the property F (pretty much as in the brute fact approach; see below) and go on to see a’s and F’s instantiating I1 as a further fact that is merely entailed by the former, which in turn entails a’s, F’s and I1’s instantiating I2, and so on. This way of looking at the matter tends to be regarded as a standard response to the regress. But those who see the regress as vicious assume that the various exemplification relations are introduced in an effort to explain the very existence of the fact that a has the property F. Hence, from their explanatory perspective, taking the fact in question as an unquestioned ground for a chain of entailments is beside the point (cf. Loux 2006, 31–36; Vallicella 2002). It should be noted, however, that this perspective suggests a distinction between an ‘internalist’ and an ‘externalist’ version of the regress (in the terminology of Orilia 2006a). In the former, at each stage we postulate a new constituent of the fact, or state of affairs, s, that exists insofar as a has the property F, and there is viciousness because s can never be appropriately characterized. In the latter, at each stage we postulate a new, distinct, state of affairs, whose existence is required by the existence of the state of affairs of the previous stage. This amounts to admitting infinite explanatory and metaphysical dependence chains, but, according to Orilia (2006, §7), since no decisive arguments against such chains exist, the externalist regress should not be viewed as vicious. An extensive defense of a similar approach can be found in Gaskin 2008. See Maurin 2015 for a sustained criticism.
A typical line for those convinced that the regress is vicious has consisted in proposing that instantiation is not a relation, at least not a normal one. Some philosophers hold that it is a sui generis linkage that hooks things up without intermediaries. Strawson (1959), following W. E. Johnson, calls it a non-relational tie and Bergmann (1960) calls it a nexus. Broad likened instantiation to metaphysical glue, noting that when we glue two sheets of paper together we don’t need additional glue, or mortar, or some other adhesive to bind the glue to the paper (Broad 1933, 85). Glue just sticks. And instantiation just relates. It is metaphysically self-adhesive. An alternative line has been to claim that there is no such thing as instantiation at all and that talk of it is just a misleading figure of speech. At this point it is natural to resort to metaphors like Frege’s claim that properties have gaps that can be filled by objects or the early Wittgenstein’s suggestion (if we read him as a realist about properties) that objects and properties can be hooked together like links in a chain. Although most realists about properties nowadays still tend to adopt one or another of these strategies, Vallicella (2002) has offered a penetrating criticism of them. His basic point is that, if a has property F, we need an ontological explanation of why F and a happen to be connected in such a way that a has F as one of its properties (unless F is a property that a has necessarily). But none of these strategies can provide this explanation. For example, the appeal to gaps is pointless: F has a gap whether or not it is filled by a (for example, it could be filled in by another object), and thus the gap cannot explain the fact that a has F as one of its properties.
Before proposing the above-discussed account of exemplification as partial identity, Armstrong (1997, 118) has claimed that Bradley’s regress can be avoided by taking a state of affairs, say x’s being P, as capable by itself of holding together its constituents, i.e. the object x and the property P. Thus, there is no need to invoke a relation of exemplification linking x and P in order to explain how x and P succeed in giving rise to a unitary item, namely the state of affairs in question. There seems to be a circularity here for it appears that we want to explain how an object and a property come to be united in a state of affairs by appealing to the result of this unification, namely the state of affairs itself. But perhaps this view can be interpreted as simply the idea that states of affairs should be taken for granted in a primitivist fashion without seeking an explanation of their unity by appealing to exemplification or otherwise; this brute fact approach, as we may call it, seems to be Van Inwagen’s standpoint (1993, 37).
Lowe (2006) has tried to tackle Bradley’s regress within his multifarious approach to exemplification. In his view, characterization, instantiation and exemplification, qua ‘formal,’ are to be sharply distinguished from garden-variety relations such giving or loving, which guarantees that characterization, instantiation and exemplification do not give rise to Bradley’s regress (Lowe 2006, 30, 80, 90). In explaining this, Lowe vacillates between taking them to be internal and declaring them non-existent, (Lowe 2006, 111, 167). Perhaps, they are considered non-existent precisely because internal, but separating internality from non-existence may be a better choice, since after all formal relations are in Lowe’s ontological inventory. Moreover, it is really their internality, rather than lack of existence, that is appealed to in the attempt to avoid Bradley’s regress, as shall now illustrate by turning back to the above Fido example. What a mode instantiates and what it characterizes belongs to its essence. In other words, a mode cannot exist without instantiating the attribute it instantiates and characterizing the object it characterizes. Hence, mode b, by simply existing, instantiates attribute B and characterizes Fido. Moreover, since exemplification (the occurrent one, in this case) results from “composing” characterization and instantiation, b’s existence also guarantees that Fido exemplifies B. According to Lowe, we thus have a bunch of truths, that b characterizes Fido, that b instantiates B, and that Fido exemplifies B (i.e., is barking), all of which are made true by b. Hence, there is no need to postulate as truthmakers states of affairs with constituents, Fido and b, related by characterization, or b and B, related by characterization, or Fido and B, related by exemplification. This, in Lowe’s opinion, eschews Bradley’s regress, since this arises precisely because we appeal to states of affairs with constituents in need of a glue that contingently keep them together. Nevertheless, there is no loss of contingency in Lowe’s world picture, for an object need not be characterized by the modes that happen to characterize it. Thus, for example, mode b might have failed to exist and there could have been a Fido silence mode in its stead, in which case the proposition that Fido is barking would have been false and the proposition that Fido is silent would have been true. One may wonder however what makes it the case that a certain mode is a mode of just a certain object and not of another one, say another barking dog. Even granting that is essential for b to be a mode of Fido, rather than of another dog, it remains true that it is of Fido, rather than of the other dog, and since b might have failed to exist, one may still think that this being of is also a contingent glue. The suspicion then is that the problem of accounting for the relation between a mode and an object has been traded for the Armstrongian one of what makes it the case that a property-universal P and an object x make up the state of affairs x’s being P. But the former problem, one may urge, is no less thorny than the latter (for a take on Bradley’s regress analogous to Lowe’s and worries along the lines of those voiced here, see Simons 2011 and MacBride 2011, respectively).
As it should be clear from this far from exhaustive survey, Bradley’s regress deeply worries ontologists and the attempts to tame it keep flowing (see, e.g., Peacock 2012, for an approach resorting to Russell’s notion of a relating relation, as opposed to a relation that is not doing its relating work; Tegtmeier 2013, for a view according to which a fact itself grounds its unity; Schneider 2013 for an appeal to ‘unrepeatable nexuses’ in the context of an Aristotelian framework in the spirit of the one defended in Lowe 2006).
We have dealt primarily, more or less explicitly, with the exemplification of properties by items other than properties, e.g., ordinary objects. But presumably properties may also exemplify properties. For example, if properties are abstract objects, as is usually thought, then seemingly every property exemplifies abstractness. But then we should also grant that there is self-exemplification, i.e., a property exemplifying itself. For example, abstractness is itself abstract and thus exemplifies itself. Self-exemplification however has raised severe perplexities since the early days of Plato.
In various passages throughout his dialogues Plato appears to hold that all properties exemplify themselves, when he claims that Forms (which are often taken to be his version of properties) participate in themselves. This claim serves as a premise in what is known as his third man argument which, he seems to think, may show that the very notion of a Form is incoherent (Parmenides, 132ff). But it is not clear why we should hold that all properties exemplify themselves (Armstrong 1978, 71). For instance, why should we think that honesty itself is honest?
A more serious worry related to self-exemplification is Russell’s famous paradox. If every predicative expression corresponds to a property, then the expressions ‘is a property that does not instantiate itself’ should do so. This raises the question: does this property instantiate itself? Suppose that it does. Then it is a property that does not instantiate itself; so if it does instantiate itself, it doesn’t instantiate itself. Now suppose that it does not instantiate itself. Then it is one of those properties that do not instantiate themselves; so it does instantiate itself. Such a property, which instantiates itself if and only if it does not instantiate itself, appears to defy the laws of logic, at least classical logic. This puzzle and related conundrums still occupy logicians and no consensus on how to eschew them is in sight; see on this §§7.2 and 8.
Properties are typically introduced to help explain or account for phenomena of philosophical interest, especially in doing ontology. The existence of properties, we are told, would explain qualitative recurrence or help account for our ability to agree about the instances of general terms like ‘red.’ In the terminologies of bygone eras, properties save the phenomena; they afford a fundamentum in re for things like the applicability of general terms. Nowadays philosophers make a similar point when they argue that some phenomenon holds because of or in virtue of this or that property, that a property is its foundation or ground, or that a property is the truthmaker for a sentence about it. These expressions signal explanations (for a defense of the legitimacy of ontological explanations, cf. Swoyer 1999; for qualms about an explanatory recourse to properties, see Quine 1961, 10; Quinton 1973, 295).
In seeking explanations in ontology (as in other disciplines) we must frequently weigh tradeoffs between various desiderata, e.g., between simplicity and comprehensiveness, and even between different kinds of simplicity. But one tradeoff is so pervasive that it deserves a name, and we will call it the fundamental ontological tradeoff. The fundamental ontological tradeoff reflects the perennial tension between explanatory power and epistemic risk, between a rich, lavish ontology that promises to explain a great deal and a more modest ontology that promises epistemological security. The more machinery we postulate, the more we might hope to explain—but the harder it is to believe in the existence of all the machinery. As we shall see in the following, the inevitability of this tradeoff keeps playing a crucial role in current discussions of properties.
Properties keep being invoked to explain a very wide range of phenomena. Insofar as each of the explanations is plausible, it serves as part of a cumulative case for the existence of properties. In the following subsections we shall survey several of the most common explanations philosophers have asked properties to provide (for a longer list see Swoyer 1999, §3). In the next section we shall discuss more novel attempts to appeal to properties in providing explanations.
There are objective similarities or groupings in the world. Some things are alike in certain ways. They have the same color or shape or size; they are protons or lemons or central processing units. A puzzle, sometimes called the problem of the one over the many, asks for an account of this. Possession of a common property (e.g., a given shade of yellow) or a common constellation of properties (e.g., those essential to lemons) has often been cited to explain such resemblance. Similarly, different groups of things, e.g., Bill and Hillary, George and Barbara, can be related in similar ways, and the postulation of a relation (here being married to) that the members of each group jointly instantiate is often cited to explain this similarity. Finally, having different properties, e.g., different colors, is often said to explain qualitative differences. A desire to explain qualitative similarity and qualitative difference has been a traditional motivation for realism with respect to universals, and it continues to motivate many realists today (e.g., Butchvarov 1966; Aaron 1967, ch. 9; Armstrong 1984, 250).
Many organisms easily recognize and classify newly encountered objects as yellow or round or lemons or rocks, they can recognize that one new thing is larger than a second, and so on. One may thus think that that this ability is based partly on the fact that the novel instances have a property that the organism has encountered before—the old and new cases share a common property—and that the creature is somehow attuned to recognize it.
Our ability to use general terms (like ‘yellow,’ ‘lemon,’ ‘heavier than,’ and ‘between’) provides a linguistic counterpart to the epistemological phenomenon of recognition and to the metaphysical problem of the One over the Many. Most general terms apply to some things but not to others, and in many cases competent speakers have little trouble knowing when they apply and when they do not. Philosophers have often argued that possession of a common property (like redness), together with certain linguistic conventions, explains why general terms apply to the things that they do. For example, Plato noted that ‘we are in the habit of postulating one unique Form for each plurality of objects to which we apply a common name’ (Republic, 596A; see also Phaedo, 78e; Timaeus, 52a; Parmenides, 13; and Russell 1912, 93). At least for those who attach metaphysical weight to the distinction between expressing (predicates) and referring (singular terms), questions about the meanings (now often known as the ‘semantic values’) of singular terms like ‘honesty’ and ‘hunger’ and ‘being in love’ may be even more pressing. Since the chief task of singular terms is to refer to things, the semantic values of ‘honesty,’ ‘hunger’ and the like are presumably the things they refer to. But what could a word like ‘honesty’ refer to? If there are properties, it could refer to the property honesty.
In addition to the traditional ones discussed above, there are other tasks for which properties have been invoked. For example, the above-mentioned bundle theory attempts to reduce particulars to properties. In spite of well-known problems (Van Cleve 1985) this view keeps having supporters (Casullo 1988; Curtis 2014). Moreover, it has also been proposed that possible worlds can be reduced to properties (Forrest 1986) or that fictional characters can be viewed as properties (Orilia 2012).
Leaving these issues aside, we shall however concentrate on three areas where properties are often invoked today: philosophy of mathematics, semantics (the theory of meaning), and naturalistic ontology. These areas are useful to consider, because if properties can explain things of interest to philosophers who don’t specialize in metaphysics, things like mathematical truth or the nature of natural laws, then properties will seem more interesting. Unlike the substantial forms derided by early modern philosophers as dormitive virtues, properties will pay their way by doing interesting and important work.
Philosophers of mathematics have focused much of their attention on number theory (arithmetic). Number theory is just the theory of the natural numbers, 0, 1, 2, …, and the familiar operations (like addition and multiplication) on them. Many sentences of arithmetic, e.g. ‘7 + 5 = 12,’ certainly seem to be true, but such truths present various philosophical puzzles and philosophers have tried to explain how they could have the features they seem to have, in particular that they are objective, necessary and knowable a priori.
Most attempts to use properties to explain these features are versions of identificationism, the reductionist strategy that identifies numbers with things that initially seem to be different. This approach is familiar from the original versions of identificationism, where numbers were identified with sets, but it is straightforward to adapt this earlier work to identify numbers with properties rather than with sets. For example, the sequence of natural numbers 0, 1, ... could be identified with a sequence of second-order properties such as the property of having no instance, the property of having exactly one instance, etc. (see, e.g., Cocchiarella 1989, §4).
The most compelling defense of the use of properties in the philosophy of mathematics urges that, when we step back and consider the big picture, we see that a rich-enough stock of properties can do all the work of sets and numbers (or that we can use them to define sets and numbers) and that properties can do further things that sets simply cannot. For example, it has been argued that properties can be used to give accounts of the semantics of English or explain the nature of natural laws. The appeal of sets, in short, results from a metaphysical myopia, but, once we adopt a larger view of things, we find that properties provide the best global, overall explanation.
The identification of numbers with properties has sometimes been offered in an attempt to resurrect logicism, roughly the thesis, championed by Frege and Russell, that classical mathematics, or at least arithmetic, can be reduced to logic (Bealer 1982; Cocchiarella 1986a; Orilia 2000). Logicism of course raises the difficult issue of what exactly counts as logic and not all identificationists embrace it (Pollard and Martin 1986). In any case, once numbers are identified with properties, we can explain various things of philosophical interest about truths of arithmetic. They can be objectively true, because they describe an objective realm of mind-independent properties. Moreover, given that the properties identified with numbers are ones that exist necessarily, and that they necessarily stand in their arithmetical relations, the truths of arithmetic will be necessarily true, as one should expect.
However, taken alone, property-based identificationism does not explain mathematical knowledge and substantive auxiliary hypotheses about human cognitive faculties are presumably needed. Identificationists typically propose to identify numbers with putative objects that lie outside the spatio-temporal, causal order. As argued by Benacerraf (1973), however, since we are physical organisms living in a spatio-temporal world, it is not clear how we can interact causally (or in any other discernible way) with abstract, causally inert things so as to have epistemic access to them. A few philosophers, e.g., Linsky & Zalta (1995), have taken this problem seriously and proposed solutions that do not involve mysterious cognitive faculties. Others have even argued that certain universals can play the role of sense-data and should thus be considered objects of perception (Forrest 2005). Philosophers remain divided on this issue, but it is safe to say that if the problem of epistemic access cannot be overcome, it in turn undermines identificationist attempts to use properties to explain arithmetic truth. Here we face the fundamental ontological tradeoff: A richer ontology offers to explain many things that might otherwise be mysterious. But in the view of many philosophers, it engenders epistemological mysteries of its own.
Some recent accounts identify numbers with properties that seem less other-worldly than those invoked by mainstream identificationists such as those mentioned above. For example, Bigelow and Pargetter (1990) argue that rational numbers are higher-order relations—ratios—among certain kinds of first-order relations.
The gravest threats to identificationism are posed by what might be called the Benacerraf problem. As Benacerraf (1965) noted, if there is one way to identify the natural numbers with sets, there are countless ways, e.g., Frege’s, Zermelo’s, von Neumann’s, etc. There is a similar arbitrariness in any particular identification of numbers with properties (as the fact that different property theorists identify numbers with different properties shows; we have seen one proposal above, but another way to go could be this: define first a successor relation à la Frege and then identify 1 with the successor of the property of having no instance, 2 with the successor of 1, and so on (cf. Bealer 1982, §6)). Authors who defend such accounts are aware of these difficulties and some have proposed various responses to them, but the problems are serious and no solutions are generally accepted.
There are also non-identificationist accounts of mathematical truth that make use of properties, such as that by Linsky and Zalta (1995) (further developed in Zalta 1999; 2000). It is based on Zalta’s (1983; 1988) theory of abstract objects, a theory designed to explain a wide range of phenomena, which is particularly relevant here because it is developed alongside a rich formal account of properties.
Language and logic have long been an important source of data for ontologists. Many philosophers have contented themselves with fairly informal appeals to various features of language to support their claim that properties exist, but in the last two decades some philosophers (along with a few linguists and even computer scientists) have employed properties as parts of detailed accounts of the semantics of large fragments of natural languages like English or Choctaw, and some of these accounts contain the most detailed formal theories of properties ever devised. Some property theorists are motivated almost exclusively by a desire to give a semantic account of natural language (e.g., Chierchia and Turner 1988), others hold that this is but one of several motivations for developing an account of properties (e.g., Bealer 1982; Zalta 1988) (but it should be noted that still others, e.g., Jubien 1989; Armstrong 1997; Mellor 1991, 180ff doubt that properties have any serious role to play in semantics at all).
The basic idea that motivates this work is the following. If we allow for a rich-enough stock of properties, we can provide a semantic value for every predicate and abstract singular term of English (or at least for those that could have a semantic value without leading to paradox) and thus account for many linguistic phenomena.
We explain the meanings of general terms like ‘honest’ by claiming that they denote (or express) properties (like honesty), that a sentence like ‘Tom is honest’ has the logical form of a simple subject-predicate sentence, and that it is true just in case the individual denoted by ‘Tom’ is in the extension of the property denoted (or expressed) by the predicate ‘honest,’ which requires that there be a property expressed by this predicate (see Hochberg 1968 for a good discussion of related issues).
We can also argue that abstract singular terms like ‘honesty’ denote the property that the associated predicate (‘honest’) denotes or expresses, that sentences like ‘Honesty is a virtue’ have the simple logical form of a subject-predicate sentence, and that the sentence is true exactly when the word ‘honesty’ denotes a property that is in the extension of the property denoted by the verb phrase ‘is a virtue.’
Once we take these steps, it is also straightforward to explain the validity of arguments such as ‘Clinton is self-indulgent; therefore, there is at least one vice that Clinton has’: The logical form of the premise is that of a simple subject-predicate sentence and the logical form of the conclusion is that of an existential quantification with a standard objectual quantifier. If the first sentence is true, then ‘self-indulgent’ expresses a property, and this property (which can be assumed to have the property of being a vice) satisfies the open sentence ‘Clinton is X.’ Hence, just as in standard first-order logic, the existential quantification is true.
What we discussed so far at most requires, one may think, simple properties without any internal structure. Bu there are some more complex phenomena that appear to require “compound” properties and propositions. They include the following:
- Various English constructions are quite naturally interpreted as complex predicates: ‘Tom is a boring but honest brother of Sam’ is straightforwardly construed as containing a compound predicate, ‘is a boring but honest brother of Sam,’ that is predicated of the noun ‘Tom’ (and that could be predicated of other nouns too, e.g., ‘Wilbur’). Other constructions are very naturally interpreted as complex singular terms (as in ‘Being a boring but honest brother of Sam is no bed of roses’). Furthermore, these complex expressions are related to simpler expressions in systematic ways. For example, ‘Tom is a boring but not dishonest brother of Sam’ should entail ‘Tom is not dishonest.’
- English is full of intensional or intentional idioms like ‘necessarily,’ ‘believes’ and ‘imagines’ that cannot be handled by any extensional semantics.
In recent years a number of philosophers (e.g., Bealer 1982; 1994; Cocchiarella 1986; 2007; Zalta 1983; 1988; Chierchia & Turner 1988; Menzel 1993; Orilia 2000) have developed intricate accounts of properties that deal with these phenomena. They include formal languages whose semantics provide systematic ways of forming compound properties (e.g., loving Darla) to serve as semantic values of complex predicates (‘loves Darla’) or complex singular terms (‘loving Darla’). Moreover, they appeal to propositions, which they treat as zero-place properties, to deal with intensional and intentional idioms. For this to be done properly, properties must be very finely individuated, probably as finely individuated as the linguistic expressions that denote or express them. For example, Tom’s grasp of logic may be so tenuous that he believes of Ortcutt that he is a spy and an auditor for the IRS but doubts that he is an auditor for the IRS and a spy. This is sometimes taken to suggest that being a spy and an auditor for the IRS is distinct from the (necessarily coextensive) property being an auditor for the IRS and a spy. To be sure, few people are guilty of such blatant lapses, but we can certainly make mistakes when necessarily coextensive properties are described in more complicated ways (such errors are routine in mathematics and logic).
On the plausible (though not inevitable) assumption that the structure of many of our thoughts is similar to the structure of the sentences we use to describe the contents of those thoughts (‘Sam thinks Tom is boring but not dishonest’), we might also hope to use properties in an account of mental content that would in many ways parallel an account of the semantics of the more intensional fragments of English.
Before the explicit appeal to properties in formal semantics in works such as those cited above, there has been important work in formal semantics that treats the semantic values of noun phrases and verb phrases as intensions. Intensions are functions that assign sets to predicates at each possible world (or related set-theoretic devices that encode the same information). On such accounts, for example, the semantic value of ‘red’ is the function that maps each possible world to the set of things in that world that are red. Montague (1974) and linguists and philosophers inspired by his work have devised systems based on this idea that have great elegance and power. Nevertheless, finely individuated properties are more useful in semantics than intensions as used by Montague because intensions are still too coarse-grained to explain many semantic phenomena involving intensional idioms. For example, semantic accounts that employ intensions would most naturally treat ‘circle’ and ‘locus of points equidistant from a point’ as having the same meaning (since they have the same intension). This makes it difficult to deal with the so-called paradox of analysis, which asks us to explain how it could be true, e.g., that ‘Tom believes something is a circle, but does not believe that it is a locus of points equidistant from a point’. If ‘circle’ and ‘locus of points equidistant from a point’ have the same meaning an explanation is hard to find. In contrast, with finely individuated properties, we get an account based on the idea that the complex expression ‘locus of points equidistant from a point’ and the simple one ‘circle’ have different properties as meanings, a compound one and a simple, or at least simpler, one, in a way that reflects the different complexity of the two terms in question (cf. Bealer 1982 and, for a variation on this theme, Orilia 1999). It should be noted here that a prima facie similar problem arises with simple terms such as ‘gorse’ and ‘furze’: could not Tom believe that the flower picked by Mary is a gorse without believing that it is a furze? To deal with such cases an appeal to finely individuated compound properties won’t help, since presumably ‘gorse’ and ‘furze’ stand for the same simple property, and accordingly one may want to move from the semantic to the pragmatic level to account for them (Bealer 1982, §39).
Creswell (1985) has shown how to attribute within a Montague-style intensionalist framework two different semantic values to expressions of different complexity such as ‘circle’ and ‘locus of points equidistant from a point’, precisely with the intent of addressing issues concerning beliefs and other propositional attitudes. But then another problem with intensions is this: it is unlikely that they can perform tasks in areas outside semantics (like naturalistic ontology) that properties may be able to do. It is natural, for example, to suppose that things have the capacities that they do (e.g., the capacity to exert a force on a distant object) because of the properties they possess (e.g., gravitational mass). But it seems most unlikely that huge set-theoretic intensions would be able to explain things like this.
Some philosophers have construed intensions as providing a reduction of properties to intensions (properties are nothing over and above functions from the class of possible worlds to classes of objects). This view keeps having supporters (see, e.g., Egan 2004). Given what we noted above, however, it seems much better to view properties (including relations, and perhaps propositions) as irreducible entities.
Current property-based semantic theories do not accommodate vagueness. This is a serious shortcoming, because vague predicates (like ‘bald’) and vague nominalizations (like ‘baldness’) are the rule rather than the exception. Recent empirical work on concepts reinforces the point that many concepts (and, with them, predicates) have a graded membership and goes on to stress the importance of phenomena like typicality. On most current psychological accounts, concepts involve features and similarity relations. Since features (e.g., having feathers, having a beak) are properties, there is no reason why current property theories could not be emended and extended to make contact with such accounts, and it seems likely that this will be a fruitful line of inquiry in the future (see Margolis & Laurence 1999 for a useful selection of papers on concepts).
In recent years properties have played a central role in philosophical accounts of scientific realism, measurement, causation, dispositions, and natural laws. This is a less unified set of concerns than those encountered in the previous two subsections, but it is still a clearly recognizable area, and we will call it naturalistic ontology. Let us see how properties enter the picture in this field.
Even quite modest and selective versions of scientific realism are most easily developed with the aid of properties. Most importantly, this is so because claims that appear to quantify over properties are common in science, as these examples show:
- If one organism is fitter than a conspecific, then there is at least one property the first organism has that gives it a greater propensity to reproduce than the second.
- There are many inherited characteristics, but there are no acquired characteristics that are inherited.
- Properties and relations measured on an interval scale are invariant under positive linear transformations, but this isn’t true of all properties and relations measured on ordinal scales.
- In a Newtonian world all fundamental properties are invariant under Galilean transformations, whereas the fundamental properties in a special-relativistic world are those that are invariant under Lorentz transformation.
No one has any idea how to paraphrase most of these claims in a non-quantificational idiom, and they certainly seem to assert (or deny) the existence of various sorts of properties; natural properties, one may say in the terminology of Lewis (1983), who takes naturalness as coming in degrees, so that we may speak of perfectly natural properties, perhaps negatively charged, less than perfectly natural properties such as metallic, and completely unnatural ones, e.g., Goodman’s notorious grueness (see Dorr & Hawthorne 2013 for a detailed analysis of what naturalness amounts to).
Many important properties invoked in science, like being a simple harmonic oscillator, being a gene, being an edge detector, or being a belief, are often thought to be functional properties. To say that something exemplifies a functional property is, roughly, to say that there are certain properties that it exemplifies and that together they allow it to play a certain causal role. For example, DNA molecules have certain properties that allow them to transmit genetic information in pretty much the way described by Mendel’s laws. Here again, we have quantifications over properties that seem unavoidable.
Much explanation in science is causal explanation, and causal explanations often proceed by citing properties of the things involved in causal interactions. For example, electrons repel one another in the way that they do because they have the same charge.
In naturalistic ontology we often hear claims that one sort of thing is reducible to a second or (more frequently nowadays) that one sort of thing supervenes on another. Such claims make the best sense if we take them to involve properties. For example the claim that the psychological realm supervenes on the physical realm involves mental and physical properties.
Some philosophers of science, most notably Feyerabend and Kuhn, argue that theoretical terms such as ‘mass’ draw their meaning from the theories within which they occur. Hence, they conclude, a change in theory causes a shift in the meanings of all of its constituent terms, and so different theories simply talk about different things, they are ‘incommensurable.’ The common realist rejoinder is that the reference of terms can remain the same even when the surrounding theory shifts. But for this response to work a theoretical term must refer to something, and the most plausible candidate for this is a property.
Various features of measurement in science are most easily explained by invoking properties. For example, estimates of the magnitude of measurement error are typically reported along with measurement results. Such talk makes little sense unless there is a fact about what a correct measurement would be. But the very notion of correct measurement seems to imply that objects exemplify magnitude properties such as rest mass of 4kg. Moreover, nowadays measurement units are often specified directly in terms of properties. For instance, we now specify the meter in terms of something that can in principle be instantiated anywhere in the world, e.g., as the length equal to a certain number of wavelengths (in a vacuum) of a particular color of light emitted by krypton 86 atoms (Mundy 1987; Swoyer 1987).
Some philosophers have employed properties in reductive accounts of causation (cf. Tooley 1987; Fales 1990). It would take us too far afield to explore this work here, but it is worth noting that it is never a single, undifferentiated amorphous blob of an object (or blob of an event) that makes things happen. It is an object (or event) with properties. Furthermore, how it affects things depends on what these properties are. The liquid in the glass causes the litmus paper to turn blue because the liquid is an alkaline (and not because the liquid also happens to be blue). This suggests that at least some properties are causal powers.
Properties have played a central role in several recent accounts of natural laws. This is particularly evident in what we will call N-relation theories, according to which a natural law is a second-order relation of nomic necessitation (N, for short) holding among two or more first-order properties. Hence the logical form of a statement of a simple law is not ‘All Fs are Gs’; in the case of a law involving two first-order properties, it is a second-order atomic sentence of the form ‘N(F,G)’ (see, e.g., Armstrong 1978a; 1983; Dretske 1977; Tooley 1977).
In the more exact sciences the relevant first-order properties (our Fs and Gs) will typically be determinate magnitudes like a kinetic energy of 1.6 × 10−2 joule or a force of 1 newton or an electrical resistance of 12.3 ohms (rather than mass or force or resistance simpliciter; Knowles 2015 argues interestingly for the controversial view that these properties are relations to numbers). Hence the laws specified by an equation are really infinite families of specific laws. For instance, Newton’s second law tells us that each specific, determinate mass m (a scalar, and so a monadic property) and total impressed force f (a vector, and so a relational property) stand in the N-relation to the appropriate relation (vector) of acceleration a (= f/m).
The dominant accounts of laws during much of the last century were regularity theories, according to which laws are simply contingent regularities and there is no metaphysical difference between genuine laws and accidentally true generalizations. N-relation theories were originally devised to avoid perceived shortcomings of these earlier accounts, such as their failure to account for the modal force and the objective character of natural laws. Many laws seem to necessitate some things and to preclude others. Pauli’s exclusion principle requires that two fermions occupy different quantum states and the laws of thermodynamics show the impossibility of perpetual motion machines. But, N-relation theorists insist, since regularity theorists forswear everything modal, they can never account for the modal aspects of laws. Moreover, according to N-relation theories, laws are objective because the N-relation relates those properties it does quite independently of our language and thought (in the case of properties that don’t specifically involve our language or thought). By contrast, the epistemic and pragmatic features used by regularity theorists to demarcate laws from accidental generalizations are too anthropocentric to account for the objectivity of laws.
N-relation theories are not without difficulties (Van Fraassen 1989). First, it is not clear how to extend N-relation accounts to deal with several important kinds of laws, most prominently conservation laws and symmetry principles. Second, even in the case of laws that can be coaxed (or crammed) into the N-relation scheme, the account involves a highly idealized notion whose connection to the things that go by the name ‘law’ in labs and research centers is rather remote (attempts to remove this gap typically rely on Cartwright 1983; 1989). However, if N-relation accounts are on the right track, there is a reasonably rich realm of properties that is structured by one or more nomic relations.
The work discussed in this subsection suggests that properties include determinate physical magnitudes like mass of 3.7 kg and electrical resistance of 7 ohms. Furthermore, such properties typically form families of ordered determinates (e.g., the family of determinate masses) that have a definite algebraic structure (Mundy 1987; Swoyer 1987). It also suggests that a fundamental feature of at least many properties is that they confer causal capacities on their instances. Work on naturalistic ontology doesn’t entail detailed answers to every question about the nature of properties, but it does suggest answers to some of them.
The material covered in the three previous subsections offers us some insights on the nature of properties. One can notice a fundamental way in which the general conception of properties that emerges from naturalistic ontology differs from many of the conceptions discussed in relation to mathematics and semantics. On those earlier conceptions, in invoking properties there appear to be strong reasons for viewing them as finely individuated; we saw that even being a circle and being a locus of points equidistant from a point are regarded as different properties and of course we may add that for similar reasons properties like being water and being an aggregate of molecules of H2O are also regarded as distinct. Moreover, the broadly a priori character of the investigations on which these conceptions are based may easily lead to view properties of this sort as other-worldly necessary beings: abstract entities that exist outside space and time and accordingly are causally inert. If these is what they are, presumably they cannot causally interact with us and thus the task of explaining how we may possibly have knowledge of them is highly problematic.
By contrast, in naturalistic ontology we can learn what properties there are and what they are like through empirical investigation in which we causally interact with them, and accordingly they are treated as contingent entities intimately related to the causal, spatio-temporal order. From this perspective, they can hardly be viewed as finely individuated like the meanings of the other conception, for it is possible to discover a posteriori that a property conceived of in one way (e.g., the property of being water) is identical with a property conceived in some quite different way (e.g., the property of being an aggregate of molecules of H2O). It might be misleading to call such properties ‘concrete’ (the standard antonym of the slippery word ‘abstract’), but it isn’t quite right to call them ‘abstract’ either. Indeed, the stark dichotomy between abstract and concrete is probably too simple to be useful here. This conflict between different conceptions of properties is somehow reflected in the different views about the existence and identity conditions for properties, which will be discussed in the next two sections.
What properties are there? Under what conditions does a property exist? These questions can hardly be disentangled from the issue of the identity conditions for properties, to be discussed in the next section. Before turning to it, it will be useful to look at the array of views about the existence conditions of properties as a continuum, with claims that the realm of properties is sparse over on the right (conservative) end and claims that it is abundant over on the left (liberal) end. Here we are following Lewis’s (1986) well-known terminology, which acknowledges a sparse and an abundant conception of properties. We will focus on three views in this continuum, the two extreme ones and another that holds a middle ground. We will then turn to a hybrid view that tries to combine the two ends of the spectrum by admitting two radically distinct kinds of property.
According to minimalist conceptions of properties, the realm of properties is sparsely populated. This is a comparative claim (it is more thinly populated than many realists suppose) rather than a claim about cardinality. Indeed, a minimalist could hold that there is a large infinite number of properties, say, that there are at least as many properties as real numbers. This would be a natural view, for example, for a philosopher who thought that each value of a physical magnitude is a separate property and that field theories of such properties as gravitational potentials are correct in their claim that the field intensity drops off continuously as we move away from the source of the field.
The best-known contemporary exponent of minimalism is David Armstrong (e.g., 1978; 1978a; 1984), although he came to make a distinction between ‘first-class properties’ (universals), identified from a minimalist perspective, and ‘second-class properties’ (supervening on universals), which go far beyond minimalist strictures (1997; see Orilia 2016, for a discussion of this). Another supporter of minimalism is Swoyer (1996). Specific reductionist motivations (e.g., a commitment to physicalism) can lead to minimalism, but here we will focus on more general motivations. These motivations typically involve some combination of the view that everything that exists at all exists in space and time (or space-time), a desire for epistemic security, and a distrust of modal notions like necessity. Hence, a minimalist is likely to subscribe to at least most of the following four principles.
5.1.1 The Principle of Instantiation
The principle of instantiation says that there are no uninstantiated properties. For properties: to be is to be exemplified. Taken alone, the principle of instantiation doesn’t enforce a strong version of minimalism, since it might be that a wide array of properties are exemplified. For example, someone who thinks that numbers or individual essences or other abstract objects exist would doubtlessly think that a vast number of properties are exemplified. So it is useful to distinguish two versions of the principle of instantiation.
Weak Instantiation: All properties are instantiated; there are no uninstantiated properties.
Strong Instantiation: All properties are instantiated by things that exist in space and time (or, if properties can themselves instantiate properties, each property is part of a descending chain of instantiations that bottoms out in individuals in space and time).
Armstrong (1978) holds that properties enjoy a timeless sort of existence; if a property is ever instantiated, then it always exists. A more rigorous minimalism holds that properties are mortal; a property only exists when it is exemplified. This account has an admirable purity about it, but it is hard pressed to explain very much; for example, if laws are relations among properties, then a law would seem to come and go as the properties involved do.
5.1.2 Properties are Contingent Beings
Philosophers who subscribe to the strong principle of instantiation are almost certain to hold that properties are contingent beings. It is a contingent matter just which individuals exist and what properties they happen to exemplify, so it is a contingent matter what properties there are.
5.1.3 The Empirical Conception of Properties
A natural consequence of the view that properties are contingent beings is that questions about which properties exist are empirical. There are no logical or conceptual or any other a priori methods to determine which properties exist.
5.1.4 Properties are Coarse-grained
Those who hold that properties are very finely individuated will be inclined to hold that the realm of properties is fairly bountiful. For example, if the relation of loving and the converse of its converse (and the converse of the converse of that, and so on) are distinct, then properties will be plentiful. Minimalists, by contrast, are more likely to hold that properties are coarse-grained (see §6 Identity Conditions): they are identical just in case they necessarily have the same instances or just in case they bestow the same causal powers on their instances.
The strong principle of instantiation opens the door to the claim that properties are literally located in their instances. This is a version of the medieval doctrine of universalia in rebus, which was contrasted with the picture of universalia ante rem, the view that properties are transcendent beings that exist apart from their instances. With properties firmly rooted here in the spatio-temporal world, it may seem less mysterious how we could learn about them, talk about them, and use them to provide illuminating explanations. For it isn’t some weird, other-worldly entity that explains why this apple is red; it is something in the apple, some aspect of it, that accounts for this. It is easier, however, to think of monadic properties as located in their instances than it is to view relations in this way (this may be why Aristotle and the moderate realists of the Middle Ages understood relations in terms of accidents that inhere in single things (see the entry on medieval theories of relations). Nevertheless, the general feeling that transcendent properties couldn’t explain anything about their instances has figured prominently in many debates over properties.
Minimalists must pay a price for their epistemic security (there’s no escaping the fundamental ontological tradeoff). They will have little hope of finding enough properties for a semantic account of even a modest fragment of any natural language and they will be hard pressed (though Armstrong 1997 does try) to use properties to account for phenomena in the philosophy of mathematics. Minimalists may not be greatly bothered by this, however, for many of them are primarily concerned with issues in naturalistic ontology. Moreover, they might perhaps agree that there are concepts, understood as mind-dependent entities, and let them play the theoretical role assigned by maximalists to properties in dealing with semantics and mathematics (e.g., along the lines proposed in Cocchiarella 2007).
At the other, left, end of the spectrum we find maximalist conceptions of properties. Borrowing a term from Arthur Lovejoy, maximalists argue that properties obey a principle of plenitude. Every property that could possibly exist does exist. For properties: To be is to be possible (Linsky & Zalta 1995; cf. Jubien 1989). If one accepts the view that properties are necessary beings, then it is a simple modal fact that if a property is possible it is necessary and, hence, actual.
Just as the principle of instantiation alone does not guarantee minimalism, the principle of plenitude alone does not guarantee maximalism. One can endorse the former while holding that all sorts of properties are instantiated, and one can endorse the latter by holding that very few properties are possible (an actualist who subscribes to the strong principle of instantiation might hold this). So, to get to the maximalist end of the spectrum, we need to add the claim that a vast array of properties is possible. This can be achieved by means of various formal principles, e.g., a strong comprehension principle (as in Zalta 1988) or axioms ensuring very finely-individuated properties (as in Bealer 1982, 65, or Menzel 1986, 38)(see §8).
Maximalist accounts are often propounded by philosophers who want to explain meaning and mental content, but, since such accounts postulate so many properties, maximalists have the resources to also offer accounts of other things (e.g., phenomena in the foundations of mathematics), and many do. Indeed, the great strength of maximalism is that its enormously rich ontology offers the resources to explain all sorts of things.
Epistemology is the Achilles heel of maximalism. At least some philosophers find it difficult to see how our minds could make epistemic contact (and how our words could make semantic contact) with entities lying outside the spatio-temporal, causal order. But maximalism has its advantages. Those maximalists who are untroubled by epistemic angst typically remain maximalists. By contrast, philosophers who begin as minimalists sometimes feel pressure to move to a richer conception of properties, either to extend their explanations to cover more phenomena or, sometimes, even just to adequately explain the things they started out trying to explain (e.g., Armstrong’s more recent work is somewhat less minimalist than his earliest work).
There is a large middle ground between extreme minimalism and extreme maximalism. For example, several philosophers primarily concerned with physical ontology have urged that a limited number of uninstantiated properties are needed to account for features of measurement (Mundy 1987), vectors (Bigelow and Pargetter 1990, 77), or natural laws (Tooley 1987). These approaches can, like minimalism, treat properties as contingent, fairly coarsely individuated, and too sparse to satisfy any general comprehension principles (e.g., they may deny that there are negative or disjunctive properties). One can also arrive at a centrist position by endorsing a comprehension principle, but adding that it only guarantees the existence of properties built up from an sparse initial stock of simple properties (cf. Bealer 1994, 167). Another option is to hold that all the properties there are are those that can be possibly exemplified, where the possibility in question is causal or nomic possibility (Cocchiarella 2007, ch. 12).
Being moderate isn’t always easy, and it can be difficult to stake out a position in the center that doesn’t appear arbitrary. Once any uninstantiated properties are admitted, we are in much the same epistemological boat as the maximalist. No doubt the minimalist will see this as a reason to reject any uninstantiated properties, while the maximalist (who believes that epistemological problems can be overcome) will see it as a reason to admit as many of them as possible.
The contrast between the different perspectives on properties brought to light in §4 gives us some reason to think that accounts in different fields (e.g., semantics and natural ontology) may call for entities with different identity conditions; for example, semantics requires very finely individuated properties, whereas naturalist ontology may need more coarsely individuated ones. If this is so, then no single kind of entity could do both kinds of jobs. The minimalist is likely to conclude that it is a mistake to employ properties in semantics. But less squeamish philosophers may instead conclude that there are (at least) two different sorts of property-like entities. This dualist view, as we may call it, is developed most explicitly in Bealer 1982, where two kinds of properties are admitted: the type I properties, also called concepts, are the fine-grained properties that can function as meanings and as constituents of mental contents; the type II properties, also called qualities or connections, are the coarse-grained properties required by naturalistic ontology (it should be noted that Bealer does not use ‘concept’ to mean the mind-dependent entities typically postulated by conceptualists; his concepts are mind-independent universals and he even suggests (p. 186) that simple concepts can be identified with qualities and connections). Orilia (1999) has followed Bealer’s dualist approach and adopted the same terminology. A form of dualism can perhaps also be attributed to Lewis (1983; 1986, 60) when he distinguishes between the sparse and the abundant conception of properties.
Dualism might look like a happy hybrid, but it won’t satisfy everyone: minimalists (and some centrists) will reject the view that there are any type I or abundant properties. However, the pull toward some sort of distinction along dualist lines is strong, as testified, one may think, by Armstrong’s above-mentioned recognition of second-class properties.
What are the identity conditions for properties? An answer would give us necessary and sufficient conditions for the properties x and y to be one and the same property. In other words, it would tell us how finely individuated properties are. We find a spectrum of options on this matter.
Infra-coarse: Properties with the same extension are the same properties. This claim might perhaps be associated with Frege, if one identifies his referents of predicates (‘concepts’) with properties. But all contemporary property theories reject this view.
Medium coarse: Properties are identical just in case they necessarily have the same extension (the precise import of this condition depends on which notion of necessity is at play). This seems to transpose the identity conditions for sets into an appropriately intensional key, and this is precisely how identity conditions for properties work in accounts that treat them as intensions (as functions from possible worlds to sets of objects therein) (Montague 1974). Bealer also views this as the identity condition for his type II properties. Although necessary coextension may be the most-discussed candidate identity condition for properties, many realists reject it because it doesn’t comport well with the explanations they want to develop. On the one hand, this proposal is in tension with the idea that necessarily coextensive properties may be distinct since they can confer different causal powers on their instances (Sober 1982 contains a strong argument that this can happen, though the jury is probably still out on this issue). On the other hand, in semantics we need properties that are individuated much more finely than the necessary-coextension condition allows.
Medium Fine: Properties are identical just in case they confer the same causal or, more generally, the same nomological powers on their instances. This view has been endorsed by various philosophers who work primarily in scientific ontology (see §7.18).
Ultra-fine: Properties are individuated almost as finely as the linguistic expressions that express them. Thus, for example, even red and square and square and red are different properties. This conception is typically developed in the context of a rich formal theory of properties that allows for complex properties built up from simpler ones by means of operations such as negation, conjunction, etc. A natural way to proceed in this approach is to develop an account of the analysis of a property and to hold that properties are identical just in case they have the same analysis (cf. Bealer’s (1982) account of type I properties; Menzel 1993). This view seems to offer the kind of properties needed in semantics, once one realizes that properties conceived of as intensions are not fine-grained enough to account, e.g., for belief sentences. The ultra-fine-grained properties are then often called ‘hyperintensional.’ Suited as they may be for semantics, hyperintensional properties however also raise certain difficult questions. For example, what is the difference between the property being red and square and the distinct property being square and red, and what allows us to link the right complex predicate (say ‘is red and square’) to the right property (being red and square) rather than to the wrong one (being square and red)? If properties literally had parts corresponding to the parts of the linguistic expression, an answer could be forthcoming, but few philosophers are willing to admit this. We will return briefly to such matters in §8.
An alternative way to offer identity conditions for properties is available to those philosophers who admit two modes of predication (see §1.1). This alternative has been developed by Zalta (1983; 1988). On this account, two properties are identical just in case they are encoded by the same abstract objects. Thus, properties that necessarily have the same encoding extensions are identical, but properties that necessarily have the same exemplification extensions may be distinct. To see the difference, note that the property of being a round square and the property of being a round triangle necessarily have the same exemplification extension. This approach has the virtue of expressing the identity conditions for properties in terms of one of their most fundamental features, namely that they are predicable entities. The price is that it requires us to hold that there are two modes of predication and abstract objects. Moreover, since abstract objects are identified via the properties that they encode, one may suspect that there is some dangerous circularity in providing identity conditions for properties in terms of abstract objects (Greimann 2003). An appeal to Gupta and Belnap’s theory of circular definitions may be of interest here.
Most realists agree that there are various sorts of properties, and in this section we will review the main kinds of properties they have proposed. But many realists are also selective; they believe that some, but not all, of these kinds of properties exist. Indeed, almost none of the putative kinds of properties discussed here is accepted by all realists, but to avoid constant qualifications (like ‘putative kind of property’) we will present each sort of property as though it were unproblematic.
The first set of issues we will examine involve the most fundamental logical or structural features of properties. We will begin with a picture of a hierarchy of properties arranged according to order (or level). First-order properties and relations are those that can only be instantiated by individuals. For example, redness can be instantiated by apples and cherries and being married to can be jointly instantiated by Bill and Hillary, but no properties can be red or married. It is natural to suppose, however, that at least many first-order properties and relations can themselves have properties and relations. For example, redness might be thought to exemplify the property of being a color and being married to might be thought to exemplify the property of being a symmetrical relation. Once we think of second-order properties, it is natural to wonder whether there are third-order properties (properties of second- or, perhaps in cumulative fashion, of second- and first-order properties), and so on up through ever-higher orders. This metaphysical picture finds a formal parallel in higher-order logics, wherein predicate variables of different orders can be bound by quantifiers.
Realists differ over which niches in this proposed hierarchy of orders are occupied. Proponents of the empirical conception of properties will hold that it is an empirical question whether there are second- or fourth- or fifty-seventh-order properties. The issue for them is likely to be whether putative higher-order properties confer any causal powers over and above those already conferred by lower-order properties. But it is also possible to have less empirically motivated views about which parts of the hierarchy are occupied.
Elementarism (Bergmann 1968) is the view that there are first-order properties but no properties of any higher order. There are first-order properties like various shades of red, but there is no higher-order property (like being a color) that such properties share nor are they related by any higher-order relations (like being darker than).
Elementarism has sometimes been defended by appealing to something like Russell’s principle of acquaintance, understood as the tenet that only things with which we are acquainted should be thought to exist, together with the claim that we are acquainted with first-order properties but not with those of any higher orders. To the extent that first-order properties are able to perform all of the tasks that properties are called on to do, elementarism could also be defended on grounds of parsimony. But it is now widely acknowledged, even by minimalists, that at the very least some higher-order relations are needed to confer structure on first-order properties.
The discovery of his paradox (and then the awareness of related puzzles) led Russell to introduce a theory of types which institutes a total ban on self-exemplification by a strict segregation of properties into levels that he called ‘types’ (cf. Copi 1971). Actually his account involves a distinction of types and orders and is thus more complex and restrictive than this. More details can be found in the entry on Russell’s paradox (for a detailed reconstruction of how Russell reacted to the paradox, cf. Landini 1998).
Type theory has never gained unanimous consensus and its many problematic aspects are well-known (see, e.g., Fitch 1952, Appendix C; Bealer 1989). Just to mention a few, the type-theoretical hierarchy imposed on properties appears to be highly artificial and multiplies properties ad infinitum (e.g., since presumably properties are abstract, for any property P of type n, there is an abstractness of type n+1 that P exemplifies). Moreover, many cases of self-exemplification are innocuous and common (at least for realists who are not minimalists or conservative centrists). For example, the property of being a property is itself a property, so it exemplifies itself. There also seem to be transcendental relations. A transcendental relation like thinks about is one that can relate quite different types of things: Hans can think about Vienna and he can think about triangularity. But typed theories cannot accommodate transcendental properties without several epicycles.
Several recent accounts are thus type-free and treat properties as entities that can exemplify themselves. From this perspective, the picture of a hierarchy of levels is fundamentally misguided, if it is interpreted too rigidly; there are simply properties (which can be exemplified—in many cases by other properties, even by themselves) and individuals (which cannot be exemplified). One challenge here is to develop formal accounts that allow as much self-exemplification as possible without teetering over the brink into paradox (see §8).
What we now usually regard as genuine multi-place relations were not recognized as such by philosophers for quite a long time, or so it seems. Apparently, Aristotle and the Scholastics found no place for genuine irreducible relations in their ontology (see the entry on medieval theories of relations) and Leibniz is usually viewed as a philosopher who, in line with this tradition, tries to show effectively how relations can be reduced to monadic properties (Mugnai 1992). An accurate analysis of Leibniz’s technical use of expressions such as ‘insofar as’ (‘quatenus’) and ‘by the same token’ (‘et eo ipso’) in sentences such as ‘Paris loves and by the same token Helen is beloved’ suggests, however, that he did acknowledge somehow the existence of irreducibly relational facts (Orilia 2000a). Be this as it may, it was not before the second half of the 19th century (with the work of De Morgan, Schroeder, Peirce and, somewhat later, Russell) that irreducible relations began to be generally acknowledged. Some philosophers still hold that relations are reducible to properties in that they supervene on the monadic properties of their relata in a very strong sense that shows that relations are not actually real (some trope theorists hold this view; it is defended at length in Fisk 1972). But no one has been able to show that all relations do supervene on monadic properties, and there are strong reasons for thinking that at least some sorts of relations, e.g., spatio-temporal ones, do not. The view that there are relations but no monadic properties, or at least that the former have ontological priority over the latter, has also been considered. It is defended in different forms by Dipert 1997 and by various authors in the context of ontic structural realism (see, e.g., French & Ladyman 2003, Esfeld 2003 and §6 of the entry on structural realism). This view is far, however, from having gained some consensus (Ainsworth 2010). In sum, all in all most contemporary realists hold that there are both genuine monadic properties and genuine relations. (see, however, Marmodoro & Yates forthcoming, a collection of papers most of which deal in depth with all these issues).
In standard first-order logic predicates come with a fixed degree and in line with this relations are usually taken to have a fixed degree themselves (on abundant conceptions of properties, there are relations of every finite number of argument places, but on sparse conceptions it is an empirical question whether there are relations of any particular degree). In contrast with this, however, many natural language predicates appear to be multigrade or variably polyadic; they can be true of various numbers of things. For example, the predicate ‘robbed a bank together’ is true of Bonnie and Clyde, Ma Barker and her two boys, Patti Hearst and three members of the Symbionese Liberation Army, and so on. Multigrade predicates are very common (e.g., ‘work well together,’ ‘conspired to commit murder,’ ‘are lovers’). Moreover, there is a kind of inference, called ‘argument deletion,’ that also suggests that many predicates that prima facie could be assigned a certain fixed degree are in fact multigrade. For example, ‘John is eating a cake’ suggests that ‘is eating’ is dyadic, but since, by argument deletion, it entails ‘John is eating,’ one could at least tentatively conclude that ‘eating’ is also monadic and thus multigrade. Often one can resist the conclusion that there are multigrade predicates by resorting to one stratagem or another. For example, it could be said that ‘John is eating’ is simply short for ‘John is eating something.’ But it seems hard to find a systematic and convincing strategy that allows us to maintain that natural language predicates have a fixed degree. This has motivated the construction of logical languages that feature multigrade predicates in order to provide a more appropriate formal account of natural language (Gandy 1976; Graves 1993; Orilia 2000a; the latter two show that this can be done by appealing to thematic roles). Although any leap from language to ontology must be handled with care, all this suggests that relations, or at least some of them, are variably polyadic. Turning to naturalistic ontology, some support for this conclusion comes from the ingenious treatment of measurement in Mundy (1990), which is based on multigrade relations. In sum, it seems that a truly flexible account of properties should abandon not only the restrictive hierarchy of types but also the constraint that all properties come with a fixed number of argument places.
Relations pose a special problem, that of explaining from a very general, ontological, point of view the nature of the difference between states of affairs, such as Abelard loves Eloise and Eloise loves Abelard, that at least prima facie involve exactly the same constituents, namely a non-symmetric relation and two other items (loving, Abelard, and Eloise, in our example). Such states of affairs are often said to differ in ‘relational order’ or in the ‘differential application’ of the non-symmetric relation in question, and the problem then is that of characterizing what this relational order or differential application amounts to. Russell (1903, §218) attributed an enormous importance to this issue and has attacked it repeatedly. In spite of this, until a few years ago, only a small number of other philosophers have confronted it systematically (e.g., Bergmann 1992; Hochberg 1987) and their efforts have been pretty much neglected. However, Fine (2000) has forcefully brought the issue on the agenda of ontologists and proposed a novel approach that has received some attention. Fine identifies a standard and a positionalist view (analogous to two views defended by Russell at different times (1903; 1984); cf. Orilia 2008). According to the former, relations are intrinsically endowed with a ‘direction,’ which allows us to distinguish, e.g., loving and being loved: Abelard loves Eloise and Eloise loves Abelard differ, because they involve two relations that differ in direction (e.g., the former involves loving and the latter being loved). According to the latter, relations have different ‘positions’ that can somehow host relata: Abelard loves Eloise and Eloise loves Abelard differ, because the two positions of the very same loving relation are differently occupied (by Abelard and Eloise in one case and by Eloise and Abelard in the other case). Fine goes on to propose and endorse an alternative, ‘anti-positionalist’ standpoint, according to which, relations have neither direction nor positions. The literature on this issue keeps growing and there are now various proposals on the market, including attempts to rescue positionalism from Fine’s criticism, and primitivism, according to which differential application cannot be analyzed (see the entry on relations for details).
In ancient and medieval times propositions were not seen as a special kind of property and many contemporary philosophers who focus on physical ontology or philosophy of mathematics do not regard propositions as a kind of property (many of them doubt that there are any such things). But some, especially those who work on the semantics of natural language, often postulate the existence of propositions, noting that we can think of them as a limiting case of a property (see, e.g., Bealer 1982 and Van Inwagen 2015). Consider a two-place property like loves and think of plugging one of its open places up with Darla to obtain the one-place property loves Darla. If we can do this, it is sometimes argued, then we can plug the remaining (last) open place up with Sam to get the zero-place property, or proposition, that Sam loves Darla.
Some philosophers (e.g., Grossman 1983, §§58–61) argue that all properties are simple. Others argue that there is a distinction between simple properties and compound properties, that some compound properties exist, and that they have a structure that involves or incorporates simpler properties.In one way of looking at this matter the compound properties result from simpler ones by means of logical connectives such as negation, disjunctions and conjunctions (or ontological counterparts thereof). Logical aspects of this conception are discussed below in the section on formal theories of properties. But the issue is also ontological and has to do with whether or not we have reasons for postulating such complex properties in explanations such as those discussed in §§3 and 4. A well-known inquiry on this comes from Armstrong (1978a, 1997), who ends up with a mixed stance: acceptance of conjunctive properties and rejection of disjunctive and negative ones. Those who abide by a sparse conception of properties typically demurs about the former and follow him regarding the latter. The issue is however extremely controversial and can be taken up from different perspectives; for example, rather than simply denying that there are negative properties, one could try and argue that they are less real than positive ones (Zangwill 2011). Armstrong (1978a, 1997) also admits structured properties that cannot be straightforwardly understood in terms of logical connectives. They are instantiated by an object, when it has appropriately arranged parts that instantiate simpler properties. For example, that methane is exemplified by a certain molecule depends on the molecule having parts instantiating carbon and hydrogen. Lewis (1986a) has argued that the very idea of a structured property of this kind is incoherent, but there are rejoinders that propose different ways of making sense of it (Wetzel 2009; Hawley 2010; Davis 2014).
In the philosophy of time (see the entry on time) there is a growing interest in presentism, the view according to which whatevever exists is present. Presentists have the problem of providing truthmakers for true statements about the past, e.g., that Caesar crossed the Rubicon. In an effort to tackle these problems many presentists have appealed to tensed properties or relations (Bigelow 1996; Brogaard 2006), which can be expressed only by making an essential use of tenses. For example, according to Bigelow, there is the property being such that Caesar crossed the Rubicon, which the universe as a whole exemplifies now, despite the fact that neither Caesar nor the event of his crossing the Rubicon exist.
Some properties, typically expressed by count nouns like ‘table’ and ‘cat,’ provide counting principles, or principles of identity, in the sense that they allow us to count objects. For example, the properties of being a table and being a cat are properties of this kind; there are definite facts of the matter as to how many tables are in the kitchen and how many cats are on those tables. They have been called sortal universals (by Strawson (1959, Ch. 5, §2) and particularizing universals (by Armstrong (1978, Ch. 11, §4), but the ideas involved here have a long history. Strawson borrows the word ‘sortal’ from Locke, and at least some sortal properties correspond closely to Aristotle’s secondary substances. There seem to be also sortal properties of events, e.g., intervention and bombing.
Sortal properties are naturally contrasted with characterizing properties, typically expressed by adjectives like ‘red’ and ‘triangular.’ Characterizing properties, like redness and triangularity, do not divide the world up into a definite number of things. To the extent that a property like redness allows us to count red things, it is because we are relying on the umbrella count noun ‘thing’ to help with the count. Sortal properties may also be contrasted with mass properties, like water, gold, and furniture. They apply to stuff and thus, like characterizing properties, do not divide the world up into definite numbers of things.
Although the notions of genus and species play a relatively small role in contemporary metaphysics, they figured prominently in Aristotle’s philosophy and in the many centuries of work inspired by it. When we construe these notions as properties (rather than as linguistic expressions), a genus is a general property and a species is a more specific subtype of it. The distinction is typically thought to be a relative one: being a mammal is a species relative to the genus being an animal, but it is a genus relative to the species being a donkey. It has usually been assumed that in such chains there is a top-most, absolute genus, and a bottom-most, absolute species.
It was traditionally supposed that a species could be uniquely specified or defined in terms of a genus and a differentia. For example, the property being a human is completely determined by the properties being an animal (genus) and being rational (differentia). It is difficult, by today’s lights, to draw a principled distinction between genera and differentiae, but the idea that species properties are compound, conjunctive properties remains a natural one. For example, the property of being a human might be identified with the conjunctive property being an animal and being rational. But it is now rarely assumed, as it was for many centuries, that all compound properties are conjunctive.
The concepts of determinables and determinates were popularized by the Cambridge philosopher W. E. Johnson. Properties like color and shape are determinables, while more specific versions of these properties (like redness and octagonality) are determinates. Similarly, rest mass and rest mass of 3 kilograms are a determinable and a determinate, respectively. Like the distinction between genus and species, the distinction between determinables and determinates is a relative one; redness is a determinate with respect to color but a determinable with respect to specific shades of red. But determinates are not definable in terms of a determinable and a differentia; indeed, they are not conjunctive properties of any obvious sort. The distinction between determinables and determinates has played a larger role in recent metaphysics than the more venerable distinction between genus and species. See the entry on determinates vs. determinables for more details.
Though not all view natural kinds as properties, for many philosophers they are important properties that carve nature at its joints (Campbell et al. 2011). Paradigms include the property of being a specific sort of elementary particle (e.g., the property of being a neutron), chemical elements (e.g., the property of being gold), and biological species (e.g., the property of being a jackal). Natural kinds are often contrasted with artificial kinds (e.g., being a central processing unit). The chief issue here is whether there are any natural kinds or whether our classifications are primarily a matter of cultural and linguistic conventions that represent just one of many ways of classifying things (so that joints are a result of the way that we happen to carve things up).
In recent years a good deal of work has been done on the ontology of natural kinds and the semantics of natural kind terms (involving such issues as whether they are rigid designators), as can be seen from the entry on natural kinds.
Some properties involve or incorporate particulars. The properties of being identical with Harry and being in love with Harry involve Harry. Even those who think that lots of properties exist necessarily often believe that non-qualitative properties like these are contingent; they depend upon Harry, and they only exist in circumstances in which he exists. By contrast, purely qualitative properties (like being a unit negative charge or being in love) do not involve individuals in this way. The distinction between properties that are purely qualitative and those that are not is usually easy to draw in practice, but a precise characterization of it is elusive.
Essential properties are contrasted with accidental properties, properties that things just happen, quite contingently, to have (see the entry on essential vs. accidental properties). My car is red, but it could have been blue (had I painted it), so its color is an accidental property. In contrast, it is sometimes suggested, natural kinds provide examples of essential properties; for instance, being human is an essential property of Saul Kripke (although some acknowledge natural kinds without taking them to be essential properties). According to some philosophers, there are also individual essences, essential properties that characterize individuals univocally (Plantinga 1974). According to tradition, an essential property of an individual is so defined: it is such that, necessarily, if that individual exists, then it has the property in question. Fine (1994) criticizes this conception by noting that, for example, Socrates cannot exist without the property of being a member of the singleton of Socrates, and yet this property seems to have nothing to do with his essence. He then takes the notion of being an essential property as primitive.
Internal relations are usually understood as the relational analogues of essential (monadic) properties. For example, if a bears the relation R to b, then R internally relates a to b just in case, necessarily, if they both exist, then a bears this relation to b. Relations that are not internal, that contingently link their relata, are external. See the entry on relations for details.
Some properties are instantiated by individuals because of the relations they bear to other things. For example, the property being married is instantiated by Bill Clinton because he is married to Hillary Clinton. Such properties are sometimes called extrinsic or relational properties. Objects have them because of their relations to other things. By contrast, intrinsic or non-relational properties are properties that a thing has quite independently of its relationships to other things. See the entry on intrinsic vs. extrinsic properties for details.
The distinction between primary and secondary properties goes back to the Greek atomists. It lay dormant for centuries, but was revived by Galileo, Descartes, Boyle, Locke, and others during the seventeenth century. Locke’s influence is so pervasive that such properties still often go under the names he gave them, primary and secondary qualities. The intuitive idea is that primary properties are objective features of the world; on many accounts they are also fundamental properties that explain why things have the other properties that they do. Early lists of kinds of primary properties included shape, size, and (once Newton’s influence was absorbed) mass. Today we might add charge, spin or the four-vectors of special relativity. By contrast, secondary properties somehow depend on the mind; standard lists of secondary properties include colors, tastes, sounds, and smells.
Supervenience is sometimes taken to be a relationship between two fragments of language (e.g., between psychological vocabulary and physical vocabulary), but it is increasingly viewed as a relationship between pairs of families of properties. To say that psychological properties supervene on physical properties, for example, is to say that, necessarily, everything that has any psychological properties also has physical properties and any two things that have exactly the same physical properties will have exactly the same psychological properties. There are no differences in psychological properties without some difference in physical properties. Supervenient properties are sometimes distinguished from emergent properties.
It is commonplace to contrast linguistic types and tokens. For example, the word ‘dog,’ qua abstract repeatable entity, is a type, but any concrete written or oral realization of it is a token. Admittedly, it is typical to attribute properties to a linguistic type, e.g. being short to the word ‘dog’, but not to attribute the type to one of its tokens; we do not normally say, e.g., that ‘dog’ is possessed by a concrete ink-made mark that we see on a piece of paper. Hence, some may resist the idea that linguistic types are properties whose instances are linguistic tokens. Yet, it is a quite natural view, and if one follows it, such properties should seemingly be conceived of as possibly structured, since words and sentences have parts (Wetzel 2009; Davis 2014).
In naturalistic ontology, one can see two conceptions of properties at play: properties as powers or dispositions to act or being acted upon, and properties as categorical or manifest qualities, mere ways in which objects happen to be. It seems clear that having a property often amounts to having a certain causal power and in some cases the only informative things we can say about a property are what powers (capacities) it confers on its instances. For example, the things we know about determinate charges have to do with the active and passive powers they confer on particles that instantiate them, their effects on the electromagnetic fields surrounding them, and the like. In the light of examples such as this, some philosophers have urged that all properties are causal powers (e.g., Achinstein 1974; Armstrong 1978, ch. 16; Shoemaker 1984, chs. 10 and 11; Hawthorne 2001; Bird 2005, 2007; see Tugby 2013 for an attempt to argue from this sort of view to a Platonist conception of properties). In such an extreme view the very distinction between having a power (which might not be exercised) and manifesting it is lost and thus Martin (1993) and Armstrong (2005), while maintaining that all properties bestow causal powers, thereby having a ‘dispositional side,’ acknowledge that they also have a ‘qualitative side.’ Martin (1997) and Heil (2003) have proposed to understand the relation between these two sides as identity, but Armstrong demurs (2005, 315) and prefers an account in terms of his own N-relation theory of natural laws. Supporters of the idea that properties and powers must go hand in hand keep flourishing: Yates (2013) relies on Kit Fine’s (1994) essentialism to explain how bestowing powers is essential to properties and Ingthorsson (2013) assays how properties can be both qualitative and dispositional.
Some philosophers, however, insist that there must be categorical properties irreducible to powers (Ellis 2001, 2010; Molnar 2003). Bird (2005) has disparagingly called such categorical properties ‘quiddities,’ and argued that they would be unknowable and indistiguishable from one another, but Ellis (2010) has responded that properties that we would intuitively regard as categorical, such as ‘shape, size, orientation, speed, handedness, direction, angular separation,’ can be recognized via ‘common patterns of spatio-temporal relations’ and thus after all ‘there is nothing wrong with quiddities.’
Formal property theories are formal systems that aim at formulating ‘general noncontingent laws that deal with properties’ (Bealer & Mönnich 1989, 133). They thus allow for terms corresponding to properties, in particular variables that are meant to range over properties and that can be quantified over. This can be achieved in two ways. Either (option 1; Cocchiarella 1986) the terms standing for properties are predicates or (option 2; cf. Bealer 1982) such terms are subject terms that can be linked to other subject terms by a special predicate that is meant to express a predication relation (let us use ‘pred’) pretty much as in standard set theory a special predicate, ‘∈’, is used to express the membership relation. To illustrate, given the former option, an assertion such as ‘there is a property that both John and Mary have’ can be rendered as ‘∃P(P(j) & P(m))’. Given the second option, it can be rendered as ‘∃x(pred(x,j) & pred(x,m))’. (The two options can somehow be combined as in Menzel 1986; see Menzel 1993 for further discussion).
Whatever option one follows, in spelling out such theories one typically postulates a rich realm of properties. Traditionally, this is done by a so-called comprehension principle which, intuitively, asserts that, for any well-formed formula (‘wff’) A, with n free variables, x1, …, xn, there is a corresponding n-adic property. Following option 1, it goes as follows:
Alternatively, one can use a variable-binding operator, λ, that, given an open wff, generates a term (called a ‘lambda abstract’) that is meant to stand for a property. This way to proceed is more flexible and is followed in the most recent versions of property theory. We will thus stick to it in the following. To illustrate, we can apply ‘λ’ to the open formula, ‘R(x) & S(x)’ to form the one-place complex predicate ‘[λx(R(x) & S(x))]’; if ‘R’ denotes being red and ‘S’ denotes being square, then this complex predicate denotes the compound, conjunctive property being red and square. Similarly, we can apply the operator to the open formula ‘∃y(L(x,y))’ to form the one-place predicate ‘[λx∃y(L(x,y))]’; if ‘L’ stands for loves, this complex predicate denotes the compound property loving someone (whereas ‘[λy∃x(L(x,y))]’ would denote being loved by someone). To ensure that lambda abstracts designate the intended property, one should assume a ‘principle of lambda conversion.’ Given option 1, it can be stated thus:
(λ-conv) [λx1…xnA](t1, …, tn) ↔ A(x1/t1, …, xn/tn).
A(x1/t1, …, xn/tn) is the wff resulting from simultaneously replacing each xi in A with ti (for 1 ≤ i ≤ n), provided ti is free for xi in A.) For example, given this principle, [λx(R(x) & S(x))](j) is the case if and only if R(j) & S(j) is also the case, as it should be.
Standard second-order logic allows for predicate variables bound by quantifiers. Hence, to the extent that these variables are taken to range over properties, this system could be seen as a formal theory of properties. Its expressive power is however limited, since it does not allow for subject terms that stand for properties. Thus, for example, one cannot even say of a property F that F = F. This is a serious limitation if one want a formal tool for a realm of properties whose laws one is trying to explore. Standard higher order logics beyond the second order obviate this limitation by allowing for predicates in subject position, provided that the predicates that are predicated of them belong to a higher type. This presupposes a grammar in which predicates are assigned types of increasing levels, which can be taken to mean that the properties themselves, for which the predicates stand for, are arranged in a hierarchy of types. Thus, such logics appropriate one version or another of the type theory concocted by Russell to tame his own paradox and related conundrums. If a predicate can be predicated of another predicate only if the former is of a type higher than the latter, then self-predication is banished and Russell’s paradox cannot even be formulated. Following this line, we can construct a type-theoretical formal property theory. The simple theory of types, as presented, e.g., in Copi 1971, can be seen as a prototypical version of such a property theory (if we neglect the principle of extensionality assumed by Copi). A type-theoretical approach is also followed in the property theory embedded in Zalta’s (1983) theory of abstract objects.
However, for reasons sketched in §7.3, type theory is hardly satisfactory. Accordingly, many type-free versions of property theory have been developed over the years. Of course, without type-theoretical constraints, given (λ-conv) and classical logic (CL), paradoxes such as Russell’s immediately follow (to see this, consider this instance of (λ-conv): [λx ~x(x)]([λx ~x(x)]) ↔ ~[λx ~x(x)]([λx ~x(x)])). In formal systems where abstract singular terms or predicates may (but need not) denote properties (cf. Swoyer 1998), formal counterparts of (complex) predicates like ‘being a property that does not exemplify itself’ (formally, ‘[λx ~x(x)]’) could exist in the object language without denoting properties; from this perspective, Russell’s paradox would merely show that such predicates do not stand for properties. But we would like to have general criteria to decide when a predicate stands for a property and when it does not. Moreover, one may wonder what gives these predicates any significance at all if they do not stand for properties. There are then motivations for building type-free property theories in which all predicates stand for properties. We can distinguish two main strands of them: those that weaken CL and those that circumscribe (λ-conv) (some of the proposals to be mentioned below are formulated in relation to set theory, but can be easily translated into proposals for property theory).
An early example of the former approach was offered in a 1937 paper by the Russian logician D. A. Bochvar (Bochvar 1981), where the principle of excluded middle is sacrificed as a consequence of the adoption of what is now known as Kleene’s weak three-valued scheme. An interesting recent attempt based on giving up excluded middle is Field 2004. A rather radical alternative proposal is to embrace a paraconsistent logic and give up the principle of non-contradiction (Priest 2006). A different way of giving up classical logic is followed by Fitch, Prawitz and Tennant, who in practice give up the transitivity of logical consequence (see Rogerson 2007, for a recent analysis of these attempts). The problem with all these approaches is whether their underlying logic is strong enough for all the intended applications of property theory, in particular to natural language semantics and the foundations of mathematics.
As for the second strand (based on circumcribing (λ-conv)), it has been proposed to read the axioms of a standard set theory such as ZFC, minus extensionality, as if they were about properties rather than sets (Schock 1969; Bealer 1982; Jubien 1989). The problem with this is that these axioms, understood as talking about sets, can be motivated by the iterative conception of sets, but they seem rather ad hoc when understood as talking about properties (Cocchiarella 1985). An alternative can be found in Cocchiarella 1986, where (λ-conv) is circumscribed by adapting to properties the notion of stratification used by Quine for sets. This approach is however subject to a version of Russell’s paradox derivable from contingent but intuitively possible facts (Orilia 1996) and to a paradox of hyperintensionality (Bozon 2004) (see Landini 2009 and Cocchiarella 2009 for a discussion of both). Orilia 2000 has proposed another strategy for circumscribing (λ-conv), based on applying to exemplification Gupta’s and Belnap’s theory of circular definitions.
Independently of the paradoxes (Bealer & Mönnich 1989, 198 ff.), there is the issue of providing identity conditions for properties, specifying when it is the case that two properties are identical. If one thinks of properties as meanings of natural language predicates and tries to account for intensional contexts, one will be inclined to assume rather fine-grained identity conditions, possibly even allowing that [λx(R(x) & S(x))] and [λx(S(x) & R(x))] are distinct. Presumably it will be at least maintained that two notational variants such as ‘[λx(R(x) & S(x))]’ and ‘[λy(R(y) & S(y))]’ stand for the same property. On the other hand, if one thinks of properties as causally operative entities in the physical world, one will want to provide rather coarse-grained identity conditions. For instance, one might at least require that [λx A] and [λx B] are the same property if it is contingent that it is physically necessary that ∀x(A ↔ B) (although one will have to digest the idea that the identity [λx A] = [λx B] is only contingently true, if it is physically necessary that ∀x(A ↔ B)). Bealer 1982 tries to combine the two approaches (see also Bealer & Mönnich 1989).
Formal systems of property theory are often provided with an algebraic semantics that associates primitive predicative terms of the language with ‘basic’ properties and the lambda abstracts with complex properties obtained from the basic ones by means of operations that generate new properties from given ones (Bealer 1973, 1982; McMichael & Zalta 1981; Leeds 1978; Menzel 1986; Swoyer 1998; Zalta 1983). Thus, for example, one assumes that there is an operation, &, that maps each pair of properties, P and Q, to the conjunctive property P & Q. If ‘P’ and ‘Q’ stand for P and Q, respectively, then ‘[λx(P(x) & Q(x))]’ will stand for P & Q. For another example, it is typically assumed that there is an operation, PLUG1, that, given a two-place relation R and an object d, generates the monadic property PLUG1(R,d). If ‘R’ and ‘d’ denote R and d, respectively, then the property PLUG1(R,d) will be denoted by the lambda term ‘[λx R(d,x)].’ The property in question is the one that something has when d bears the relation R to it.
This way of talking certainly suggests that there are complex, structured properties that really have ‘parts’ or constituents pretty much like the linguistic expressions that we use to speak about them. However, although some philosophers are willing to take this road (Armstrong (1978, 36–39, 67f), Bigelow and Pargetter 1989; Orilia 1998), many others (Bealer 1982; Cocchiarella 1986) believe that the appearance that some properties are literally structured is an artifact of our use of structured terms to denote them. But our use of structured terms and structural metaphors doesn’t mean that the properties themselves are genuinely structured or that they literally have parts (Swoyer 1998, §1.2).
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In July 2011, Francesco Orilia became a coauthor on this entry and revised the previous version of this entry by Chris Swoyer. Orilia wishes to thank Laura Celani and Michele Paolini Paoletti for their help in revising the bibliography for the 2011 and 2016 updates, respectively. Orilia also thanks the following people for providing useful comments and suggestions: Christopher von Bülow (on the 2011 update), Donald Baxter, Michele Paolini Paoletti, and especially Gideon Rosen (on the 2016 update). | <urn:uuid:439151ae-1dfc-4c9a-8485-361036e5cf9e> | CC-MAIN-2016-44 | http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/properties/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2016-44/segments/1476988720475.79/warc/CC-MAIN-20161020183840-00206-ip-10-171-6-4.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.931833 | 36,138 | 3.375 | 3 |
Understanding Loxodonta as a genus of elephant has been a problem for modern zoologists and geneticists, as well as for paleontologists. Loxodonta emerged about 5 million years ago at the end of the Miocene (23 to 5 million years ago) and thrived throughout the early Pliocene (5 to 1.6 million years ago) in Africa. But about 2 million years ago it effectively vanishes from the African fossil record, replaced largely by a close relative of the Asian elephant, Elephas recki.
Loxodonta re-emerged in Africa about 500,000 years ago and in turn replaced Elephas, driving this genus rapidly to extinction in Africa. Based on the recent genetic evidence, what is now clear is that not one but two distantly related species of elephant re-emerged at about the same time. The geneticists "clocked" the divergence point between the African savanna and forest elephant and estimated a point of divergence around 2.5 million years ago. The prediction is interesting because this is close to the point when Loxodonta effectively vanishes from the fossil record of Africa. This implies that the two situations are linked and that whatever drove the reduction in numbers of Loxodonta also drove the speciation event. What is also surprising is that both species managed to thrive. Forest elephants are estimated to make up almost one-third of the total population of Africa's elephants.
Two paleontological mysteries arise in the face of the new genetic findings. The first is why Elephas recki, a successful grass eating elephant that lived throughout the Pliocene and Pleistocene (5 million years ago to 11,000 years ago) would relatively suddenly be pushed into extinction by the re-emergence of Loxodonta. The second question is why two species of Loxodonta?
Most isotopic studies of fossil elephants suggest that Loxodonta was also a grazer in its early stages before its reduction in numbers in the late Pliocene about 2 million years ago. Modern isotopic studies show that almost all African elephants, savanna and forest alike, prefer browsing to grazing, although some populations incorporate small amounts of grass into their diet. The question that must be asked is if Elephas pushed Loxodonta into the wooded and forested habitats to start browsing around 2.5 million years ago, why then was there a speciation event resulting in a savanna and forest variety of elephant?
As a final interesting and important note, conservationists are rushing to catch up with this discovery as it has critical implications for elephant conservation efforts. We can no longer just consider the number of "African" elephants anymore, but must recognize the number of each species present. Furthermore, and possibly more urgent, is the status of the elephants under present anti-poaching and ivory trade laws. The laws currently in place generally recognize Loxodonta africana specifically, thus creating a potential loophole for poachers and illegal ivory traders to take the "unprotected" Loxodonta cyclotis.
Lee R. Berger is director of the paleoanthropology unit for research and exploration at the University of the Witwatersrand in Johannesburg, South Africa. He has written for National Geographic and has appeared in many documentaries on human evolution. He received the National Geographic Society Prize for Research and Exploration in 1997. | <urn:uuid:21f143bc-abf6-4b7f-a206-9093ff2957b9> | CC-MAIN-2016-18 | http://news.nationalgeographic.com/news/2001/12/1217_leeelephant_2.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2016-18/segments/1461860116929.30/warc/CC-MAIN-20160428161516-00204-ip-10-239-7-51.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.949344 | 701 | 4 | 4 |
The USS Lowe (DE-325) was an Edsall-class destroyer escort laid down on May 24, 1943, and launched on July 28, the same year. It was commissioned on November 22, 1943, under Comdr. Reginald H. French’s command with the hull number DE-325 and served in the U.S. Navy for 25 years until it was decommissioned on September 20, 1968. During its activities, the ship carried a complement of 209 people on board and had its main missions in Casablanca, Newfoundland, Norfolk, Halifax, Yorktown, Seattle, Charleston, North Africa, Guam, and Florida. After the decommissioning, the ship was struck from the Navy List on September 23, 1968, and sold for scrapping the following year. Asbestos was a key ingredient in over 300 materials in naval ships until the mid-1970s when the health risks associated with asbestos became more widely known. Given the long latency period – about 10 to 40 years – of many asbestos-related diseases, symptoms can go unrecognized for a while. If you think you were exposed to asbestos while serving aboard the USS Lowe (DE-325), it is highly recommended that you seek counsel about your health condition and legal options. | <urn:uuid:87a58ae4-304d-463a-b761-1a6ffd545d3c> | CC-MAIN-2021-25 | https://www.asbestos-ships.com/ships/uss-lowe-de-325 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2021-25/segments/1623488551052.94/warc/CC-MAIN-20210624045834-20210624075834-00261.warc.gz | en | 0.974476 | 257 | 2.84375 | 3 |
The tick hunter was hopeful he had found the cause of the disabling illness, recently named Lyme disease, that was spreading anxiety through leafy communities east of New York City. At a government lab in Montana, Willy Burgdorfer typed a letter to a colleague, reporting that blood from Lyme patients showed “very strong reactions” on a test for an obscure, tick-borne bacterium. He called it the “Swiss Agent.”
But further studies raised doubts about whether he had the right culprit, and 18 months later, in 1981, Burgdorfer instead pinned Lyme on another microbe. The Swiss Agent test results were forgotten.
Now STAT has obtained those documents, including some discovered in boxes of Burgdorfer’s personal papers found in his garage after his death in 2014. The papers—including letters to collaborators, lab records, and blood test results—indicate that the Swiss Agent was infecting people in Connecticut and Long Island in the late 1970s.
And scientists who worked with Burgdorfer, and reviewed key portions of the documents at STAT’s request, said the bacteria might still be sickening an unknown number of Americans today.
While the evidence is hardly conclusive, patients and doctors might be mistaking under-the-radar Swiss Agent infections for Lyme, the infectious disease specialists said. Or the bacteria could be co-infecting some Lyme patients, exacerbating symptoms and complicating their treatment—and even stoking a bitter debate about whether Lyme often becomes a persistent and serious illness.
Swiss Agent, now called Rickettsia helvetica, is likely not a major health risk in the United States, in part because such bacteria typically respond to antibiotics. Still, several of Burgdorfer’s former colleagues called for infectious disease researchers to mount a search for the bacterium.
“It should be done,” said Jorge Benach, a professor emeritus at Stony Brook University and a coauthor of Burgdorfer’s seminal 1982 paper describing the detection of the Lyme microbe. Public health concerns warrant a new study, Benach said, and with today’s more advanced “weaponry for pathogen discovery, it would make perfect sense.”
Dr. Paul Mead, chief of epidemiology and surveillance for the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s Lyme disease program, said that he wasn’t familiar with Rickettsia helvetica, but that “new tick-borne pathogens could certainly be out there.” He cited several found in the years since Lyme’s cause was discovered. Any serious, common co-infection would usually, but not always, be noticed by physicians as a distinct problem in Lyme endemic areas, he said.
In Europe and Asia, Rickettsia helvetica has been recognized as a relatively rare but sometimes serious health threat if untreated. It’s been linked to a handful of sudden deaths from heart disease, as well as facial palsy, deafness, meningitis, chronic muscle weakness, and temporary paralysis. But US laboratories don’t test for the Swiss Agent.
STAT was approached with Burgdorfer’s archives by Kris Newby, who is writing a biography of Burgdorfer and produced an award-winning documentary that sympathetically depicts Lyme patients and doctors who challenged the medical establishment over its approach to Lyme diagnosis and treatment.
The documents offer a tantalizing glimpse into how disease detectives tracked down Lyme’s cause—and how potentially significant loose ends can sometimes be dropped by researchers pressed for time and funding or diverted by more promising leads.
They show that Burgdorfer intended to look more deeply into the Swiss Agent, which he had discovered in 1978 in Switzerland, but never did. His former colleagues speculate that he set aside this research to focus on identifying the cause of Lyme. When the Swiss Agent turned out to be an unlikely candidate after all, he redeployed his limited time and resources to other prospects.
But the papers suggest that he might have gone to his grave harboring regret that he didn’t follow up on the Swiss Agent findings, as reasonable as the decision was, Benach said.
On the top of a stack of documents in his garage was a mysterious note, penned boldly in red ink in the scientist’s unmistakable handwriting. “I wondered why somebody didn’t do something,” it said. “Then I realized that I am somebody.”
The Lyme wars
Lyme has now become one of the most common infectious diseases in the United States—it’s been found in every state except Hawaii, and is rampant in the Northeast and parts of the Midwest. The CDC estimates that 329,000 people are infected annually.
Lyme has also provoked what’s often described as a “war” over diagnosis and treatment. If Rickettsia helvetica is in the United States, some experts consulted by STAT said, unrecognized infections might be one of several factors contributing to the controversy, by creating confusion over the cause of some patients’ illnesses.
The Infectious Diseases Society of America, the CDC, and many doctors view Lyme as generally easy to diagnose with its characteristic “bulls-eye” rash and pinpoint lab tests, and easy to cure with two-to-four weeks of antibiotics. If the disease is not diagnosed and treated early—in up to 30 percent of cases, there is no rash—patients can develop longer-lasting and more serious symptoms. But most infectious disease doctors say a short course of antibiotics will cure those patients.
But an insurgency of renegade doctors and patients disagrees. They argue that the diagnosis is frequently missed because of poor lab tests and other factors, and that Lyme becomes a chronic condition when untreated or inadequately treated. The patients describe symptoms that include incapacitating “brain fog” and weakness, intense anxiety, severe muscle pain, and paralyzing headaches. Many say that they required treatment with antibiotics lasting months or longer to be cured after years of misery.
Although the few small clinical trials that have examined long-term antibiotic therapy up to 90 days have shown few if any clear benefits, this camp has gained a passionate following, including a cadre of researchers who publish papers supporting this alternative view, and a medical group—the International Lyme and Associated Diseases Society.
The medical establishment mostly views “chronic Lyme” as the product of quack doctors exploiting desperate patients by offering unproven therapies. The patients sometimes need psychiatric care, these experts say, but in any case, chronic physical complaints are not caused by an active Lyme infection. Some state medical boards have gone so far as to revoke licenses of doctors who prescribe long-term antibiotics.
It’s hard to overstate the animosity that characterizes this clash. A few angry patients have compared establishment Lyme experts—including Dr. Allen Steere, who collaborated with Burgdorfer and has received death threats—to the Nazi doctor Joseph Mengele.
How might the Swiss Agent add fuel to this conflict? Steere, a Massachusetts General Hospital researcher and among the world’s leading Lyme experts, said some patients who believe they have Lyme, but who test negative for the infection, might be suffering from an illness caused by one of several other microbes. Rickettsia helvetica could be among them, he said.
Ticks often carry more than one pathogen, so patients can also have co-infections along with Lyme, which frequently begin with similar symptoms, such as fever, neck stiffness, and headaches.
“You can’t tell them apart clinically” in the first several weeks, Steere said. Co-infections can cause “more severe early disease … a phenomenon of the summer, when the tick bites.” Longer term, the confusion would not last because of Lyme’s distinct symptoms, even if the infection were untreated, he added.
Other experts noted that Lyme and Rickettsia helvetica have co-infected patients in Europe. Antibiotics normally cure Rickettsia helvetica infections, but diagnosis can prove difficult because the microbe does not cause a rash. If untreated or inadequately treated, the two infections share overlapping, serious, and sometimes persistent symptoms, according to clinical researchers. These include debilitating fatigue, severe headaches, muscle weakness, meningitis, facial paralysis, and sarcoidosis—a chronic inflammatory disease that can cause lung and skin problems. Numerous studies have linked Rickettsia helvetica to such ailments, although it is not regarded as a major public health peril in Europe.
Andrew Main, who conducted Lyme research at Yale University in collaboration with Steere and Burgdorfer, had Lyme early on, before its cause was discovered, and was among patients who showed evidence of co-infection with the Swiss Agent—a result that was included in Burgdorfer’s papers but that Main knew nothing about until informed by STAT. The positive tests for the Swiss Agent among Lyme patients back then, he said, strongly support the idea that it might be a current threat.
Robert Lane, a University of California, Berkeley, medical entomologist and Lyme expert who worked closely with Burgdorfer, is respected by both sides in the Lyme wars. He said Rickettsia helvetica could be a significant hidden factor that worsens Lyme infections and makes them harder to cure.
“You would want to look at it both ways. Could that organism, if present in some of the Lyme-disease endemic areas, infect people and cause clinical illness on its own, or react in concert with (the microbe that causes Lyme) or some of the other agents,” Lane said. “If you are looking for one or a few agents in a tick, you may be overlooking others that contribute to the disease burden.”
Finding the Swiss Agent
The man who found Lyme’s cause devoted his career to studying creatures sometimes described as tiny living cesspools, for the infectious stew of microbes ticks carry and transmit while sucking blood from animals or people.
While training for his PhD in his native Basel, Switzerland, Burgdorfer became a preeminent “tick surgeon,” as he called himself—dissecting thousands with eye scalpels and Swiss watchmaker forceps. In 1951 he became a research fellow at the federal Rocky Mountain Laboratories, a remote outpost in Montana’s breathtaking Bitterroot Valley that specializes in infectious agents.
Burgdorfer fell in love with the Bitterroot and with Gertrude Dale See—a secretary and technician at the lab. She won the multilingual scientist’s heart with her ability to speak French. They married and had two sons, and Burgdorfer became a US citizen and permanent lab employee.
He rose to lead the work on Rickettsia, rod-shaped bacteria spread by ticks that cause ailments such as Rocky Mountain Spotted Fever—which is sometimes deadly for patients in New England as well as the West. Burgdorfer built a global reputation for his knowledge of Rickettsia and Borrelia—corkscrew-shaped “spirochete” bacteria known for causing syphilis.
On a trip back to Switzerland in 1978, Burgdorfer and a few colleagues discovered in local ticks the previously unknown Swiss Agent—later named Rickettsia helvetica (from Switzerland’s ancient Latin name, Helvetia). He found the microbe infectious for meadow voles—a small rodent common in Europe and the United States—and deadly to chicken embryos. No one knew then that it also caused illnesses in people.
Burgdorfer returned with samples of infected ticks and Swiss Agent antigen, molecules from the bacterium that can provoke an immune response, for further study. When mixed with blood sera—a part of the blood that doesn’t contain blood cells—the antigen can show whether a person has been infected.
By then, Steere, a young Yale professor, had for several years been aggressively investigating why some of his patients in Lyme, Conn., were reporting serious and strange symptoms of an apparently new illness. He had found “that many patients suffered not only of arthritis, but also of disorders affecting the skin, muscular, cardiac, and nervous systems,” Burgdorfer told his official biographer from the National Institutes of Health in 2001.
Steere asked Burgdorfer to join the hunt for a tick-borne microbe believed to be at the heart of Lyme. He sent samples of his patients’ blood sera to Rocky Mountain Laboratories for analysis.
Sera tests showed that at least a dozen Lyme patients had been infected with Swiss Agent, and that at least six others might have been infected. The records did not make clear how many Lyme patients had been tested overall. Burgdorfer told Steere and other colleagues that the results pointed to a potential cause of Lyme.
Steere sensed a breakthrough. “I am excited to pursue further the possibility of a rickettsial etiology of Lyme disease,” he wrote to another researcher.
Burgdorfer was encouraged, in part, because of the test’s specificity: A positive result strongly suggested that the person had been infected with the Swiss Agent and not a different Rickettsia such as the one that causes Rocky Mountain Spotted Fever.
But when a second test method showed inconsistencies, doubts crept in about whether Swiss Agent was linked to Lyme. About 18 months later, Burgdorfer broke through, providing a rare undisputed fact in what would become the most disputatious of diseases: A spirochete causes Lyme. Years later, the microbe was named in his honor, Borrelia burgdorferi.
But he hadn’t given up on Swiss Agent completely.
In the lab during this period, Burgdorfer infected US ticks with the Swiss Agent, his lab books show. The records don’t state his experimental goal, but Rocky Mountain Lab scientists often studied which animals and arthropods could be infected with different agents, and thus might be reservoirs or vectors for disease. He also looked for Rickettsia in ticks in Lyme-endemic areas and found dozens of examples, but often neglected to determine the specific rickettsial species.
In December 1981, just a few months after discovering the Lyme spirochete, he wrote to a Swiss colleague who was overseeing a young investigator’s defense of his PhD thesis concerning the Swiss Agent. Burgdorfer suggested this question: “Do you feel that ‘Rickettsia suisse’ is the etiologic agent of (Lyme)? If so, how would you go about proving this?”
Burgdorfer and his colleagues reported their discovery of the cause of Lyme in the journal Science in 1982. In a handwritten draft found among Burgdorfer’s papers, he described identifying Rickettsia in Lyme patients’ sera and ticks, and his efforts to rule out Rickettsia as the cause of Lyme—without naming the Swiss Agent.
But in the final Science article, he made no mention of Rickettsia. Not a word about possibly finding the Swiss Agent in this country has ever been published.
Finishing the hunt
Burgdorfer retired in 1986 at age 60, just a few years after the successful Lyme hunt put him at the pinnacle of his field.
“I started to realize that the research I used to do and was successful in doing has changed its character,” he explained to a National Institutes of Health biographer in 2001. “Molecular and genetic biology have replaced the technologies I was able to apply,” he said. “Since I had no basic training in these fields … I was unable to speak and understand the completely new language.”
Those fluent in the “new language” of molecular biology and genetics will be able to finish Burgdorfer’s work, experts said. If the Swiss Agent is here, they can find it.
The CDC’s Mead said his agency is using molecular techniques to look for evidence of bacteria in 30,000 sera samples from people suspected to have contracted tick-borne illnesses. If Rickettsia helvetica is in some of the samples, it probably will be found, he said. That process will taken several more years to complete.
Dr. W. Ian Lipkin, who directs the Center for Infection and Immunity at Columbia University, is hunting for viruses as well as bacteria living in ticks that spread Lyme, partly to understand why antibiotics sometimes fail in apparent Lyme cases.
Lipkin’s group has collected 5,000 ticks from New York and Connecticut. With funding from the Steven and Alexandra Cohen Foundation, he has so far identified 20 new viruses in these ticks, and is exploring whether they have caused harmful infections in people, using tests that can search for a wide range of tick pathogens in a single sera sample. Eventually, Lipkin said, this process could make the tests affordable on a mass scale.
“Everyone wants to get to the bottom of this,” Lipkin said. “All of this is critical to … finding out why some people respond to antibiotics and some people don’t, and whether or not the antibiotics being used are appropriate, and trying to find ways to link different bacteria and different viruses to different syndromes.”
Lipkin is seeking funds to expand the work to tick-borne bacteria, including Rickettsia.
Asked whether his methods could find evidence of infections with the Swiss Agent, Lipkin replied without hesitation. “The answer is yes,” he said. “If this particular rickettsial species is present, I’m sure we will see it.”
Willy’s last words
After he retired, Burgdorfer sent most of his voluminous personal files to the National Archives in Washington, D.C., where they were cataloged for public viewing. Those records contained some Swiss Agent documents. Many more lay untouched for decades in his garage and home office in Hamilton, Mont.
Late in life, Burgdorfer developed Parkinson’s disease and became increasingly infirm. A friend listened to his fears that his garage files might be lost to history. She urged Burgdorfer to contact Ron Lindorf, then an entrepreneur and business professor at Brigham Young University, who had been suggested by colleagues.
Early one morning in June 2014, an agitated Burgdorfer called Lindorf with an urgent request: “Come to Montana and get all my research, my files. I want to put it on the internet so people can see it,” Lindorf recalled him saying.
Lindorf was not a professional archivist, but agreed: His children had suffered from serious bouts of Lyme disease, he was eager to help the scientist who discovered Lyme’s cause, and he had the ability to take on the complex job. The next month Lindorf arrived in Hamilton, departing two days later with his SUV packed full of old files. That November, Burgdorfer died.
To better understand the Burgdorfer archive, Lindorf began collaborating with Newby, producer of “Under Our Skin,” the Lyme documentary. She shared the documents with STAT, hoping that an independent report would illuminate a possibly hidden risk for Lyme patients and others.
Lindorf returned to Montana last year to visit Burgdorfer’s second wife. She pointed across the garage to some additional boxes. Inside a cardboard portfolio covered in flowery fabric and closed by a metal clasp, he found more of the Swiss Agent archives, topped by Burgdorfer’s “I wondered why somebody didn’t do something” note.
“It made the hairs on the back of my neck stick up,” Lindorf said. “It felt like Willy talking from the grave.” | <urn:uuid:70fa8105-8146-4093-b3b9-207401d0a63e> | CC-MAIN-2017-13 | https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/long-forgotten-research-unearths-new-mystery-about-lyme-disease/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-13/segments/1490218186891.75/warc/CC-MAIN-20170322212946-00091-ip-10-233-31-227.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.964052 | 4,129 | 3.03125 | 3 |
There are around 900,000 operating elevators in the United States today. Elevators have become an integral part of our society. Without elevators, we wouldn’t have the iconic skylines of cities like New York or Chicago. Elevators have transformed the architecture of the modern world.
Elevator operation involves a pulley-esque system where a metal rope connects to the top of the elevator cart and travels through a sheave that acts like a pulley wheel. Elevator controllers and buttons work to tell the elevator what to do. The most common elevator car controls include floor selection buttons, operation buttons and control buttons.
Hall indicators, also called position indicators or hall lanterns, are used to notify elevator riders that their elevator is arriving and what direction it will be traveling. In addition to visually alerting an upcoming elevator, a hall indicator give audible signals. Most audible signals will sound once when elevators are going up and sound twice when the elevator is going down. Vocal indicators can also be installed that actually say “going up” or “going down” in place of the tones.
Hall indicator requirements are as follows:
- Position indicators are to be mounted a minimum of 72 inches above the floor.
- The arrows on the hall indicator must be a minimum of 2 1/2 inches tall.
- The arrows on the hall indicator should be visible from the vicinity of the call buttons.
Elevator Car Controls
The controls inside an elevator vary significantly based on the elevator and the specifications made when it was installed. However, some standard items are present on all elevator control panels:
- Floor selection buttons: Floor designators are used to tell the elevator which floors to go to. When pressed, the button that indicates the floor’s number will light up. A lot of elevator buttons are numbered, but there are some variations. The button for the floor that the lobby is on may be labeled with an “L.” Another common variation for the lobby button is a star. Buttons for basements or underground floors are typically marked with a “B.”
- Door open button: The door open button is used to reopen the elevator doors when they are closing. Holding this button down will keep the door open for the duration that the button is pressed. This button is a mandatory door control button.
- Door close button: The close door button is used to close elevator doors immediately. This button doesn’t exist in some old elevators. Instead, you will have to press a floor selection button and wait for the delay to get the elevator doors to close promptly. On some elevators in the United States, the close door button can only be used in fire or independent services.
- Door hold button: Also called a door delay button, this button is useful for loading goods or baggage. The door delay button holds the door open for more extended periods, usually up to five minutes.
Nonstandard Control Panels and Elevator Safety Buttons
Controls outside of the standard car controls can be handy. They include key switch controls and emergency buttons.
Elevator key switch controls are primarily for people carrying service keys. In the United States, they’re typically located in a locked service cabinet panel. These are sometimes found above the floor selection buttons or below the emergency buttons. They allow for different functions or buttons to be toggled on and off the by building’s operations team. Some of the functions may include fire department control, close door control and maintenance functions.
Some possible emergency button options include:
- Emergency stops: Emergency stops are used to stop the cart abruptly in case of an emergency. Some stop switches are the flip-type or the push-and-pull type. The elevator cab will not start again until the button or switch is reset.
- Emergency alarms: The emergency alarm in an elevator is usually connected to a bell. The bell rings when the button is pushed to alert people that someone is stuck in the elevator and needs assistance.
- Telephones: Usually marked with an image of a phone, this button is used to contact a technician for help. It will also alert maintenance that there is an issue with the elevator so they can fix it as soon as possible.
You may never need to use an elevator’s safety buttons at all. If you do experience an emergency, try to keep these steps in mind:
- Stay calm: Try to remain level-headed to make sound decisions moving forward.
- Find a light source: If the elevator lights are out, use your phone light to locate the buttons. Be careful not to drain your phone’s battery.
- Press the call button: Locate and press the call button to contact a technician to help you.
- Press the alarm button: Press the alarm button to notify others that you are stuck. People in the building will likely hear the alarm and will find someone to help.
- Wait it out: Elevator calls are taken seriously, so you are unlikely to have to wait for long. You will typically be freed in 30 minutes or less.
Elevators should not be complicated. You should know what controls are in your elevator so you can get to where you need to go and how to handle unforeseen situations in case they happen. The controls on the elevator in your residential space would be even more straightforward than the control panels discussed. Therefore, you can trust that the operation of your elevator will be easy and smooth.
Contact Inclinator for Your Residential Elevator Needs
Use America’s favorite and most trusted residential elevator company for your elevator project. We offer fully customizable personal elevator solutions to fit any space. Contact us for more information or find a local dealer near you. | <urn:uuid:24f631e3-feca-47b5-855a-f872905fc1ff> | CC-MAIN-2023-40 | https://inclinator.com/elevator-controls/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-40/segments/1695233510734.55/warc/CC-MAIN-20231001005750-20231001035750-00657.warc.gz | en | 0.914507 | 1,188 | 3.25 | 3 |
All Ford & Holden vehicles are fitted with a starter motor.
What does it do?
It’s a small electrical motor powered by the vehicles battery and used to start the engine in your Ford or Holden vehicle. It works as a low-geared electrical motor that is able to turn over a much larger engine due to its extreme gearing reduction. The starter motor is the main part of your engine starting system in your vehicle that includes the starter motor, a starter solenoid and the vehicle battery. When your ignition switch is activated it starts your vehicle, it sends an electrical charge to the starter solenoid. Just a note here, the solenoid in some cases can be mounted with your starter motor or be located elsewhere in your vehicle. The solenoid sends a charge to the starter motor that turns the engine over until it fires into life. Once the engine starts, the starter motor gear drops out and disengages your engine starter ring.
What is the starter motor?
Your starter motor is made up of heavy copper wire that is wound around an armature. This is then placed inside of a heavy metal case equipped with electrical brushes that contact the armature and pass the electrical charge direct to the heavy wire. As the electricity flows through the wire, it makes the armature spin. The small gear is attached to the output shaft of the armature and moved in and out by means of a drive gear. The drive gear engages the small gear with the starter ring on the engine, which then turns your engine as the armature turns and this action starts the engine.
What can go wrong?
There are two main problem areas that can arise with your starter motor. One is with the drive gear and the other is with the electrical brushes. The drive gear can fail to engage the starter gears; therefore a starter that spins but does not send the starter gear outward to engage is most likely suffering from broken or defective drive gear. Regardless of what type of starter you have, it will have to come out of the vehicle for further inspection and testing. The drive gear (which is sometimes referred to as a "Bendix drive") should move out when the starter starts to spin. The drive gear usually has a one-way clutch that is supposed to protect the starter against damage if someone keeps turning the engine once it starts. The gear should turn one way but not the other. The other problem can be with the electrical brushes, they can become burnt and fail to transfer the electrical charge to the armature therefore a starter that fails to turn when a charge is placed to it most likely has an electrical brush defect.
What can you do?
If you are looking to replace or need some advice about a defective starter motor then you should talk to one of our Ford & Holden parts experts. If you find it necessary to replace your starter motor it is almost always best to send the old unit back to our parts store as the core from your old starter motor can repaired and sold as a rebuilt unit. These will cost only a fraction of the price of a new starter motor and we think this is a great solution. Our rebuilt starter motors come with New Zealand’s best second hand part warranty. | <urn:uuid:8a507980-48a0-4e97-95e7-254babc2626a> | CC-MAIN-2023-50 | https://www.fordandholdenparts.co.nz/customer_service/rebuilder/starter_motors.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-50/segments/1700679099892.46/warc/CC-MAIN-20231128151412-20231128181412-00217.warc.gz | en | 0.948662 | 650 | 2.796875 | 3 |
Learn about the theory of welfare assessment here.
Welfare assessment requires a multi-factorial approach, since no single measure of welfare can allow us to understand an animals' welfare state in isolation. However, any tools for monitoring welfare must be practical and allow rapid welfare assessment.
In our Welfare Assessment Framework, we use behavioural indicators of welfare which are known to correspond to changes in other measures such as mechanical pressure threshold, cardiovascular output, judgement bias and response to challenges. Having been developed in three populations of laboratory-housed dogs, we have expanded our research to include multiple strains of beagle housed in several dog units, with our findings showing that a number of behaviours reliably vary with changing welfare. We also used the Welfare Assessment Framework to monitor changing welfare in our examination of Refinements to dosing by oral gavage, and developed a Welfare Monitoring Tool for use by animal unit staff to monitor welfare using these behavioural indicators.
While all of the behaviours contained in the Welfare Monitoring Tool can be considered part of a dog's normal repertoire of behaviours, it is the duration or frequency with which the behaviours are displayed that indicates welfare state. For example, vigilant behaviours (either 'standing alert' or 'sitting alert' in the WMT) are normally expressed when something attracts the dog's attention. However, when a dog remains vigilant throughout the day, there is an indication of an inability to relax following a startling stimulus, or that the environment is keeping the dog in a state of vigilance. Taking a single measurement would not show this pattern, while measuring behaviour throughout the day indicates changing patterns of behaviour.
Implementing the WMT can also allow staff to monitor changes in welfare following planned Refinements or changes to operating practices by observing changes in scores over time. Regular observation of behaviour also leads to dogs becoming more accustomed to neutral appearances of staff in the animal room (in which there is no positive or negative consequence to staff appearance), leading to staff measuring a more accurate baseline behaviour, and also leading to staff being more able to accurately identify individual dogs and their normal patterns of behaviour, which is vital for reporting of unusual signs during studies. | <urn:uuid:3ae46f27-a09d-4399-afe7-e588593e6fe9> | CC-MAIN-2020-40 | http://refiningdogcare.com/resources/multimedia/WelfareAssessment/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2020-40/segments/1600401582033.88/warc/CC-MAIN-20200927215009-20200928005009-00241.warc.gz | en | 0.94829 | 432 | 3.09375 | 3 |
Mat Mathias shares news of a project to allow young people to develop a better model of political education
Time flies when you are having fun, equally so when working to change the very face of politics in Wales. It has been almost a year since we published our report Missing Voices. The project set out to talk to as many people in the country as possible on their thoughts about politics in Wales and how it could be improved.
Even the most positive, wide eyed and bushy tailed amongst you out there would not be surprised that there was a considerable amount of negativity and confusion about the subject.
Yes, there was positivity, a lot of it talked about hope; a hope that things could improve.
However, we mainly found that there was a lack of basic knowledge on what politics actually is, what politicians do and how our country is governed. Without understanding the basic building blocks of how society works how can we participate in it fully?
Throughout the Missing Voices project it became obvious that political education had to be a priority.
That’s why it’s our focus for the next few months, and it couldn’t have come at a better time.
Just last week the Assembly voted to move forward on legislating for Votes at 16 for Assembly elections. A separate piece of legislation on Votes at 16 for local elections will be tabled early next year.
These changes create the conditions for a revolution in our democracy; the chance for young people to have their say for the first time.
Improved political education will only make these changes better. Young people will not only have the right to vote, but will also be equipped with more knowledge and confidence than we ever had when voting for the first time.
Our aim with ‘Our Voices Heard’ is to work towards the creation of a new curriculum that will give every child between the ages of 11-16 a solid understanding of how politics affects their daily lives and how they can influence it. We have to ensure that the next generation sees politics as more. More than an ‘X’, more than a 6 week election period, more than slogans, soundbites and shouting.
Over the next few months we, working with our partners at Co-Production Wales, will be heading to ten schools in places like Fishguard in the west, Old Colwyn in the north, Pontypool in the east and seven other places in between. We’ll be working alongside year 9 pupils finding out their suggestions for how political education in Wales can be improved.
Once collected and collated, the top ideas from each school will then be considered by a panel involving teachers and other experts in the field of education as well as, of course, pupils.These final recommendations on better political education in Wales will be put to Welsh Government.
These recommendations on what a better model of political education should look like are going to be put forward by the people who will benefit most from them. This is not a project that makes decisions for our young people or makes recommendations on things that will be done to them. ‘Our Voices Heard’ will do what it says on the tin and make young people the drivers of policy changes that directly affect their future.
Photo by Alexis Brown on Unsplash
All articles published on Click on Wales are subject to IWA’s disclaimer. | <urn:uuid:d76ba873-fddc-456e-b2a5-3b6fcc8929ec> | CC-MAIN-2023-14 | https://www.iwa.wales/agenda/2018/10/our-voices-heard-young-peoples-political-education/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-14/segments/1679296949025.18/warc/CC-MAIN-20230329182643-20230329212643-00623.warc.gz | en | 0.970936 | 685 | 2.8125 | 3 |
Refurbished Tonopen XL
Click to Zoom!
Color Blind Test Ishihara
Color Blind Test Ishihara Test is a test for red-green color deficiencies.
It was named after its designer, Dr. Shinobu Ishihara, a professor at
the University of Tokyo, who first published his tests in 1917.
The Color Blind Test Ishihara consists of a number of
colored plates, each of which contains a circle made of many different
sized dots of slightly different colors, spread in a seemingly random
manner. Within the dot pattern, and differentiated only by color, is a
number. What, or even if, a number is visible indicates if and what form
of color blindness the viewer has.
The full Color Blind Test Ishihara consists of thirty-eight
plates, but the existence of a deficiency is usually clear after no more
than four plates.
Common plates include a circle of dots in shades of green
and light blues with a figure differentiated in shades of brown or a circle
of dots in shades of red, orange and yellow with a figure in shades of
green; the first testing for protanopia and the second for deuteranopia.
Price for Color Blind Test Ishihara
14 Plates $ 139.00
24 Plates $ 179.00
If you need more information regarding the
please fill the form and specify the model in the Comments Field.
Phone: (305) 593 - 2015
3026 NW 79 AVE.
Miami, Florida 33122 | <urn:uuid:51e06334-42d3-4f49-82ee-e6e5bd148e51> | CC-MAIN-2019-30 | http://www.optivision2020.com/ishihara.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2019-30/segments/1563195524475.48/warc/CC-MAIN-20190716015213-20190716041213-00060.warc.gz | en | 0.875076 | 315 | 2.671875 | 3 |
* Any views expressed in this article are those of the author and not of Thomson Reuters Foundation.
Over half of maternal and under-five deaths take place in settings affected by armed conflict or natural disasters. International Medical Corps and its partners Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), University Research Co., LLC, UNFPA and the Ministry of Health in DRC, funded by the Research for Health in Humanitarian Crises (R2HC) Programme, will conduct research in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) to evaluate the effectiveness of applying an improvement approach to implement current best practices for sexual and reproductive health (SRH).
Many organisations have prioritised providing support to vulnerable women during emergencies. The Minimum Initial Service Package (MISP) for reproductive health in emergencies is a lifesaving interagency standard. Yet, there is a need for more evidence regarding the impact of implementing the MISP and how to transition from emergency to comprehensive SRH programming.
International Medical Corps and its partners will study the impact of using an improvement approach to MISP and comprehensive SRH programme implementation by focusing on emergency obstetric care. The project will take place over two years for women and communities in conflict affected areas of DRC. Learning from the research will be shared across the humanitarian sector to improve the quality of care delivered to women in emergency settings around the world.
Commenting on the project, Janet Meyers, Deputy Director Health Policy & Practice, International Medical Corps, said:
“Disasters and conflicts have devastating effects on women and girls. Women and their families are forced to leave their homes, health services and social systems are disrupted leaving them without access to life saving sexual and reproductive health services including emergency obstetric and new born care. This means that each year thousands of women die unnecessarily because they cannot access obstetric services. Humanitarian organisations do the very best they can in these challenging contexts but we need to learn how to be as effective possible so we can put an end to unnecessary maternal deaths.” | <urn:uuid:a9cd4e14-0118-46ea-bf01-355bf8c2ca77> | CC-MAIN-2017-39 | http://news.trust.org/item/20150730103751-jrpcq/?source=fiTheWire | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-39/segments/1505818690591.29/warc/CC-MAIN-20170925092813-20170925112813-00512.warc.gz | en | 0.936598 | 407 | 2.578125 | 3 |
By RJ Daniel Maher PhD
Mountain lions (Puma concolor) are remarkably reclusive apex predators adept at avoiding humans. When hemmed in by paved roads and high fences, however, mountain lions are often forced to interact with us—along with our vehicles, poisons, bullets, and centuries old misunderstandings about their true nature—and such encounters seldom end well for the cats. The good news is that the public is becoming increasingly aware of the impacts we are having on our fellow travelers, and efforts are being made to reduce puma mortality in certain locales. The fact remains, though, that space and time is running out for our American lions, and more needs to be done to ensure their survival. Recent events involving the life and times of a puma living in the Santa Monica Mountain National Recreation Area above Malibu, California, serve as a good example.
Just after Thanksgiving in 2016, a GPS collared mountain lion (aka P45) implicated in the deaths of eleven penned alpaca (Vicugna pacos) was marked for death by the alpacas’ owner. Before the lion could be taken, however, news of the attack on the alpacas and the cat’s impending death compelled hundreds of local community members to demand a halt in the proceedings, pending a fuller situational review.
In response, the California Department of Fish and Wildlife (CDFW) agreed to hold a ‘public workshop’ the following day, during which a human-wildlife conflict special response team member presented scientific findings from ongoing mountain lion studies involving the lion in question to the overflow crowd in attendance. Other wildlife professionals, policy makers, and public representatives then contributed their perspectives on the matter, followed by input from local community members.
In the process, a wide variety of related points of view were expressed; alternatives to depredation were forwarded; a free lion-proof livestock enclosure was provided to the alpaca rancher by The Mountain Lion Foundation; the alpaca rancher squashed her right to have the lion killed; and P45 was granted a pardon.
The question then became: given the long history of similar disputes between comparable types of stakeholders in the area, including the various bounty, game, and depredation programs traditionally relied upon to resolve them, why was this mountain lion spared the fate of its antecedents? Was it the threat of its species’ extirpation? The type of ranch upon which the attack occurred? The gift of a lion-proof enclosure? The CDFW’s management of the conflict? Or were the arguments that held sway emblematic of new ways of thinking about living in human-wildlife interface areas?
Why We Do What We Do Toward Big Cats
The truth is, we know very little about why people behave the way they do toward carnivores. And while wildlife management professionals are expected to develop a full appreciation for the functional role such ‘flagship’ species play in the ecosystems of which they are an integral part, comparatively sparse training focuses on the political and social-emotional dimensions that significantly affect the quality and duration of such animals’ lives and genetic lines. Which is to say that despite the good work that has been done on the subject, we have gleaned little in-depth knowledge of the competing and overlapping wildlife values held by the stakeholders involved in human-wildlife conflicts.
Nevertheless, applying categorization schemas derived from such studies to an analysis of the basis of people’s views expressed in the P45 debate, for example, suggests a shift is underway in people’s perceptions of big cats. To wit, more people in this case study expressed adherence to ecologistic-scientific values for mountain lions than people polled in similar studies in the past. More people were of the opinion that such animals had intrinsic value, and less viewed the cats in simple utilitarian ways. Significantly, too, less expressed negative opinions about the presence of the big cats than in comparative studies, while the percentage of moralists, aesthetes, and symbolists remained about the same. It is important to note as well that none of the expressed views analyzed were found to be decidedly naturalistic or dominionistic in value orientation, as that, too, is a big change.
What Might All This Mean?
It appears that, for at least the people who expressed their views about mountain lions in the P45 debate, most of whom lived in or close to the home range of the big cat [i.e., a marginally rural area that is home to approximately 150,000 mostly liberal, non-Hispanic white, upper middle class men and women in nearly equal number of average early middle-age—all of which are predictors of the more ecologically inclined], mountain lions are slowly coming to be viewed as, in the words the alpaca rancher in Malibu, “biologically and ecologically important.” So, when one of the estimated 250 mountain lions targeted for extirpation via depredation permits in California last year was allowed to live after preying on farm animals, it seemed fair to say that progress was made.
Results based on a computer assisted coded content analysis of 446 public expressions of wildlife value statements relating to the above events involving the puma known as P45 in news articles, television and radio newscasts, talkshow segments, social media sites, direct participants in the public workshop, and online public comments sections appearing beneath news posts. These statements were edited to eliminate redundancy in contributions from individual contributors, leaving 214 discrete statements for final analysis from 189 individually identified event participants. See sample content. | <urn:uuid:ef5adfd2-506b-445b-b0cf-9fb881a7d9af> | CC-MAIN-2021-43 | https://humaneherald.org/2017/09/19/big-cat-people/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2021-43/segments/1634323585209.43/warc/CC-MAIN-20211018190451-20211018220451-00669.warc.gz | en | 0.9515 | 1,155 | 2.890625 | 3 |
Survivalists like Bear Grylls have tried eating slugs, yak eyeballs and maggots as a way to stay alive. You nix the eyeballs.
One night without food won't kill you. Surely, the forest offers other, less-gooey, more-palatable options. But, how many of us can actually tell the difference between the tasty and inedible, the nutritious and deadly?
Brian Elliot and Kevin Taylor can, and both recommend looking for wild morsels before you're in this type of survival situation.
“It's like hunting. You don't just grab a rifle and go. You practice,” Elliot said. “You're talking about things that will kill you. There are deadly lookalikes.”
Elliot literally wrote the book on what someone can and can't eat in the outdoors, called the “Handbook of Edible and Poisonous Plants of Western North America.” Taylor has spent up to four days in the wilderness with nothing but flint, a blanket and a shotgun, harvesting all of his own food.
Both men have master's degrees in botany with an emphasis on plant identification and distribution from the University of Wyoming.
“I like the idea of collecting some plants and cooking up tea while you're hunting," Taylor said. "Or bring them home as a way to enhance your experience."
Because of the real dangers of mistaking, say, a wild carrot with poisonous hemlock, a future forager should first become familiar with wild plants. Start with some of the simple ones that don't have deadly lookalikes.
Elliot gave some easy-to-identify edible options for anyone venturing outdoors this fall. Bring a plant identification book to make sure you have the correct leaf, berry or stem. And if it's your first time foraging on the forest floor, don't forget your backup granola bars.Eat these small berries as you would a huckleberry, right off of the bush. They're sweet and delicious.
Description: The bush stands up to a foot tall. The forest floor can sometimes resemble a carpet with so many bushes. The berries are small and turn red or purple when ripe.
Where: Find them in thick forested areas, especially in lodgepole pines.Unlike their domestic counterpart, wild onions have all the onion flavor with less of the bite. Use them in a salad or soup; eat them alone or with a piece of beef jerky.
Description: Look for a group of long, thin leaves with no stem, a cluster of flowers and small, white bulbs usually 2 to 6 inches in the ground.
Where: Widespread in open areas such as sage brush, meadows and grasslands.
Cautions: Do not confuse onions with death camas. The two look similar, but death camas does not smell like onion.Put raspberries in cereal, oatmeal or just eat them plain. Wyoming has several species of raspberry. They're all tasty. And, where you find one raspberry plant, there will likely be more.
Description: The bushes are prickly with an unmistakable red fruit.
Where: Find them in mountains and forests often in moist places.
Cautions: They can look like a thimbleberry. The thimbleberry is not toxic, but also not tasty. Thimbleberry is smaller with big, simple leaves.Boil or steam the young stems and leaves and enjoy a mild flavor. As with lettuce, older plants taste bitter. Look for new sprouts in the fall.
Description: Plants have bright, pink flowers with willow-like leaves. They grow two-to- four-feet tall.
Where: Look for it in old burn areas. You will also find it along streams and other moist areas in the mountains.Expect good flavor, similar to rhubarb, but also a tart kick. It goes well in other foods or mixed with greens. If you need something to nibble on when you're walking up high, these will do the trick.
Description: Look for small plants, standing less than 6 inches high. They have heart-shaped leaves that turn reddish when exposed to sun. The seeds are dry and red.
Where: Alpine sorrel usually grows under overhanging rocks in alpine areas.The fruit looks like a tiny, seedy apple and is tasty when ripe.
Description: The fruit grows on shrubs or small trees. It is the size of a pinky fingernail and turns purple, deep blue or even black when ripe.
Where: Look for them at mid elevations across the state.This leafy plant goes well sautéed with eggs, peppers, and onions or eaten in a salad or stir-fry. Wyoming has several species.
Description: This annual herb has tiny flowers. Tiny hairs can give its leaves a silvery hue.
Where: Look for them in disturbed areas such as roadsides, campgrounds and farm fields.
Cautions: Two members of the genus, the Mexican tea and Jerusalem oak, can be used medicinally, but are toxic in large quantities. They are uncommon in Wyoming, have resinous leaves and a strong odor unlike their edible relatives. | <urn:uuid:2ebbca8e-4779-426c-ac3f-bfe8fe150b70> | CC-MAIN-2017-39 | http://news-sentinel.com/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=/20130831/BUSINESS/308319999/1010 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-39/segments/1505818688932.49/warc/CC-MAIN-20170922093346-20170922113346-00134.warc.gz | en | 0.95113 | 1,086 | 2.59375 | 3 |
Food can slow down the absorption of alcohol into the blood flow.
Consume mineral water to keep the body from dehydration and prevent intoxication. We suggest drinking one glass of water before sleeping.
When drinking, do not operate a motorized vehicle. Alcohol can affect the central nervous system and the cognitive ability and motoric reaction will decrease up to 30%.
Increasing water consumption, fresh juice to get more vitamins. Avoid caffeine since it causes dehydration and rest well. | <urn:uuid:df7d9239-02e5-4feb-8344-ef93b06535d7> | CC-MAIN-2017-51 | http://www.multibintang.co.id/beer-tale/drinking-tips | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-51/segments/1512948531226.26/warc/CC-MAIN-20171213221219-20171214001219-00139.warc.gz | en | 0.903658 | 94 | 2.703125 | 3 |
Westchester, Ill. -A study in the Feb. 15 issue of the Journal of Clinical Sleep Medicine shows that sleepiness at the wheel and poor sleep quality significantly increase the risk of motor vehicle accidents in adolescents.
Results indicate that adolescent drivers were twice as likely to have had a crash if they experienced sleepiness while driving (adjusted odds ratio = 2.1) or reported having bad sleep (OR = 1.9). Eighty of the 339 students had already crashed at least once, and 15 percent of them considered sleepiness to have been the main cause of the crash. Fifty-six percent of students who had at least one previous crash reported driving while sleepy, compared with 35 percent of subjects who had not been in a crash.
Lead author Fabio Cirignotta, M.D., professor of neurology at the University of Bologna in Italy, said that the only effective countermeasure to drowsiness is to stop driving immediately, pull over to a safe place and nap for 10 to15 minutes.
"Commonly used countermeasures to fatigue, such as opening the window, listening to the radio, or drinking a coffee, are known to be short-lasting and, essentially, useless," said Cirignotta. "Moreover, if a subject perceives sleepiness, he or she would probably already have a reduced performance at the wheel, and nobody can safely detect the real instant when sleep is starting in order to stop driving at that time."
This cross-sectional study was conducted in 2004 and was supported by the Italian Ministry of Education. Self-administered questionnaires were distributed to 339 students who had a driver's license and were in their last two years of attendance at one of seven high schools in Bologna. Students were between the ages of 18 and 21 years (mean 18.4 years), and 58 percent of them were male.
Questions concerned lifestyle habits, nocturnal sleep habits, symptoms suggesting sleep disorders, and a subjective report of daytime sleepiness. Driving habits and sleepiness at the wheel were evaluated by questions assessing the frequency and timing of car use and accidents, the perceived causes of vehicle crashes and the respondents' coping methods for dealing with sleepiness while driving.
Results show that students suffered from chronic sleep deprivation. Although they reported that their sleep need was a mean of 9.2 hours per night, the students reported sleeping for an average of only 7.3 hours on weeknights. Only six percent of students slept nine hours or more on weeknights, and 58 percent tried to catch up by sleeping nine hours or more on weekends.
Sleep problems also were commonly reported by the students. Forty-five percent woke up at least once during the night with trouble falling asleep again, 40 percent complained of difficulties in morning awakening and 19 percent reported bad sleep. The combination of chronic sleep loss and poor sleep quality had a negative effect on their alertness, as 64 percent of participants complained of excessive daytime sleepiness.
The study also found an increased risk of car accidents in men (OR = 3.3) and smokers (OR = 3.2). The authors suggested that the use of tobacco could be an indirect estimate of unhealthy lifestyle habits, as well as a method of counteracting sleepiness.
According to the authors, the study emphasizes the need for education programs that target adolescents with information about improving sleep habits, the importance of sleep and the dangers of sleep deprivation.
The Journal of Clinical Sleep Medicine (JCSM) contains published papers related to the clinical practice of sleep medicine, including original manuscripts such as clinical trials, clinical reviews, clinical commentary and debate, medical economic/practice perspectives, case series and novel/interesting case reports. In addition, the JCSM publishes proceedings from conferences, workshops and symposia sponsored by the American Academy of Sleep Medicine or other organizations related to improving the practice of sleep medicine.
For a copy of the study, "Sleep Quality and Motor Vehicle Crashes in Adolescents," or to arrange an interview with an AASM spokesperson, please contact Kelly Wagner, AASM public relations coordinator, at (708) 492-0930, ext. 9331, or email@example.com.
AASM is a professional membership organization dedicated to the advancement of sleep medicine and sleep-related research. As the national accrediting body for sleep disorders centers and laboratories for sleep related breathing disorders, the AASM promotes the highest standards of patient care. The organization serves its members and advances the field of sleep health care by setting the clinical standards for the field of sleep medicine, advocating for recognition, diagnosis and treatment of sleep disorders, educating professionals dedicated to providing optimal sleep health care and fostering the development and application of scientific knowledge. | <urn:uuid:5a302212-39ea-483a-915c-75de5d4bd6c1> | CC-MAIN-2015-06 | http://www.eurekalert.org/pub_releases/2010-02/aaos-spa020910.php | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2015-06/segments/1422121967958.49/warc/CC-MAIN-20150124175247-00210-ip-10-180-212-252.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.963426 | 967 | 2.6875 | 3 |
Infuse Color With Color-Changing Butterfly Pea Flower Tea
Butterfly pea tea is a rare tea that changes color when ingredients are added to change its pH level. The tea alone features a brilliant blue color that can change to vibrant red or deep purple with a simple slice of lemon or a few hibiscus petals. Discover striking beauty with butterfly pea flower tea and learn how to brew it right here.
Want to brew color-changing tea today? Check out our Butterfly Pea Flower Tea for a strikingly beautiful tea right here.
What Is Butterfly Pea Tea?
Butterfly pea tea is an herbal tea made using the rich blue flowers of the butterfly pea plant. The plant goes by the botanical name Clitoria ternatea and is also known as fairy tea, blue tea, and Asian pigeonwings. The plant is native to Southeast Asia and is commonly used in Ayurveda and as a natural food coloring. The tea infusion is naturally caffeine-free and features healthy compounds such as anthocyanins
The most unique attribute of this plant is that it is a color-changing tea. The blue color of the tea changes to deep violet or purple when the pH level is altered. The addition of lemon juice or another acid causes these color changes. The tea can also change color to a fire red or fuchsia hue when combined with hibiscus petals.
How Is Butterfly Pea Tea Brewed?
The traditional brewing methods of this tea hail from Thailand and Malaysia. In Thai culture, the tea is called nam dok anchan and is mixed with honey, lemon, and mint. Other additions include ginger, lemongrass, and even green tea.
As the tea becomes more popular in the United States, new and unique infusions are emerging. The tea is a staple ingredient in mood ring cocktails and is often paired with blue foods to play up the vibrant color characteristics of the tea.
To brew this tea, simply add one tablespoon of dried butterfly pea flower petals to 10 ounces of hot water. Steep the bright blue petals for five to 10 minutes. Use a strainer to remove the leaves and pour the tea mixture into a clear glass mug. Add a splash of lemon juice so the tea changes color to deep purple. If you want the deep pink hue instead, add a teaspoon of hibiscus petals to the hot water along with the butterfly pea tea.
Be Colorful With Butterfly Pea Tea
Blue pea tea is an Asian tea that makes tea brewing a blast. The color-changing properties and mild flavor make it a great tea for beginner drinkers as well as connoisseurs. The unique color properties offer a visually pleasing dimension to the brewing process that make this tisane perfect for tea parties and friendly gatherings.
Enjoy the pretty hue of blue butterfly pea tea as-is or add an acidic element like lemon juice or lemon slices to turn the color a rich purple. For a fiery atmosphere, add hibiscus petals and watch the blue color change into a brilliant fuchsia. However you decide to enjoy this tea, you're sure to love the vibrant vibes these petals add to your tea repertoire. | <urn:uuid:666d38e9-b26f-4e3f-a096-173fc026e0a7> | CC-MAIN-2021-43 | https://senchateabar.com/blogs/blog/butterfly-pea | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2021-43/segments/1634323584886.5/warc/CC-MAIN-20211016135542-20211016165542-00684.warc.gz | en | 0.886295 | 667 | 2.53125 | 3 |
Preventive maintenance is simply maintenance performed regularly on any piece of equipment to minimize the likelihood of it failing. Unexpected breakdowns can be avoided by sanctioning preventive maintenance while the machine is still operational.
Preventive maintenance is based on asset manufacturer recommendations or an asset’s average life span, but never on the machine’s condition.
Preventive Maintenance in the Transport Industry
Preventive maintenance, especially for freight fleets, is an anticipatory care strategy that seeks to maximize vehicle efficiency and reliability for the long term. The strategy can involve daily vehicle checks, or extensive, systematic safety inspections carried out at scheduled intervals. It aims at ensuring that the right procedures are put in place to deal with any faults effectively.
Documented records of these activities form the basis of any preventive maintenance program, and therefore, capable personnel and adequate maintenance tools must be readily available to back the system.
Lack of proper preventive maintenance systems in the transport industry can be costly. You may be forced to spend big on massive unexpected maintenance jobs. It also causes unwarranted schedule disruptions, especially when vehicles are non-operational for extended periods. A mediocre maintenance plan can shorten a vehicle’s life, adversely impacting on its whole-life cost. On the other hand, a proactive maintenance plan reduces a vehicle’s life cost.
Determining When to Use Preventive Maintenance
The ‘don’t fix ‘til it’s broken’ policy can be quite misleading, especially in fleet maintenance. You wouldn’t want to wait to get an oil change until one of your vehicle’s engines fails. If you know the essence of preventive maintenance, act on it when you can.
There’s a reason it’s also known as planned maintenance. It’s conducted for as long as a vehicle is operational and is part of a longer plan to preserve the life of the vehicle. In doing so, you can avoid expensive consequences, such as unplanned schedule interruptions.
Basing your fleet maintenance schedule on a timeline rather than on condition means that some essential maintenance tasks are undertaken before escalating to costly challenges. It also means that your maintenance personnel can ensure they operate on a budget and that they have an inventory, and a plan to perform scheduled maintenance tasks.
Preventive Maintenance Tools
While you can still manage fleet preventive maintenance manually, it is advisable to invest in a tool that can automate most of the oversight and management processes. Modern technological advancements have brought about innovative preventive maintenance software solutions that not only make the process of maintenance efficient but also affordable.
Compared to manual reporting, generating reports through upgraded fleet maintenance software takes only a few minutes. The software makes it easier for your crew to report issues for the necessary actions to be taken. An automated data collection system minimizes the inevitable likelihood of human error, improving overall accuracy.
When looking for fleet maintenance software, consider the following features:
- Vehicle tracking
- Cost tracking
- Registration and licensing tracking
- Client or operator request portal
- Purchase and order tracking
- Insurance claims management
Mobile capabilities are also handy factors you should consider as they allow you to integrate with other existing management software. Planning preventive maintenance without the necessary vehicle preventive maintenance software can be a significant challenge. PMs are usually triggered after stipulated time or use, making it difficult, or even impossible to keep track of data manually. It becomes even more cumbersome when you’re dealing with a fleet of many vehicles.
Benefits of Preventive Maintenance Software for Fleet Managers
Preventive maintenance software like Azuga gives you full control of your fleet. It allows you to schedule, plan, track, and manage everything to do with maintenance, all in one place. With robust automated record systems in place, accuracy, and simplified auditing and compliance are guaranteed.
Preventive maintenance software is beneficial for fleet managers in terms of safety, accountability, efficiency, and reporting.
- Provides timely alerts when driving
- Prevents distracted driving among drivers
- Provides real-time coaching to drivers and crew
- Verifies whether your team was at the required customer location
- Ensures your team is at the required place at the right time
- Validates payroll accuracy
- Helps monitor vehicle maintenance for potential problems
- Saves money on fuel through reducing idling and unnecessary speeding
- Minimizes insurance premiums occasioned by driving behaviors
- Gives relevant feedback for all reports needed
- Allows you to compare your performance to others, helping you to learn and adopt the best practices
What Can You Do to Boost Safety Using Preventive Maintenance?
Generally, preventive maintenance programs offer apparent benefits when it comes to keeping your fleet running and preventing unnecessary downtimes. That brings about improved operational efficiency and minimizes cost as well.
But these are not the only benefits you get from a well-designed program. You’ll get immense efficiency, quality improvement, and safety benefits from practicing preventive maintenance rather than reactive maintenance.
There is a strong correlation between what organizations do in terms of preventive maintenance and the rate of safety incidents. Therefore, it means that with more preventive maintenance measures in place, incidents are lowered significantly, and vice versa.
For improved safety in fleet management, preventive maintenance software is one way to go. Timely alerts translate to instant action, while undistracted driving gives your drivers and other road users peace of mind on the road.
Azuga – Ideal for Drivers, Just What Fleet Managers Need
The best preventive maintenance system in transport is naturally predictable, and therefore, allows operators (including drivers and maintenance crew) to capitalize on scheduling and management tools to have tasks accomplished on time. The result is smooth and straightforward fleet management, accountability, improved efficiency, and safety for everyone involved. Azuga is valuable for helping fleet managers keep overall costs down while at the same time raising their fleet reliability.
With Azuga Fleet Mobile, you can manage your fleet easily right from your mobile phone. Contact Azuga today, and enjoy the following, among many other benefits:
- Improved productivity and efficiency
- Extended life of vehicles
- Minimal paperwork
- Minimal manual data input
- Reduced working downtime
- Improved driving safety
- Timely custom reports | <urn:uuid:cd5f15d1-bbb9-4ebb-ad9f-57e5efe3afd8> | CC-MAIN-2023-14 | https://www.azuga.com/blog/how-preventive-maintenance-is-making-roads-safer | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-14/segments/1679296944606.5/warc/CC-MAIN-20230323003026-20230323033026-00130.warc.gz | en | 0.9243 | 1,296 | 2.59375 | 3 |
Michelangelo took four years to paint the Sistine Chapel's 1,100 square-metre vault, a labour he completed on 31 October 1512 - All Saints Day - when Pope Julius II celebrated Vespers to mark the event.
The Sistine Chapel's walls were decorated by a number of Renaissance arts including Sandro Botticelli. In addition to the ceiling, Michelangelo was employed to decorate the wall behind the altar. He did so by completing the apocalyptic "Last Judgement" in 1541.
Papal conclaves take place in the Sistine Chapel, where the most recent restoration of the frescos was completed in 1994 and took 14 years.
Vatican Museums director Antonio Paolucci in September warned that dust and pollution in the Sistine Chapel, which is visited by millions of tourists annually, posed a threat to the frescos. | <urn:uuid:8acccda8-2602-47f0-8572-362176e69bed> | CC-MAIN-2018-30 | http://www1.adnkronos.com/IGN/Aki/English/Religion/Vatican-Sistine-Chapel-marks-its-500th-anniversary-with-papal-Vespers_313844605564.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2018-30/segments/1531676591831.57/warc/CC-MAIN-20180720193850-20180720213850-00583.warc.gz | en | 0.968597 | 179 | 2.890625 | 3 |
This art annotation bookmark is a great way to introduce annotation to a class and can remain in students’ sketchbooks as a handy reminder. Also included in this download is a list of examples for each prompt on the bookmark, so that you can run through ideas with your students when you first give them the bookmark.
English departments have had literacy bookmarks for ages, it’s time the art department got in on the act!
There are lots of art literacy resources on The Arty Teacher.
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I set up The Arty Teacher because I have a passion for my subject that I want to share with other art teachers around the world.
I have been a high school art teacher for over 20 years, so I understand what it’s like to be in front of a class of students, often with very different abilities and attitudes.
I wanted to develop resources that would help teachers to bring out the best in every student in every class. I also wanted to free-up staff from time-consuming lesson preparation to let them focus instead on delivering exciting, motivating, dynamic lessons, supported by excellent resources. | <urn:uuid:c66efcf9-9b55-47b3-91d8-92184a4f73fe> | CC-MAIN-2023-23 | https://theartyteacher.com/downloads/art-annotation-bookmark/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-23/segments/1685224654871.97/warc/CC-MAIN-20230608103815-20230608133815-00698.warc.gz | en | 0.954542 | 303 | 3.046875 | 3 |
Wet basements can lead to not only property damage and expensive clean-up, but can also lead to a number of health problems and risks. Wet basements lead to mold growth, as mold growth is spurred by excessive indoor moisture or water accumulation. When mold spores land on a damp spot indoors, they begin growing and multiplying, and can live on such surfaces as wood, paper, and carpet. The only way to stop mold growth is by eliminating indoor moisture.
Wet basements and mold can trigger varied health effects in most people. When mold exposure is great, some individuals, particularly those with allergies and asthma, can experience mild to serious health problems. In high concentrations, mold can trigger symptoms in individuals who do not have allergies. Allergic reactions to mold can be immediate or delayed. Allergic reaction symptoms include:
Respiratory problems, such as coughing and wheezing
Nose and throat irritation
Nasal or sinus congestion
Sensitive to light
Skin rash or irritation
Exposure to mold can also lead to respiratory infections and such severe reactions as fever, shortness of breath, or even lung infections. | <urn:uuid:9ef7278c-3341-4ad4-80e2-acdd6a530d1f> | CC-MAIN-2018-51 | http://thefoundationexpert.com/wet-basement-health-risks/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2018-51/segments/1544376825098.68/warc/CC-MAIN-20181213193633-20181213215133-00196.warc.gz | en | 0.938683 | 232 | 3.5625 | 4 |
The Peanut Allergy Epidemic, Third Edition: What's Causing It and How to Stop It
- In stock, ready to ship
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Essential reading for every parent of a child with peanut allergies—third edition with a foreword by Robert F. Kennedy, Jr.
Why is the peanut allergy an epidemic that only seems to be found in western cultures? More than four million people in the United States alone are affected by peanut allergies, while there are few reported cases in India, a country where peanut is the primary ingredient in many baby food products. Where did this allergy come from, and does medicine play any kind of role in the phenomenon? After her own child had an anaphylactic reaction to peanut butter, historian Heather Fraser decided to discover the answers to these questions.
In The Peanut Allergy Epidemic, Fraser delves into the history of this allergy, trying to understand why it largely develops in children and studying its relationship with social, medical, political, and economic factors. In an international overview of the subject, she compares the epidemic in the United States to sixteen other geographical locations; she finds that in addition to the United States in countries such as Canada, the United Kingdom, Australia, and Sweden, there is a one in fifty chance that a child, especially a male, will develop a peanut allergy. Fraser also highlights alternative medicines and explores issues of vaccine safety and other food allergies.
This third edition features a foreword from Robert F. Kennedy, Jr. and a new chapter on promising leads for cures to peanut allergies. The Peanut Allergy Epidemic is a must read for every parent, teacher, and health professional. | <urn:uuid:418b4c20-a334-4bce-904d-d48c77e755fc> | CC-MAIN-2022-49 | https://nextchapterbooks.co/products/the-peanut-allergy-epidemic-third-edition-whats-causing-it-and-how-to-stop-it | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-49/segments/1669446710192.90/warc/CC-MAIN-20221127041342-20221127071342-00481.warc.gz | en | 0.949431 | 355 | 3.09375 | 3 |
Introduction of mud tank
A mud tank is an open-top container, typically made of steel, to store drilling fluid on a drilling rig. They are also called mud pits, because they used to be nothing more than pits dug out of the earth.
The tanks are generally open-top and have walkways on top to allow a worker to traverse and inspect the level of fluid in the tanks. The walkways also allow access to other equipment mounted on top. Recently, offshore drilling rigs have closed-in tanks for safety. The mud tank plays a critical role in mechanically removing destructive solids and sediment from costly land and offshore drilling systems.
The numbers of the mud tanks that are needed on the drilling rig depend on the depth of the well, and also the mud demands of drilling. A tank is sectioned off into different compartments. A compartment may include a settling tank, sometimes called a sand trap, to allow sand and other solids in the drilling fluid to precipitate before it flows into the next compartment.
Other compartments may have agitators on the top of the tanks, which have long impellers below inserting into the tank & stirring the fluid to prevent its contents from precipitating. Mud guns are often equiped at the corners of the tanks’ top, spraying high-pressed mud to prevent the drilling fluids in the corner of the compartment from precipitating, typically for the square tanks.
The pipe work linking the mud tanks/pits with the mud pumps is called the suction line. This may be gravity fed or charged by centrifugal pumps to provide additional volumetric efficiency to the mud pumps.
Mud tanks for solids control
Mud tanks are the base of solids control equipments, such as shale shaker, desander, desilter, etc., and also the carrier of drilling fluids. Mud tanks for solids control systems are divided into Square tanks and Cone-shaped tanks according to the shape of the tank bottom. The body of the tank is made by welding the steel plate and section, using the smooth cone-shape structure or the corrugated structure. The mud tank surface and passages are made of slip resistant steel plate and expanded steel plate.The mud tanks are made of the side steel pipe, all of the structure can be folded without barrier and pegged reliably.
The surface of the tank is equipped with a water pipeline for cleaning the surface and equipment on the tank, it uses soaked zinc processing for the expanded steel plate. The ladder is made of channel steel to take responsibility the body, the foot board is made of expanded steel plate. The two-sided guard rail are installed the safe suspension hook. The mud tank is designed the standard shanty to prevent the sand and the rain. The pipeline is installed in the tank to preserve the warm air heat.
Mud tank quantity depends on mud process capacity requirements. Especially for mud storage, suitable for mud pump, drilling rig, etc.
OGEM MUD TANK FROM CHINA
OGEM Equipment is mud tank professional manufacturer. Our tanks are widely used in oil and gas drilling, HDD, CSM exploration, slurry separation, etc. They are high anti-corrosive, anti-rust, long usable life
According to tank base shape there are square and cylinder tank. Tanks main bodies are welded together with steel plate and steel section. Tank top and walk way is made of steel grid and antiskid plate. Guard rail material is square pipe, rails are foldable type. Stairs are made of antiskid plate. Two sides rail have pins for steady and safe walk.
Mud tank in whole mud system will have special device to clean mud tank and equipments. For oil drilling mud system we’ll provide standard sand/rain prevention canopy also heating pipeline in the tank.
Any need for drilling mud tank, please feel free to contact us-OGEM. We’ll do our utmost to serve you. | <urn:uuid:57e06900-f734-4231-b6c3-a61963822c20> | CC-MAIN-2022-27 | http://www.ogemsolidscontrol.com/blog/category/mud-tank | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-27/segments/1656104628307.87/warc/CC-MAIN-20220705205356-20220705235356-00526.warc.gz | en | 0.949094 | 810 | 3.234375 | 3 |
Could 2020 become the fastest-starting hurricane season ever?
NOAA predicts there will be 19 named tropical storms in 2020, with 6-10 potentially becoming hurricanes. How do these storms get their monikers?
In case 2020 wasn't a strange enough year already, Wednesday marked the tenth day of the official Atlantic hurricane season, which began on June 1, and it is already shaping up to be one of the fastest-starting Atlantic seasons in history.
Cristobal's formation and name designation on June 2 broke the previous record for the earliest C-named storm ever, formerly held by 2016's Tropical Storm Colin. Compared to last year, Cristobal's strengthening into the third named storm of the year arrived over 10 weeks earlier than 2019's third-named system, Tropical Storm Chantel.
Looking ahead, records for this already historic season may continue to be set with the name Dolly on deck. According to records from the National Hurricane Center (NHC), the month of June has had only two other D-named storms: Tropical Storm Debby from 2012 and Tropical Storm Danielle from 2016.
Robbie Yates carries some of his belongings past a flooded school bus in Live Oak, Fla., Wednesday, June 27, 2012. Hundreds of homes and businesses were flooded by torrential rains from Tropical Storm Debby. (AP Photo/Dave Martin)
Debby formed over the south-central Gulf of Mexico before slamming into the Big Bend area of Florida on June 26, 2012. The system weakened soon after moving inland, but it produced a considerable amount of flooding across northern and central portions of the state. Danielle formed in a similar area and was a short-lived tropical storm that developed over the southwestern Gulf of Mexico. The weak tropical storm made landfall near Tamiahua in eastern Mexico on June 20, 2016.
According to AccuWeather Senior Weather Editor and Meteorologist Jesse Ferrell, there have been 69 D-named storms in the Atlantic since naming officially began in 1950. The most common of those names are Dolly at eight times and the aforementioned Debby and Danielle at seven times apiece.
So far, eight D-named storms have been retired, including Hurricane Diane in 1955 and Hurricane Dean in 2007. Hurricane Dorian from 2019 is expected to be retired sometime this year. Ferrell said all of the retired D-named storms formed in August, with the exception of Dennis, which formed the earliest on July 4, 2005.
All of that is to say that reaching the fourth named storm of a hurricane season in June is extremely rare. However, having this conversation in the second week of the month is unheard of.
Two Haitian migrants sit as one stands amid the ruins of a home destroyed by Hurricane Dorian in Abaco, Bahamas, Saturday, Sept. 28, 2019. A preliminary report estimates Dorian caused some $7 billion in damage, but the government has not yet offered any figures. (AP Photo/Ramon Espinosa)
AccuWeather Hurricane Expert Dan Kottlowski said there are no definitive signs suggesting there will be any tropical development in the coming days; however, there are some areas of concern.
"We are watching two areas of concern. An area of low pressure located about 450 miles east of Bermuda is forming. The system is forming over only marginally warm water and within an environment not very favorable for tropical development," he said. "As a result, the chance of development looks low at this point. If the system were to wind up during the next day or two, it would probably be classified as a subtropical storm since there is lots of dry air to the west and southwest of the storm."
According to Kottlowski, even if the system were to develop soon, it would most likely remain east of Bermuda and not pose a threat to any landmass.
The other area Kottlowski said meteorologists are keeping an eye on is the water around the Yucatan Peninsula, close to where Cristobal strengthened. According to Kottlowski, a tropical wave currently 770 miles east of the Windward Islands is projected to move westward and over Trinidad and Tobago as a disorganized feature on Friday.
Cristobal is seen churning near the coast of the Mexican state of Tabasco in the Bay of Campeche on June 3, 2020, in this satellite image. (NOAA / GOES-East).
"This system will track along or over the northern coast of South America. Then, if it does not fall apart, it could emerge over the southwest Caribbean early next week and then track northwest," Kottlowski said.
"Some computer forecasts are suggesting this feature will cause a broad area of low pressure to develop over Central America which could then move into waters in and around the Yucatan later next week or a week from this coming weekend," he added.
Kottlowski reiterated the potential for development this far out is unclear at this point, but that forecasters will continue to monitor the situation.
Given how much time remains in June, however, there may be a strong chance for records to continue falling. Tropical Storm Danielle became the earliest-ever D-named storm by forming on June 20, 2016, besting the previously held record by Tropical Storm Debby, which formed on June 23, 2012. Before Debby, the earliest a hurricane season had ever spawned its fourth name on the list was July 5, when Hurricane Dennis strengthened in 2005, eventually becoming the first of five names to be retired after the historic 2005 season.
In 2016, the previously earliest C-named storm, Colin, formed exactly two weeks before the current earliest D-storm, Danielle, was named. Should that pattern repeat itself this month, the current hurricane season would add another speed record to its list, just as we've come to expect from the bizarre year that has been 2020.
Keep checking back on AccuWeather.com and stay tuned to the AccuWeather Network on DirecTV, Frontier and Verizon Fios.Report a Typo | <urn:uuid:7896b893-0576-4875-a6e0-e6c571f98ca3> | CC-MAIN-2022-21 | https://www.accuweather.com/en/hurricane/could-2020-become-the-fastest-starting-hurricane-season-ever/756108 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-21/segments/1652662658761.95/warc/CC-MAIN-20220527142854-20220527172854-00688.warc.gz | en | 0.971652 | 1,231 | 2.765625 | 3 |
Read & Download Individual Handbook Chapters:
- Unions and Stewards – An introduction to our union and how it is organized. Learn more about how Shop Stewards fit into that picture, and about the qualities that make a strong Steward.
- Understanding your Collective Agreement – Your Collective Agreement is the most important document for a Shop Steward. Learn where it comes from and get some tips for reading and understanding it.
- Representing the Union – Shop Stewards work with members when they run into conflicts with the employer, but they also keep members connected with each other and with union staff. That part of your role is explained here.
- Representing at Discipline Meetings – Learn how you can assist your co-workers when disciplinary issues arise or when they are called to a fact-finding meeting.
- Representing at Grievances – Understand your role as a representative when members want to complain about workplace practices or employer decisions.
- Additional Resources – Links to online resources and brief guides to topics of interest
- Glossary of Labour Terms | <urn:uuid:4c08282b-4c2e-4e3f-8565-da9526db42d9> | CC-MAIN-2017-26 | https://yeu.ca/yeu-shop-steward-handbook/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-26/segments/1498128320215.92/warc/CC-MAIN-20170624031945-20170624051945-00403.warc.gz | en | 0.936496 | 214 | 2.640625 | 3 |
More Lessons for Grade 6
Videos, worksheets, stories and songs to help Grade 6 students learn how to evaluate positive, zero and negative exponents.
= 9, 30
= 1, 3-1
There is also an explanation why
and why a0
If the exponent is 0 then the answer is always 1.
For example, 80
= 1, 170
Some mathematicians define 00
= 1, whereas others leave it undefined
Positive and Negative Exponents
Positive exponents are easy, but what happens when you have zero for the exponent? Or even worse, a negative number?
Pattern for zero and negative exponents
= 5 • 5 • 5
= 5 • 5
Zero and negative exponent properties
Zero Exponent Property
Any quantity raised to the zero power equals 1.
Negative Exponent Property
= the reciprocal of an
Definitions, covers negative exponents and zero as an exponent
Negative Exponent Intuition
Intuition on why a-b
(and why a0
Rotate to landscape screen format on a mobile phone or small tablet to use the Mathway widget, a free math problem solver that answers your questions with step-by-step explanations.
You can use the free Mathway calculator and problem solver below to practice Algebra or other math topics. Try the given examples, or type in your own problem and check your answer with the step-by-step explanations.
We welcome your feedback, comments and questions about this site or page. Please submit your feedback or enquiries via our Feedback page. | <urn:uuid:ee3e94de-9d1e-4eb4-95e4-064d1ab8bf55> | CC-MAIN-2017-51 | http://www.onlinemathlearning.com/exponent-3.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-51/segments/1512948596051.82/warc/CC-MAIN-20171217132751-20171217154751-00105.warc.gz | en | 0.746168 | 332 | 4 | 4 |
The sensation of the heart beating in the chest.
- Define what the patient means by palpitation.
- What does it feel like?
- Make sure it is a palpatation
- Patients may describe feeling a skipped beat (followed by a strong beat- classic of ectopic beats)
- May describe a rapid pounding in their chest
- Can you tap it out? (this can be very useful, particularly if the patient has a tachycardia, bradycardia or arrhythmia)
- When does it come on? Are there any exacerbating or relieving factors?
- How often does it happen? How long does it last?
- Does it come on at rest or on exertion? Are there any feelings of stress, anxiety, not being able to cope etc that would suggest a psychosomatic cause? Does it come on during particular situations (e.g. at work)
- Is it made worse by anything e.g. cold food/drink (e.g. Atrial flutter)? Caffeine? Alcohol (e.g. ectopic beats)
- Is it made better with anything? e.g. breath-holding, coughing (valsava manoeuvres typically relieve an AVNRT arrhythmia); Rest
- It is important to ask about any
- chest pain (particularly anginal i.e. crushing);
- any loss of consciousness/collapse (and define whether this is syncope/pre-syncope or not- suggestive by feeling ‘faint’, dizzy, perhaps nauseous, claustrophobic)
- any shortness of breath or sweatiness (may be organic cause but can also be psychosomatic)
- any rapid increase in heartbeat
- Also ask about any heat intolerance, shaking, weight loss (/gain), any eye symptoms, change in appetite, weakness/fatigue, oligomenorrhoea/amenorrhoea etc to include/exclude hyperthyroidism
- What does it feel like?
- Take a thorough cardiovascular as well as general past medical history
- Any history of angina, any MIs, any known arrhythmias, any hypertension, etc
- Any other medical problems (respiratory, anxiety, epilepsy, thyroid problems, etc)
- Is the patient on any drugs?
- Ask about family history of palpitations, cardiovascular conditions, causes of death
- Ask about smoking, alcohol and illicit drug use. Also ask about occupation.
Before even starting- do a Mental State Examination. Does the patient appear anxious/stressed? (Increased pressure of speech, fidgeting)
- Look at the hands for any signs of thyrotoxicosis e.g. palmar erythema, thyroid acropachy, hot/sweaty. Also look for any signs such as nicotine stains
- You may also want to look for fine tremor by asking the patient to hold their hands/arms outstretched
- Feel the pulse
- Assess rate (if irregular, take time to do this), rhythm, volume, strength
- Do a brief examination of the neck to assess the thyroid (NB depending on your differential from history taking, this may or may not be required- the same is true for examination of the eyes e.g. exophthalmos, lid lag/retraction, abnormal movements)
- Feel the carotid pulse
- This may be done with the radial pulse to check for any differences
- If there was a history of collapse/syncope, you might also want to test neurological function of the limbs (tone, power, reflexes) as well as the cranial nerves
- Check the blood pressure
Examination of the chest (see also CV Examination; CV Examination)
- Look for any chest signs e.g. any scars suggestive of previous cardiac surgery, any obvious pulsations of the chest wall etc
- Feel for the apex beat, noting its location, rhythm, rate, character. Feel for any parasternal heaves or thrills
- Listen to the heart sounds, noting any extra sounds
- A 12-lead ECG is easy to do and can be extremely helpful at identifying underlying electrical abnormalities of the heart.
- Note that patients who are not experiencing symptoms may have a normal ECG. However, they may have abnormal findings. I.e. the presence or absence of symptoms at present should not contraindicate ECG.
- Blood tests may be useful to
- FBC (anaemia can increase the risk of cardiac arrhythmia if there is already underlying predisposition)
- U&Es (in particular, potassium levels- as both hyperkalaemia and hypokalaemia can affect cardiac electrophysiology
- LFTs, TFTs and glucose may be useful.
- Other ECG based tests e.g. 24-hour Holter monitoring or exercise ECG may be useful if palpitations
- Anxiety disorder
- Ectopic beats
- Atrial Fibrillation
- Atrial Flutter
- Supraventricular tachycardias
- Ventricular tachycardia
- Sick sinus syndrome
- Valvular heart disease (particularly mitral disease)
- Hyperthyroidism, hypoglycaemia
- Alcohol use, caffeine, illicit drug use
- Other medications e.g. beta-agonist inhalers, calcium channel blocker,
- Others e.g. Atrial/ventricular septal defects, cardiomyopathy, congenital heart disease, congestive heart failure,
Management of the acutely unwell patient with palpitations caused by tachycardia | <urn:uuid:37265c8e-806b-4e0d-b61f-b1af8757efbd> | CC-MAIN-2023-14 | https://dundeemedstudentnotes.wordpress.com/2014/04/19/palpitations/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-14/segments/1679296949331.26/warc/CC-MAIN-20230330132508-20230330162508-00029.warc.gz | en | 0.891416 | 1,216 | 3 | 3 |
They were sailing to Virginia, but God diverted them north. When they arrived, some of the passengers said they could go wherever they pleased. The Pilgrim leaders knew they needed unity to be strong and safe in the New World. They immediately took charge by giving strong decisive leadership.
The Pilgrims took charge immediately and drew up the Mayflower Compact a document which pledged they would govern themselves by abiding to God's laws.
Some felt they didn't have to honor the papers they signed because they were outside Virginia. They were in New England. The Pilgrims would not allow for mutiny or disunity. They formed a hasty conference. They borrowed Captain Joness cabin. William Brewster brought his writing materials. Those who plotted mutiny could hear their voices and the scrabble of a quill pen. Then the Pilgrims gathered the other men.
One book says, "The reading of the Compact was followed by tense discussion. John Carver was the first to step up and sign. The leading Saints followed him. There was a long pause. Would the Strangers accept the agreement? The fate of the settlement hung on their decision."
"With the rattle of his saber, Captain Myles Standish rose up to his full height and then marched to the front of the cabin and set his name down on the side of law and order. Everyone breathed easier. The most prosperous of the Strangers followed him." And then the rest signed.
The minority, as usual in history, dominated the majority. Their unity and strength influenced all the rest to sign it. This small minority group had clear vision and unity that gave them the power to guide the majority. The Mayflower Compact was a document signed for unity under God. It was a document of unification.
The agreement the Pilgrims signed was not with the Virginia Company a Royal charter. Their agreement was only a business contract in which the financiers had no authority to promulgate ordinances and decrees or to appoint the governor of the colony. So the Pilgrims at Plymouth could invent their own politics. It is significant that the first governor of Plymouth was the first governor in history to be chosen by democratic means in a free election. Of all the political systems, God is for democracy.
The word covenant was a commonly used word at the founding of our nation. In the case of the Pilgrims it meant a solemn agreement between God and an individual. The founding Pilgrims were Biblicists who knew God obeyed his side of an agreement. Deuteronomy 7:9 says: "Know therefore that the Lord thy God, He is God, the faithful God, which keepeth covenant and mercy with them that love Him and keep His commandments to a thousand generations." God's people are supposed to build for a thousand generations. We are supposed to look far into the future and build an empire for God. Rev. Moon does this.
The fundamental reason America has become so prosperous is because of the covenant of our forefathers. Before the Pilgrims set one foot in the New World they drew up a covenant before God. Before launching their colony they recognized God's sovereignty. They joined with God; they obeyed God. The Mayflower Compact begins in big bold letters "In the Name of God, Amen." They took this vow seriously and other colonies in this new Eden did so as we moved toward nationhood. Prof. Andrew McLaughlin in Foundations of American Constitutionalism writes, "... the word 'covenant' and its significance will appear over and over again as we trace the development of Americas constitutional history. "
Our forefathers made covenants with God, and America needs to
restore, revive and reaffirm those contracts. God has not changed,
but many Americans have forgotten our agreement with God.
"We whose names are underwritten, the loyal subjects of our dread Sovereign Lord King James, by the Grace of God of Great Britain, France, and Ireland King, Defender of the Faith, etc."
"Having undertaken, for the Glory of God and advancement of the Christian Faith and Honour of our King and Country, a Voyage to plant the First Colony in the Northern Parts of Virginia, do by these presents solemnly and mutually in the presence of God and one of another, Covenant and Combine ourselves together into a Civil Body Politic, for our better ordering and preservation and furtherance of the ends aforesaid; and by virtue hereof to enact, constitute and frame such just and equal Laws, Ordinances, Acts, Constitutions and Offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most meet and convenient for the general good of the Colony, unto which we promise all due submission and obedience. In witness whereof we have hereunder subscribed our names at Cape Cod, the 11th of November, in the year of the reign of our Sovereign Lord King James, of England, France and Ireland the eighteenth, and of Scotland the fifty-fourth. Anno Domini 1620."
Bradford then makes a comment that the strangers always complained (Bradford, like all spiritual pioneers has to listen to complaining like Moses did), but the strength of character of the Pilgrims kept them in line: "In these hard and difficult beginnings they found some discontents and murmurings arise amongst some, and mutinous speeches and carriages in other; but they were soon quelled and overcome by the wisdom, patience, and just and equal carriage of things, by the Governor and better part, which clave faithfully together in the main."
In The Mayflower Compact Frank Donovan writes, "the Compact was an extraordinary document for its day, in that it set forth revolutionary new principles. It was a milestone on the long, hard, bloody road from feudalism and the rule of an aristocracy that had dominated the people of the Old World for centuries. It is more remarkable for the attitudes, the beliefs, the ideas, the state of mind -- call it what you will -- of the men who brought it into being than for what is specifically says."
"The key words are, 'to combine ourselves together into a civil body politic ... to enact ... just and equal laws.' This was the first simple and direct written expression in recorded history of what the French philosopher Jean Jacques Rousseau would call the 'social contract' theory of government, the theory on which the government of the United States is based."
"Under the social contract theory of government, laws are not made, nor are the lives of the people ordered, by kings or nobles or appointed counsels, or by a dictatorship of any class or individual. ... At the time the Compact was written such a concept of government was completely radical. There were no such governments in the Old World."
"Another revolutionary principle in the Compact, for the times, is expressed in the words 'just and equal laws.' There had been just laws in England since the time of the Magna Carta, but nowhere in the Old World were there equal laws, at least in their application. The law was one thing for the poor and underprivileged, another for the rich and well born. There were records of poor children in England who were hung for the minor theft of a silver spoon or a watch. But no noble's son was ever hung, or even punished by the law, for such an offense."
Democracy vs. Theocracy
God was behind this budding democracy. He wanted America to be democratic. And God wants his future ideal world to be democratic and free. The Puritans came 10 years after the Pilgrims and created a theocracy. Unfortunately America, in the 20th century, has given government too much power to regulate lives, just as the Puritans did. There are harsh penalties for victimless crimes. This is not God's way. The Pilgrims could be harsh sometimes, as was the world they lived in. But they were far less harsh than the Puritans. America should return to its roots of freedom from heavy government. There are a number of books out that fear Rev. Moon, thinking he will oppress people as the Puritans did when he or his church gains control. The world should not fear Rev. Moon. He is for the use of persuasion, not force, even for what is considered sinful acts. Ironically, some who fear the most use violence against him and his followers such as using forceful kidnapping of adult members called by the misnomer "deprogramming." God's way is not to initiate force and for the use of maximum freedom. Those members of his movement who advocate government regulations of such things as guns, prostitution, drugs, pornography, etc. are only being in the Cain tradition of the Puritans. This is a vast topic and I discuss this fully in my book The Keys to Building the Ideal World. http://www.DivinePrinciple.com.
Just because they wrote and signed the Compact did not mean that there was unity. The first few months at Plymouth were horrendous and the stress was overwhelming. Some people were not very patient and godly but the Pilgrims were magnificent in calming the majority.
When the Pilgrims reached Cape Cod they thanked God for making it over the ocean. They were eager "again to set their feet on the firm and stable earth."
The Pilgrims had brought along a few small boats and a large boat called a shallop to be used for exploring the shore line. The very first landing party, the first expedition to explore the coast was 16 men with musket, sword and armor led by a military man, Captain Myles Standish. 16 men a providential number. In the Korean War 16 nations fought against communist aggression.
They saw 5 or 6 Indians who fled when they saw the Pilgrims. Standish, always fearless and aggressive, ran after them. The swift running Indians disappeared into the woods.
They roamed around the area and came across a heap of sand. They dug into it and found to their amazement ten large baskets of yellow, red, and blue maize Indian seed corn Indians had left. Without it they would not have survived. The following spring the kernels were used for seed. Those 10 baskets were not there by chance. He did his best to give them the means to survive. Nothing was by coincidence. God was working very closely with them. They knew this was a special providence of God.
Bradford writes, "We had, in all, about ten bushels which will serve us sufficiently for, seed ... it was God's good providence that we found this corn, for else we know not how we should have done." We cannot imagine the terror and soul-searing experience of being alone in a savage wilderness and the feelings of awe and gratitude at how mysteriously God worked in their lives.
They put the corn into the common store "to be kept for seed". The Pilgrims were correct in seeing everything as an intervention of God or Satan. They all knew that this seed corn was a special providence of God. They knew that God was intimately involved all day long in their daily lives.
Bradford said that when the search party brought some of the colorful seed corn back to the ship it made everyone happy. He couldn't help but compare their little band of men to the spies Moses sent into Canaan: "Like the men Moses sent to spy out the land of Canaan, they brought with them fruits of the country and showed their brethren. The corn and their safe return made the people marvelously glad, and their hearts encouraged."
God was a partner who they naturally spoke to and offered everything to all day long. God was not distant to them but intimately helping and guiding and even testing them every moment. They understood that a religious way of life is ascetic, sacrificial, and selfless.
Bradford wrote that not only was it a miracle they found the corn but when they came back later on the 2nd expedition, it had snowed and they saw that they would never had seen the corn if they had come just one day later. They landed just in the nick of time. He wrote: "And here is to be noted a special providence of God, and a great mercy to this poor people, that here they got seed to plant them corn the next year, or else they might have starved, for they had none nor any likelihood to get any till the season had been past, as the sequel did manifest. Neither is it likely they had had this, if the first voyage had not been made, for the ground was now all covered with snow and hard frozen; but the Lord is never wanting unto His in their greatest needs; let His holy name have all the praise."
Several historians criticize Bradford and the others for taking the corn. Bradford Smith in his book, Bradford of Plymouth, writes, "Then, with a lack of regard for Indian property which has all too often been the white man's way of introducing himself to a native race" ... "purloined" the corn. Those historians who criticize the Pilgrims for this are wrong. Bradford writes that they had every intention of paying for the corn, and he says they did so six months later to the satisfaction of the Indians. If we see these Pilgrims from God's eyes, then it was clearly a gift from God. I have already wrote of how we are to see the relationship between the white man and the Indian earlier.
Third and final Expedition
After the second exploration they felt that they needed to make a third one and search farther up the coast until they found the right spot to build their community. They had to wait for a while until the shallop got repairs. Finally they set out and went up the coast. Once they saw about a dozen Indians. At night they would make a shelter out of logs and pine boughs and took turns as sentries. One morning at five o'clock they were attacked. They had just finished prayers (which the men always did every morning and evening) and were preparing breakfast and loading the shallop. Arrows whizzed around them. There was terrifying blood curdling screams from the Indians. After a fierce exchange, the Indians retreated. Standish took some of the men and chased after them into the woods about a quarter of a mile. They shouted at the Indians to show them that they were "not afraid of them or any way discouraged." When they came back they were all amazed to see that their coats had been hanging in the barricade and were riddled with arrows and many arrows lying all around. Miraculously no one had even a scratch and they prayed and thanked God for their deliverance.
They continued on their search for the best place to build their community. As they traveled in the shallop they encountered foul weather - rain and snow, and then there rudder was lost in the stormy, rough sea. Edward Winslow wrote that "the water froze on our clothes, and made them like coats of iron." They struggled with oars to guide the boat. When they raised the sail it broke into three pieces and they almost capsized. They were in a very dangerous situation. Even their eyelids were almost froze shut. Some men fainted from the cold and strain. Then they had to wade to shore which caused them to get wet in the icy waters from the waist down and this made them even cough more. Many became "sick unto death." Bradford said that this was where many of the men took "the original of their death here." They finally got a fire going in spite of the downpour, the wind and the wet tinder.
After exploring the area for days they finally decided on
there were cleared cornfields "that had been abandoned for several
years" and ready for tillage, and the absence of Indians. Bradford
writes, "On Monday they sounded the harbor and found it fit for
shipping, and marched into the land and found divers cornfields and
little running brooks, a place (as they supposed) fit for situation.
At least it was the best they could find, and the season and their
present necessity made them glad to accept of it. So they returned to
their ship again with this news to the rest of their people, which
did much comfort their hearts."
When the search party returned, Bradford was given the sad news that his wife Dorothy had died while he was discovering Plymouth. Tragically his wife had died in a fall overboard and drowned before even setting foot in America. Many historians believe she committed suicide. Bradford mentions it only briefly and never writes of his wife again. If she did commit suicide it would have been a great disgrace. They did not believe in suicide. It was a great sin. True religious people understand that suicide is very wrong.
On the Sunday before they entered Plymouth they rested to honor the Sabbath and prayed and dried out their guns. They were men of God, and it is God's will that godly men use guns when necessary. There is truth in the famous saying: "Put your trust in God; but mind to keep your powder dry."
One night while the Mayflower was tossing and rolling and straining at her anchors in the middle of a fierce storm, Mary Allerton, wife of Isaac the tailor, delivered a son "but dead born." | <urn:uuid:24e07ade-5022-42d2-bf4d-a6dedb28ee21> | CC-MAIN-2017-34 | http://dpcopy.tripod.com/1_1620/part6b.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-34/segments/1502886120194.50/warc/CC-MAIN-20170823113414-20170823133414-00690.warc.gz | en | 0.984477 | 3,543 | 3.625 | 4 |
Introduction and summary
The importance of household wealth has become abundantly clear during the COVID-19 pandemic. Wealth is the difference between what families own—for instance, their savings and checking accounts, retirement savings, houses, and cars—and what they owe on credit cards, student loans, and mortgages, among other debt.
Yet wealth is vastly unequally distributed across the United States. Black households have a fraction of the wealth of white households, leaving them in a much more precarious financial situation when a crisis strikes and with fewer economic opportunities. Wealth allows households to weather a financial emergency such as a layoff or a family member’s illness. The pandemic brought multiple such emergencies to American families across all demographics. However, the lack of financial security combined with disproportionate exposure to the deadly coronavirus has had especially disastrous results for the Black community.
Wealth also provides families the means to invest in their children’s education, to start a business, relocate for new and better opportunities, buy a house, and have greater participation in the democratic process. Many households in Black communities cannot afford to pay for reliable internet or electronic devices to facilitate remote learning.1 White workers have been more likely to work remotely during the pandemic and have resources to devote to their children’s remote learning environment, while Black workers are more likely to still be going to work in person. The pandemic has created the perfect storm of factors that will drive wealth for African Americans and white households even further apart.
Wealth is not only a question of financial savings; it provides access to the political process and, therefore, exerts political influence. Households with wealth have a measure of economic security and can donate time and money, thereby influencing the political process and the policies that are important to their communities. Yet, Congress has not devoted enough attention to both the physical and economic harm the coronavirus crisis has wrought on African American communities.
The persistent Black-white wealth gap is not an accident but rather the result of centuries of federal and state policies that have systematically facilitated the deprivation of Black Americans. From the brutal exploitation of Africans during slavery, to systematic oppression in the Jim Crow South, to today’s institutionalized racism—apparent in disparate access to and outcomes in education, health care, jobs, housing, and criminal justice—government policy has created or maintained hurdles for African Americans who attempt to build, maintain, and pass on wealth.
In 2019, the Center for American Progress invited a number of leading national experts on racism and wealth to join the National Advisory Council on Eliminating the Black-White Wealth Gap2 to make eradicating this racial disparity a pressing policy goal for the next presidential administration and to identify steps necessary to accomplish it. This group engaged in a yearlong discussion guided by the following principles:
- Wealth is crucial for households’ economic security, their economic opportunities, their protection against economic crises, and their access to political power.
- The large and persistent Black-white wealth gap follows from centuries of policies that have systematically disadvantaged Black Americans’ ability to build, maintain, and pass on wealth.
- Successful policies—either singularly or in combination with others—will need to be large in scope to meet the challenge of eliminating the Black-white wealth gap.
- Policy interventions must focus on reversing centuries of exploitation and discrimination against Black Americans.
- Policies that will ultimately eliminate the wealth disparity need to provide tangible assets and debt relief to Black families.
- Eliminating the Black-white wealth gap will need to go beyond just securing more money to African Americans. Policies will also need to ensure that the structures supporting wealth creation deliver equitable outcomes.
The importance of addressing the Black-white wealth gap
In 2019, the median wealth (without defined-benefit pensions) of Black households in the United States was $24,100, compared with $189,100 for white households. Therefore, the typical Black household had 12.7 percent of the wealth of the typical white household, and they owned $165,000 less in wealth. The average gap is somewhat smaller in relative terms but much larger in dollar terms. The average Black household had $142,330 in 2019 compared with $980,549 for the average white household. This means that, on average, Black households had 14.5 percent of the wealth of white households, with an absolute dollar gap of $838,220.
The massive Black-white wealth disparity is nothing new in this country. It has persisted for centuries and has been apparent in consistent, nationally representative data for at least three decades. The gap between Black and white households appears to have widened again in the latter part of 2020 as the pandemic and deep recession took hold, especially hurting Black Americans. Black households needed to rely more on their savings to cover both health care emergencies and the economic fallout from layoffs than white households. Just a few months into the pandemic, average wealth for Black households was growing more slowly than that of white households—a reversal of the pre-pandemic trend.
Low wealth among many Black Americans left them especially vulnerable to the myriad risks of the coronavirus crisis. Black workers were more likely to lose their jobs even as they faced greater health care risks. They worked in jobs with greater exposure to the coronavirus and lived in communities with weaker health care infrastructures. As risks and costs soared, they quickly experienced more material hardship. Hunger, the threat of eviction or foreclosure, and an inability to pay bills were more prevalent among Black households than among white ones. More than two-thirds—68.1 percent—of Black families with incomes from $35,000 to $100,000 who had lost work during the pandemic indicated that they could not afford all of the food they needed, faced eviction or foreclosure, or had difficulty paying all of their bills from August 2020 to December 2020.3 These situations applied to 49.3 percent of white households in this income category. All types of families have suffered during the recession, but Black families have struggled more because they have fewer savings to fall back on.
Black households face systematic obstacles in building wealth
The persistent Black-white wealth gap is the result of a discriminatory economic system that keeps Black households from achieving the American dream.4 This system has always made it difficult for Black households to acquire and keep capital, and this lack of capital has created a persistently large racial wealth disparity, as African Americans have had less wealth to pass on to the next generation than white households. There are several other obstacles to building wealth:
- Black workers often face labor market discrimination, including being steered toward occupations that are less secure, lower paying, and have fewer benefits and career advancement opportunities. These systematic obstacles to gaining access to good jobs are especially prevalent in the private sector.
- Opportunities to contribute to and benefit from innovation and advancements in technologies—and thus building wealth in high value-added industries and occupations—are also limited for African American innovators and entrepreneurs, as federal government research funding regularly excludes them.5 Black households end up with lower incomes and less wealth than white households as a result.
- The financial system strips Black households of their wealth by denying them access to the same investment opportunities and affordable credit that white households have. This systematic bias makes it more difficult for Black households to participate in the stock market, to start and grow their own business, and to put away a rainy day fund, while they carry more costly debt such as car loans, credit card balances, and payday loans at the same time.
- Black households continue to face housing market discrimination, which makes it harder for them to own a home in the first place, and their houses appreciate less in value than those of white households.
- Additional factors such as systematically worse treatment in education, health care, and in the criminal justice system also feed into the persistent Black-white wealth gap.
The unjust obstacles to building wealth for Black households have existed for centuries, and the iterative nature of wealth begetting more wealth means that without public interventions, it will be virtually impossible for Black Americans to catch up to their white counterparts. White families are better situated to pass on wealth from one generation to the next. White households first benefited from the dehumanizing system of slavery—directly, in this case, as a white slaveholding plantation class—but also from the discriminatory institutions that emerged and persisted after the Civil War. White households have been able to build wealth for themselves and their descendants, while whatever wealth Black families could amass was regularly stripped away. Private businesses and governments institutionalized racism and discrimination. They also encouraged and sanctioned violence targeting Black lives and property. The destruction of Black Wall Street in the Greenwood neighborhood of Tulsa, Oklahoma, in 1921 serves as one of many horrid and systematic examples.6
Following centuries of oppression of Black households, white households are much more likely to receive an inheritance from their parents and grandparents, and their inheritances are much larger than those of Black households.7 Moreover, white households have access to larger and wealthier social networks that they can tap into for job and career opportunities for them and their children. Addressing the persistent Black-white wealth gap means countering the centuries-old institutions that have kept Black households from building and growing wealth at the same rate as is the case for white households.
Novel policy proposals that can help shrink the Black-white wealth gap
The National Advisory Council on Eliminating the Black-White Wealth Gap developed a range of novel policy proposals throughout 2020 that followed the aforementioned principles. These policies are especially targeted toward Black Americans, building and expanding on several existing proposals that could reduce the wealth disparity between Black and white households by helping Black Americans gain more wealth.
Center racial equity in the Biden-Harris administration8
Derived from a CAP issue brief published in November 2020, this proposal recommends that the executive branch explicitly prioritize eliminating the Black-white wealth gap, as it is the result of the collective and compounding impact of centuries of oppression. Now there must be a full-scale, intentional, and strategic plan that reaches across the entire federal government and puts in place actual infrastructure to tackle racial inequality. The issue brief provides the Biden administration with a menu of options, many of which have been adopted already.9 They include creating a White House Racial Equity Office; appointing a senior adviser to the president on racial equity; directing the Office of Management and Budget to conduct racial equity assessments on policy measures; adding more principal function to the National Economic Council focused on eliminating the racial wealth disparity; establishing an interagency task force that would provide steps each agency could take toward increasing wealth for Black communities and communities of color; and encouraging agencies to prioritize addressing racial wealth inequality. This menu of options is intended to provide mechanisms by which the federal government—including the White House and federal agencies—would hold itself accountable to the goal of centering race and equity in policymaking.
Ensure public work continues to provide economic security for Black families and communities10
Black workers and their families have a rare source of opportunity and security in public sector jobs. Government jobs alone cannot solve structural racism, but public sector jobs offer Black workers a greater measure of economic security than they can often find in private sector employment. Secure employment with predictable wages and benefits, a stable working environment, and stronger protections for workers in the public sector has been a significant source of security for Black workers. That also means that slowing growth in government employment—especially in the wake of the Great Recession of 2007 to 2009—represents a disproportionate shrinking of economic opportunities for African American workers.
Amid the fallout from the pandemic, state and local governments have made deep cuts to public sector jobs. Black workers have seen economic gains thanks to their hard work in the public sector. These income and wealth gains are now at risk again. In September 2020, 211,000 fewer Black workers had a job in the public sector than was the case in September 2019.11
In the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic, the federal government can ensure that state and local governments are receiving the funding they need—for instance, with the passage of the American Rescue Plan. Now, these additional funds need to lead states and local governments to bring back jobs in an equitable manner; otherwise, they would risk endangering the financial security of millions of middle-class Black households, threatening to make the wealth gap even harder to solve and undermining one of the only means of substantially reducing racism and racial wealth disparities.
Create a postal banking system to help address structural inequality12
Many households lack access to mainstream banking institutions, which contributes to households being either unbanked or underbanked. This is especially acute for communities of color. Policymakers will need to make long-term structural changes to achieve more equitable outcomes for Black households as the country considers the necessary next steps to rebuild its economy and society after the pandemic and the ensuing economic crisis. Postal banking should be a core part of the U.S. Postal Service’s mission to deliver services to almost every community in the country. The federal government could provide vital access to financial services by broadening the mandate of the Postal Service to offer postal banking—such as a stable bank account for those who are underbanked or unbanked, small loans, and check-cashing services—which could reduce the wealth-stripping effect that exclusionary and predatory financial institutions can cause. Such a system could also serve as a public distribution method for federal and state benefits such as the economic impact payments in the CARES Act or the quarterly or monthly distribution of the earned income tax credit and the child tax credit. Postal banking would overcome a structural barrier for African Americans in the U.S. financial system and would reduce the damage done to many Black households and communities that regularly face predatory lenders and lose large shares of their wealth.
A blueprint to revamp the Minority Business Development Agency13
African Americans own fewer than 2 percent of small businesses with any employees, but they make up 13 percent of the U.S. population. In comparison, white households own 82 percent of small employer firms, even though they account for only 60 percent of the U.S. population.
Wide and persistent inequities in wealth and access to capital cause these disparities in small business ownership. The federal government can play an important role in creating a more equitable business environment, even though in the past, it has often perpetuated rather than mitigated these inequities. The Biden administration could help cut small business disparities if it decided to overhaul a long-neglected agency that is part of the U.S. Department of Commerce—the Minority Business Development Agency (MBDA). A reenvisioned MBDA could then take the following steps:
- Start an economic equity grant program. This program would support municipal projects that boost wealth creation, opportunity, and minority business development in African American communities.
- Launch a business center initiative for minority-serving institutions (MSIs). These will be located at historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs), tribal colleges and universities, and other MSIs. It will also give substantial grants to operate business incubators and accelerators at every MSI in the country. Current students and community members interested in starting or growing their own business could receive startup capital, technical and legal assistance, and other support from these business centers.
- Create an office of research and evaluation. This office would study obstacles to wealth generation and hurdles to business development in Black, Indigenous, and other communities of color. It would also offer technical assistance to other MBDA offices and initiatives. This office would conduct pilot and demonstration projects that would analyze novel ideas of capital finance anchored in new and proven program concepts—such as baby bonds or debt-free college—and their effect on racial gaps in business development and growth.
- Provide low-cost, government-backed capital to licensed minority business investment companies. This capital would be invested in Latino and Black businesses.
- Establish an office of advocacy and intergovernmental affairs. This office would evaluate the effects of proposed legislation and regulations on barriers to minority-owned small business creation and success.
- Advance the economic concerns of Black, Indigenous, and other communities of color in front of various government bodies, as well as coordinate interagency efforts to support minority-owned businesses.
Redesign federal funding of research and development14
Black researchers, inventors, and entrepreneurs face large hurdles in receiving federal research and development (R&D) funds in the current design and application of such funds. The Biden administration and Congress can lower racial gaps in R&D funding and offer a pathway for R&D dollars that both dedicate funding to Black-led research and establish an innovation dividend.
The proposal, developed in a previous CAP report, envisions additional financial support for R&D by Black inventors and entrepreneurs:
- Provide more money for federal R&D funds that will go to HBCUs through a dedicated stream of funding.
- Federal agencies will need to offer technical assistance and financial support to help HCBUs build grant management capacity.
- Help foster mentoring relationships between researchers at HBCUs and African American researchers who have experience getting grant funding.
- Provide federal R&D dollars for research conducted at HBCUs beyond medical researchers and medical professionals.
- Create an oversight board that will ensure Black scientists can fully participate in identifying new, innovative solutions to many of society’s problems.
- Create more public-private research partnerships between HBCUs and the private sector.
- Use federally owned real estate to establish or expand innovation incubators at or near HBCUs.
- Offer researchers at HBCUs and those who collaborate with HBCUs low-cost or free access to set up labs, manufacturing, and other research facilities.
The proposal further envisions the creation of an innovation dividend. The federal government would have to spend $125 billion annually in new R&D, which is higher than the current low of about $100 billion per year. Underlying this calculation is the assumption that the federal government’s annual R&D spending will grow with gross domestic product, based on the Congressional Budget Office’s (CBO) long-term economic projections. Each new and successful investment is assumed to last for 20 years. This is equal to the usual patent protection length. The calculation further assumes that all investments create an average noninflation-adjusted rate of return of about 3 percent. This is close to the long-term, risk-free rate of return assumed by the CBO but well below historical averages. The federal government can receive the extra value of these investments. Private companies’ profits then only come from private sector investments. The federal government can pay out these funds as innovation dividends—typically in the form of targeted cash payments—to Black Americans, who have been left out of innovation funding for decades.
Even with innovative policy solutions, the Black-white wealth gap will persist
The data for the past three decades show large and persistent disparities in wealth, assets, and debt between Black and white households. Wealth is the difference between what households own—their assets—and what they owe—their debt. For most households, assets are larger than debt, meaning they own at least some wealth. Assets include people’s houses, their retirement accounts, their checking and savings accounts, and their cars, for example. The expected future income from an employer’s pension is a somewhat unique asset. On the one hand, it provides households with a secure stream of income in the future; on the other hand, it is not an asset that households can borrow against or pass on to their heirs. The table below shows wealth inequality between Black and white households both with and without defined-benefit pension wealth.
The data highlight several key points. First, Black households have a fraction of the wealth of white households. For instance, the median wealth of Black households with defined-benefit pensions was $40,400 in 2019—15.5 percent of the $258,900 in median wealth for white families. (see the downloadable table)15 The smallest relative gap that can be found between Black household wealth and white household wealth exists for average wealth that includes defined-benefit pensions as part of household wealth. Using this measure, Black households’ wealth amounts to 22.5 percent of white households’ wealth. (see Figure 1) In comparison, the largest gap that can be found between Black and white household wealth is median wealth without defined-benefit pensions included. Using this measure, Black households own 12.7 percent of the wealth of the median white household. No matter which wealth measure is used, Black households have far less wealth than white ones.
Second, defined-benefit pensions have a slightly equalizing effect. The Black-white wealth gap shrinks somewhat when the imputed value of defined-benefit pensions is counted as an asset. This equalizing effect is larger for average wealth than for median wealth. For example, average Black household wealth increases from 14.5 percent of average white household wealth without defined-benefit pensions to 22.5 percent with defined-benefit pensions; the Black-white wealth gap shrinks by 8 percentage points. At the median, the effect is only a 1.8 percentage-point decrease. That is, the effect of a little more wealth equality thanks to defined-benefit pensions matters mainly for higher-income earners with stable jobs. Since such opportunities are often rare for Black workers in the private sector, the effect is much smaller at the median.
A key point, which is not shown in Figure 3 but is apparent in the same data, is that Black workers have more access to stable jobs with good benefits—including defined-benefit pensions—in the public sector than in the private sector. As a result, wealth inequality among public sector workers is much smaller than among private sector workers.16 This effect becomes even larger when comparing public sector workers in unionized jobs with their private sector counterparts who are not covered by a collective bargaining agreement.17 Access to stable, well-paying jobs with decent benefits is rarer for Black workers than for white ones. Such access—which is more common in the public sector than in the private sector—can help shrink but not eliminate the Black-white wealth gap in large part because of the value of a defined-benefit pension.
Third, there is no long-term trend toward a smaller Black-white wealth gap. In fact, the relative difference between Black households’ wealth and that of white households was generally smaller from 1992 to 2007 than in the years after the Great Recession. For instance, the median wealth with defined-benefit pensions of Black households amounted to 20.1 percent of white households in 1998 and 19.8 percent in 2004. Since the Great Recession, this ratio of Black households’ median wealth to white households’ median wealth reached its highest point of 15.5 percent in 2019. Black households’ wealth has always been far below that of white households in the past three decades.
Fourth, the wealth gap persists even when the data account for income differences. Black households have much lower wealth-to-income ratios than white households do. For example, the median wealth-to-income ratio that includes the imputed wealth of defined-benefit pensions has rarely exceeded 100 percent for Black households. (see the downloadable table)18 However, it has never fallen below 300 percent for white households, and it stood at 395.5 percent in 2019. That is, the large Black-white wealth gap does not follow from lower incomes among Black households.
In the same vein, the data show large Black-white wealth gaps among separate subpopulations. (see Table 1) The table breaks the data down by education, family status, age, and income in addition to race. In all groups, white households have vastly more wealth than Black households. The overall Black-white wealth gap is then not a result of differences in these characteristics. For example, white households with high school degrees have $151,651 more in wealth on average than Black households with a college degree. In fact, white households without a high school degree have similar wealth levels as Black households with college degrees—$230,165 compared with $270,288. Other research at the more regionally granular level has regularly found that white households without a high school degree have, on average, more wealth than Black households with a college degree.19 Put differently, Black Americans gaining more education does not close the Black-white wealth gap. The data indicate similar conclusions about income levels and marital status.20 Black Americans clearly encounter massive and systematic obstacles that make it impossible to catch up to their white counterparts.
The data in Table 1 on wealth by age in fact suggest that these obstacles are cumulative. The Black-white wealth gap tends to be larger for older groups of households than for younger ones. Data for married couples broken down by cohorts show that the Black-white wealth gap widens as people get older.21 Black Americans encounter systematic obstacles and systemic racism when trying to save for their future, while white households receive additional help from their families—for example, in the form of more frequent and larger inheritances—causing the Black-white wealth gap to grow over people’s lifetime.22
Fifth, Black households’ wealth declined more after the Great Recession than was the case for white households. And white households’ wealth grew faster in the immediate aftermath of that financial and economic crisis than was the case for Black households’ wealth. Regardless of the measure of wealth—median or mean, with or without defined-benefit pensions—the gap between Black households’ and white households’ wealth was larger in 2019 than in 2004 and 2007, before the Great Recession started.
Additional Federal Reserve data suggest that the recession of 2020 could show a similar pattern of a widening Black-white wealth gap during a recession. Figure 2 shows the average wealth with defined-benefit pensions for Black and white households.23 The Black-white wealth gap widened over the course of the recession through September 2020. The average wealth of Black households was $241,951, which was 0.7 percent below the $243,764 recorded at the end of 2019, before the recession started. In contrast, average white household wealth was 3.3 percent higher with $1.17 million in September 2020 compared with $1.13 million at the end of 2019. Black households’ wealth recovered more slowly than that of white households, widening the wealth disparity continuously throughout the recession.
Several reasons account for this widening disparity between Black and white wealth during recessions. First, on average, Black workers always have worse labor market experiences than white workers. (see Figure 3) They suffer from higher unemployment, longer spells of unemployment, earlier layoffs in a recession, later rehiring in a recovery, more job instability, and lower wages.24 Less access to good, stable jobs means that African Americans have fewer opportunities to save money as well as more need to rely on their savings because they face more labor market risks.
Second, Black households are less likely to own stocks than white households, often because they face more economic risks such as higher chances of layoffs and medical emergencies than white households.25 They also have less access to retirement benefits through their employers, which is one key pathway for more saving and stock market investments for American families.26 African Americans then see fewer wealth gains from a booming stock market, as typically happens starting from the later stages of a recession.
Even worse, the combination of higher unemployment during the recession and fewer stock market investments to begin with means that Black households have fewer opportunities to take advantage of low stock prices in the middle of a recession than white households.27 Black households have less money to invest at a time when the opportunities to invest in the stock market are best because of low stock prices. White households, on the other hand, are more likely to still have a job with higher incomes and more access to stock market investments through employer-sponsored retirement accounts. They can take advantage of low stock prices in the depths of a recession and thus see higher rates of return on their wealth.
Third, Black households are less likely to own their own houses than white households.28 Housing prices have largely stayed strong and even increased in this recession. Black households see fewer gains from such price increases than white households. Worse, even when Black households own their homes, they see smaller price gains than white homeowners do. Their home values increase at a lesser rate because of housing and mortgage market discrimination, fewer public services, and less access to good jobs in predominantly African American communities.29 In essence, wealth leads to more wealth, and this pattern becomes readily apparent in a recession.
As discussed above, the differences in Black-white wealth overall and in rates of return stem from massive gaps in assets—not from more debt among African Americans. On the contrary, Black households typically have less debt than white households do, often because they are shut out of formal credit channels due to financial market discrimination.30 Black households instead owe a lot of so-called consumer credit such as car and student loans as well as credit cards. Yet they are less likely to have a mortgage due to greater loan denial rates and less access to down payment help from family. The heavy reliance on consumer debt means that the amount of consumer loans to consumer durables—a measure of how much families need to use debt for ongoing expenses—is higher for African Americans than for any other racial or ethnic group. Black households essentially use consumer debt to cover part of their expenses, while white households go deeper into mortgage debt to invest in an asset that appreciates.31 African Americans then owe more costly and risky debt such as car loans and credit card debt and thus often pay more for their debt than white households do, but the amount of debt that Black households owe is smaller in absolute terms and relative to income than is the case for white households.32 High-cost and high-risk debt is a key aspect of wealth stripping in the African American community, but it is not the overarching contributor to the Black-white wealth gap. A systematic lack of access to opportunities for owning and maintaining assets is the primary cause.
The work of the National Advisory Council on Eliminating the Black-White Wealth Gap shows two important things. First, it is possible to develop and enact in short order a number of policies that could have a meaningful long-term effect on reducing the Black-white wealth gap. Second, a smaller—but still substantial—Black-white wealth gap would persist, even if policymakers enacted all policies mentioned in this report in addition to several large-scale proposals proposed by CAP and others. Eliminating the disparities between Black and white wealth is a generational undertaking, but it is one that this country can and must tackle.
The proposals summarized in this report show that it is possible to enact novel policies to shrink the Black-white wealth gap. These proposals expand the portfolio of possible new measures to address this massive inequality. Other policies that can also shrink this wealth disparity include so-called baby bonds—annual payments to children under the age of 18 that are tied to parents’ income or wealth.33 They also include debt-free college education, universal retirement accounts,34 full enforcement of civil rights legislation in housing markets, and strict regulation and enforcement of financial market regulation in all credit and asset markets.35
A key difference between the novel proposals laid out in this report and already-proposed policies is that the new approaches focus solely or primarily on lifting up wealth for African Americans, while other proposals largely favor Black households but also provide help to white families in building wealth. That is, these new proposals could have a substantial effect on shrinking the Black-white wealth gap.
But a substantial Black-white wealth gap will remain—at least between average wealth for Black families and average wealth for white families—even if all of these proposals were immediately enacted. Broad measures that benefit both Black and white households have a diffuse effect on the Black-white wealth gap at the average, although they can substantially shrink this wealth disparity at the median.36 At the same time, targeted proposals laid out in this report will take time to have a meaningful effect. Moreover, the sum of these proposals does not fully erase the massive intergenerational advantage that white households have in building wealth.
These intergenerational wealth transfers come in the form of gifts and inheritances as well as access to social networks. For the years 2010 to 2019, white households in which the heads of household were between the ages of 55 and 64 years old had received gifts and inheritances equal to $101,354 (in 2019 dollars). In comparison, Black households had received $12,623 at that time. Furthermore, older white households expected to get an additional $75,214 as gifts and inheritances, while Black households expected $2,941. This represents a total gap of $161,004 in received and expected gifts and inheritances and does not count additional intergenerational wealth transfers such as nepotism and access to social networks.37
In this regard, it is important to note that experts, researchers, and policymakers are considering the rationale, design, and effects of reparations to Black households to address the lasting economic impacts of slavery. One legislative vehicle currently pending in Congress to study and put forward a plan for implementation of reparations is H.R. 40.38 Originally introduced by the late Rep. John Conyers (D-MI) every year between 1989 and 2017, and subsequently introduced by Rep. Sheila Jackson Lee (D-TX), H.R. 40 would create a commission to study and submit to Congress a report on reparations for the government-sanctioned institution of slavery and ensuing discrimination against freed slaves and their descendants. Notably, this bill only proposes a study and recommendations; passage of the bill would not necessarily lead to reparations. Unless legislation to study reparations passes, the executive branch should engage with cultural and historical resources—such as the National Archives and Records Administration, the Smithsonian Institution, and the National Park Service—to promote historical education for the public to increase awareness of the myriad underlying causes that have contributed to the massive and persistent Black-white wealth gap.
Moreover, public and private policies need to be regularly revisited and revamped to eliminate racial biases that systematically disadvantage Black households. Without large, long-term investments in addressing the Black-white wealth gap, massive differences in economic security and opportunity will not only continue to persist but may widen for generations.
About the authors
Christian E. Weller, Ph.D., is a senior fellow at the Center and a professor of public policy at the McCormack Graduate School of Policy and Global Studies at the University of Massachusetts Boston.
Lily Roberts is the managing director for Economic Policy at the Center for American Progress.
The Center for American Progress would like to thank the members of the National Advisory Council on Eliminating the Black-White Wealth Gap for all of their time, hard work, inspiration, and thought leadership. We are especially grateful to co-chairs Darrick Hamilton and Kilolo Kijakazi for sharing their critical insights, deep expertise, and long-standing commitment to racial justice. This project would not have been possible without the vision and untiring commitment to racial equity from Danyelle Solomon, former vice president for Race and Ethnicity at the Center for American Progress. To learn more about the council, read: “CAP Announces Formation of the National Advisory Council on Eliminating the Black-White Wealth Gap.”
Members of the National Advisory Council on Eliminating the Black-White Wealth Gap and their affiliations in 2020
Kilolo Kijakazi, institute fellow, Urban Institute; co-chair
Darrick Hamilton, executive director, Kirwan Institute for the Study of Race and Ethnicity, The Ohio State University; co-chair
Mehrsa Baradaran, professor of law, University of California, Irvine
Lisa D. Cook, associate professor of economics and international relations, Michigan State University
Henry Louis “Skip” Gates, Alphonse Fletcher Jr. University professor and director, Hutchins Center for African and African American Research, Harvard University
Ibram X. Kendi, professor of history and international relations and founding director, Antiracist Research and Policy Center, American University
Trevon Logan, professor of economics and associate dean, College of Arts and Sciences, The Ohio State University
Anne Price, president, Insight Center
Richard Rothstein, distinguished fellow, Economic Policy Institute; senior fellow, emeritus, Thurgood Marshall Institute of the NAACP Legal Defense Fund and of the Haas Institute at the University of California, Berkeley
Rhonda Sharpe, founder and president, Women’s Institute for Science, Equity, and Race (WISER) | <urn:uuid:1bce39d0-6613-456b-a91e-37c7aa8e3ec3> | CC-MAIN-2023-40 | https://www.americanprogress.org/article/eliminating-black-white-wealth-gap-generational-challenge/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-40/segments/1695233510319.87/warc/CC-MAIN-20230927171156-20230927201156-00817.warc.gz | en | 0.960795 | 7,524 | 3.5 | 4 |
Entry from British & World English dictionary
Definition of Lord Bishop in English:
The formal title of a bishop, in particular of a diocesan bishop (as distinct from a suffragan): James Prince Lee, Lord Bishop of Manchester
More example sentences
- His speech on the Bill was followed by the Lord Bishop of Southwell, who was also critical of the planned legislation.
- He was later transferred as Lord Bishop of Elphin.
- Arthur Charles Hervey, 1808-1894, was an Anglican clergyman who served as Lord Bishop of Bath and Wells (England).
What do you find interesting about this word or phrase?
Comments that don't adhere to our Community Guidelines may be moderated or removed. | <urn:uuid:fb3b0462-ccc3-476a-85cf-d391979bc5c1> | CC-MAIN-2015-22 | http://www.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/american_english/Lord-Bishop | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2015-22/segments/1432207929899.62/warc/CC-MAIN-20150521113209-00188-ip-10-180-206-219.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.972046 | 152 | 2.953125 | 3 |
You as pilot are responsible for the safe loading of your airplane and must
ensure that it is not overloaded. The performance of an airplane is influenced
by its weight and overloading it will cause serious problems. The take-off run
necessary to become airborne will be longer. In some cases, the required
take-off run may be greater than the available runway. The angle of climb and
the rate of climb will be reduced. Maximum ceiling will be lowered and range
shortened. Landing speed will be higher and the landing roll longer. In
addition, the additional weight may cause structural stresses during manoeuvres
and turbulence that could lead to damage.
The total gross weight authorized for any particular type of airplane must
therefore never be exceeded. A pilot must be capable of estimating the proper
ratio of fuel, oil and payload permissible for a flight of any given duration.
The weight limitations of some general aviation airplanes do not allow for all
seats to be filled, for the baggage compartment to be filled to capacity and for
a full load of fuel as well. It is necessary, in this case, to choose between
passengers, baggage and full fuel tanks.
The distribution of weight is also of vital importance since the position of
the centre of gravity affects the stability of the airplane. In loading an
airplane, the C.G. must be within the permissible range and remain so during the
flight to ensure the stability and manoeuvrability of the airplane during
Airplane manufacturers publish weight and balance limits for their airplanes.
This information can be found in two sources:
1. The Aircraft Weight and Balance Report.
2. The Airplane Flight Manual.
The information in the Airplane Flight Manual is general for the particular
model of airplane.
The information in the Aircraft Weight and Balance Report is particular to a
specific airplane. The airplane with all equipment installed is weighed and the
C.G. limits calculated and this information is tabulated on the report that
accompanies the airplane logbooks. If alterations or modifications are made or
additional equipment added to the airplane, the weight and balance must be
recalculated and a new report prepared.
Various terms are used in the discussion of the weight of an airplane. They
are as follows:
Standard Weight Empty: The weight of the airframe and engine with all
standard equipment installed. It also includes the unusable fuel and oil.
Optional or Extra Equipment: Any and ail additional instruments, radio
equipment, etc., installed but not included as standard equipment, the weight of
which is added to the standard weight empty to get the basic empty weight. It
also includes fixed ballast, full engine coolant, hydraulic and de-icing
Basic Weight Empty: The weight of the airplane with all optional
equipment included. In most modern airplanes, the manufacturer includes full oil
in the basic empty weight.
Useful load (or Disposable load): The difference between gross take-off
weight and basic weight empty. It is, in other words, all the load which is
removable, which is not permanently part of the airplane. It includes the usable
fuel, the pilot, crew, passengers, baggage, freight, etc.
Payload: The load available as passengers, baggage, freight, etc., after
the weight of pilot, crew, usable fuel have been deducted from the useful
Operational Weight Empty: The basic empty weight of the airplane plus the
weight of the pilot. It excludes payload and usable fuel.
Usable Fuel: Fuel available for flight planning.
Unusable Fuel: Fuel remaining in the tanks after a runout test has been
completed in accordance with government regulations.
Operational Gross Weight: The weight of the airplane loaded for take-off.
It includes the basic weight empty plus the useful load.
Maximum Gross Weight: The maximum permissible weight of the
Maximum Take-Off Weight: The maximum weight approved for the start of the
Maximum Ramp Weight: The maximum weight approved for ground
It includes the weight of fuel used for start, taxi and run up.
Zero Fuel Weight: The weight of the airplane exclusive of usable
Passenger Weights: Actual passenger weights must be used in
computing the weight of an airplane with limited seating capacity. Allowance
must be made for heavy winter clothing when such is worn. Winter clothing may
add as much as 14 lbs to a person's basic weight; summer clothing would add
about 8 lbs. On larger airplanes with quite a number of passenger seats and for
which actual passenger weights would not be available, the following average
passenger weights may be used. The specified weights for males and females
include an allowance for 8 lbs of carry-on baggage.
|Children (2-11 yrs)
|Infants (0-up to 2 yrs)
Fuel and 0il: The Airplane Flight Manuals for airplanes of U.S.
manufacture give fuel and oil quantities in U.S. gallons. Canadian manufactured
airplanes of older vintage may have manuals that give fuel and oil quantities in
Imperial gallons. Some recently printed manuals may give fuel and oil quantities
in litres. At most airports in Canada, fuel is now dispensed in litres. It is
therefore necessary to convert from litres to U.S. or Imperial gallons as
required for your particular airplane. To convert litres to U.S. gallons,
multiply by .264178. To convert litres to Imperial gallons, multiply
The following weights are for average density at the standard air temperature
of 15° C. At colder temperatures, the weights increase slightly. For example, at
-40° C, one litre of aviation gasoline weighs 1.69 lbs.
Maximum Landing Weight: The maximum weight approved for
landing touchdown. Most multi-engine airplanes which operate over long stage
lengths consume considerable weights of fuel. As a result, their weight is
appreciably less on landing than at takeoff. Designers take advantage of this
condition to stress the airplane for the lighter landing loads, thus saving
structural weight. If the flight has been of short duration, fuel or payload may
have to be jettisoned reduce the gross weight maximum or maximum landing weight.
Maximum Weight - Zero Fuel: Some transport planes carry fuel
in their wings, the weight of which relieves; the bending moments imposed on the
wings by the lift. The maximum weight - zero fuel limits the load which may be
carried in the fuselage. Any increase in weight in the form of load carried
fuselage must be counterbalanced by adding weight in the form of fuel in the
Float Buoyancy: The maximum permissible gross weight of a
seaplane is governed by the buoyancy of the floats. The buoyancy of a seaplane
float is equal to the weight of water displaced by the immersed part of the
float. This is equal to the weight the float will support without sinking beyond
a predetermined level (draught line).
The buoyancy of a seaplane float is designated by its model
number. A 4580 float has a buoyancy of 4580 lb. A seaplane fitted with a pair of
4580 floats has a buoyancy of 9160 lbs.
Regulations require an 80% reserve float buoyancy. The floats
must, therefore, have a buoyancy equal to 180% of the weight of the airplane.
To find the maximum gross weight of a seaplane fitted with,
say 7170 model floats, multiply the float buoyancy by 2 and divide by 1.8 (7170
x 2)/1.8 = 7966 lb.
C. computing the load
A typical light airplane has a basic weight of 1008 lb. and
an authorized maximum gross weight of 1600 lb. An acceptable loading of this
airplane would be as follows:
Basic Empty Weight . . . . . . . . . . . . . .1008 lb.
Consisting of Weight Empty . . . . . . . . . . 973 lb.
Oil . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. 15 lb.
Extra Equipment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .20 lb
Useful Load . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . 592
Consisting of Pilot . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .150
Fuel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. 146 lb.
Payload: Passenger . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .175 lb.
Baggage . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
To find the maximum payload that can be transported a given
distance and the amount of fuel required.
A seaplane on contract with a mining company is required to
transport a maximum load of freight a distance of 300 nautical miles to a bush
operation. The estimated groundspeed is 110 knots. The useful load for this
airplane is 1836
pounds. Fuel capacity is 86 U.S. gallons. Fuel consumption is
20 gallons per hour or 120 lb of fuel per hour.
The time to fly 300 nautical miles is 164 minutes ((300/110)
x 60). Add to that the 45 minutes required for reserve and the amount of fuel
required must be sufficient for 209 minutes of flying time.
The amount of fuel required at 20 gallons per hour is 69.7
U.S. gallons ((20/60) x 209). That quantity of fuel weighs 418 lb (69.7 x 61b.).
The fuel calculations can also be computed by using the
weight of fuel consumed per hour. The weight of fuel necessary for the flight is
418 lb. ((120/60) x 209).
The useful load is 1836 lb. The weight of the pilot (170 lb.)
and fuel (418 lb.) is 588 lb. Therefore, the maximum payload permissible is 1248
What quantity of fuel in litres will be required? One U.S.
gallon equals 3.785332 litres. The quantity of fuel required is, therefore,
263.8 litres (69.7 x 3.785332).
D. balance limits
The position of the centre of gravity along its longitudinal
axis affects the stability of the airplane. There are forward and aft limits
established by the aircraft design engineers beyond which the C.G. should not be
located for flight. These limits are set to assure that sufficient elevator
deflection is available for all phases of flight. If the C.G. is too far
forward, the airplane will be nose heavy, if too far aft, tail heavy. An
airplane whose centre of gravity is too far aft may be dangerously unstable and
will possess abnormal stall and spin characteristics. Recovery may be difficult
if not impossible because the pilot is running out of elevator control. It is,
therefore, the pilot's responsibility when loading an airplane to see that the
C.G. lies within the recommended limits.
If the C.G. is too far forward, the airplane will be nose
heavy, if too far aft, tail heavy. An airplane whose centre of gravity is too
far aft may be dangerously unstable and will possess abnormal stall and spin
characteristics. Recovery may be difficult if not impossible because the pilot
is running out of elevator control. It is, therefore, the pilot’s responsibility
when loading an airplane to see that the C.G. lies within the recommended
Usually the Airplane Owner's Manual lists a separate weight
limitation for the baggage compartment in addition to the gross weight
limitation of the whole airplane. This is a factor to which the pilot must pay
close attention, for overloading the baggage compartment (even if the plane
itself is not overloaded) may move the C.G. too far aft and affect longitudinal
The Airplane Owner's Manual may also specify such things as
the seat to be occupied in solo flight (in a tandem seating arrangement) or
which fuel tank is to be emptied first. Such instructions should be carefully
As the flight of the airplane progresses and fuel is
consumed, the weight of the airplane decreases. Its distribution of weight also
changes and hence the C.G. changes. The pilot must take into account this
situation and calculate the weight and balance not only for the beginning of the
flight but also for the end of it.
The centre of gravity (C.G.) is the point through which the
weights of all the various parts of an airplane pass. It is, in effect, the
imaginary point from which the airplane could be suspended and remain balanced.
The C.G. can move within certain limits without upsetting the balance of the
airplane. The distance between the forward and aft C.G. limits is called the
centre of gravity range.
The balance datum line is a suitable line selected
arbitrarily by the manufacturer from which horizontal distances are measured for
balance purposes. It may be the nose of the airplane, the firewall or any other
convenient point .
The moment arm is the horizontal distance in inches from the
balance datum line to the C.G. The distance from the balance datum line to any
item, such as a passenger, cargo, fuel tank, etc. is the arm of that item.
The balance moment of the airplane is determined by
multiplying the weight of the airplane by the moment arm of the airplane. It is
expressed in inch pounds. The balance moment of any item is the weight of that
item multiplied by its distance from the balance datum line. It is, therefore,
obvious that a heavy object loaded in a rearward position will have a much
greater balance moment than the same object loaded in a position nearer to the
balance datum line.
The moment index is the balance moment of any item or of the
total airplane divided by a constant such as 100, 1000, or 10,000. It is used to
simplify computations of weight and balance especially on large airplanes where
heavy items and long arms result in large unmanageable numbers.
If loads are forward of the balance datum line their moment
arms are usually considered negative (-). Loads behind the balance datum line
are considered positive (+)*. The total balance moment is the algebraic sum of
the balance moments of the airplane and each item composing the disposable load.
*In many cases the positive (+) sign is omitted, but the
negative (-) sign is always shown. To simplify matters, both are included in our
The C.G. is found by dividing the total balance moment (in
inch-pounds) by the total weight (in lb.) and is expressed in inches forward (-)
or aft (+) of the balance datum line.
The centre of gravity range is usually expressed in inches
from the balance datum line (i.e. +39.5" to +45.8"). In some airplanes, it may
be expressed as a percentage of the mean aerodynamic chord (25% to 35%). The MAC
is the mean aerodynamic chord of the wing.
To calculate the position of the C.G. in percent of MAC. Let
us assume that the weight and balance calculations have found the C.G. to be 66
inches aft of the balance datum line and the leading edge of the MAC to be 55
inches aft of the same reference (Fig. 3). The C.G. will, therefore, lie 11
inches aft of the leading edge of the MAC. If the MAC is 40 inches in length,
the position of the C.G. will be at a position (11 ~ 40) 27% of the MAC. If the
calculated C.G. position is within the recommended range (for example, 25% to
35%), the airplane is properly loaded.
There are several methods by which weight and balance calculations may be
made for any loading situation.
A. finding balance by computation method
For this example, an airplane with a basic weight of 1575 lb. and an
authorized gross weight of 2600 lb. has been selected. The balance datum line
for the airplane, selected by the manufacturer, is the firewall. The recommended
C.G. limits are 35.5" to 44.8".
List in table form the airplane (basic weight), pilot, passengers, fuel, oil,
baggage, cargo, etc., their respective weights and arms. Calculate the balance
moment of each. Total the weights. Total the balance moments. Divide the total
balance moment by the total weight to find the moment arm (i.e. the position of
(Note: In this example, the oil is listed as a separate item and the balance
datum line is the firewall in order to give an example of a negative moment
The moment arm for this loading of the airplane is 42.52" (110,270-- 2593).
The total weight (2593 lb.) of the loaded airplane is less than the authorized
gross weight (2600 lb.). The moment arm falls within the C.G. range (35.5" to
44.8"). The airplane is, therefore, properly loaded.
Item Moment Arm Inches
Balance Moment Inch-Lb.
The above example examines the situation of an airplane almost at gross
weight with the C.G. in a rearward position but within the C.G. range. If this
calculation had resulted in a C.G. position that was aft of the C.G. limits,
even though the total weight of the airplane was under the authorized gross
weight, it would be necessary either to lighten the load or to shift the load
by, for example, having the passengers change seats.
A lightly loaded airplane at the end of a flight when the fuel is almost all
consumed may experience the situation that the C.G. moves forward beyond the
permissible C.G. range. In some airplanes, when flying with only the pilot on
board and no passengers or baggage, it is necessary to carry some suitable type
of ballast to compensate for a too far forward C.G. Every pilot should,
therefore, calculate the moment arm for the lightest possible loading of his
airplane to determine if it is acceptable.
B. finding balance by graph method
Most Airplane Flight Manuals include tables and graphs for calculating weight
and balance. They are very easy to use and eliminate the time consuming
mathematical steps of the computation.
C. weight and balance and flight performance
The flight characteristics of an airplane at gross weight with the C.G. very
near its most aft limits are very different from those of the same airplane
For lift and weight to be in equilibrium in order to maintain
any desired attitude of flight, more lift must be
produced to balance the heavy weight. To achieve this, the airplane must be
flown at an increased angle of attack. As a result, the wing will stall sooner
(i.e. at a higher airspeed) when the airplane is fully loaded than when it is
light. Stalling speed in turns (that is, at increased load factors) will also be
higher. In fact, everything connected with lift will be affected. Take-off runs
will be longer, angle of climb and rate of climb will be reduced and, because of
the increased drag generated by the higher angle of attack, fuel consumption
will be higher than normal for any given airspeed. Severe g-forces are more
likely to cause stress to the airframe supporting a heavy payload.
An aft C.G. makes the airplane less stable, making recovery from
more difficult. The airplane is more easily upset gusts. However, with an aft
C.G., the airplane stalls at a slightly lower airspeed. To counteract the tail
heaviness of the aft C.G., the elevator must be trimmed for an up load. The
horizontal stabilizer, as a result, produces extra lift and the wings,
correspondingly, hold a slightly lower angle of attack.
An airplane with a forward centre of gravity, being nose heavy, is more
stable but more pressure on the elevator controls will be necessary to raise the
nose - a fact to remember on the landing flare. The forward C.G. means a
somewhat higher stalling speed another fact to remember during take-offs and
Every pilot should be aware of these general characteristics, shared by most
airplanes, when they are loaded to their weight and balance limits. The
important thing to remember is that these characteristics are more pronounced as
the limits are approached and may become dangerous if they are exceeded.
Overloading, as well as the immediate degradation of performance, subjects the
airplane to unseen stresses and precipitates component fatigue.
A free weight and balance
calculator can be downloaded | <urn:uuid:c28a7be7-9d84-4126-bba0-8fbc5c875918> | CC-MAIN-2016-40 | http://www.pilotfriend.com/training/flight_training/wt_bal.htm | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2016-40/segments/1474738660158.72/warc/CC-MAIN-20160924173740-00238-ip-10-143-35-109.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.885696 | 4,480 | 3.15625 | 3 |
When I was a child, I spoke as a child, I understood as a child, I thought as a child: but when I became a man, I put away childish things. (1 Corinthians 13 King James Version)
By Greg Kennedy
The news that the Duchess of Cambridge is pregnant has made headlines around the world, including here in Canada. Assuming a healthy child is produced, there will be three generations of royal heirs waiting for their turn to assume the throne after Queen Elizabeth II.
In Canada, the debate over the monarchy has generally been muted for a long time. There seemed to be an unspoken consensus that it would be impolite to criticize the institution during the reign of such a respected lady, that the discussion would be postponed until the less loved Prince Charles became king.
Then, a few years ago, Charles’ sons William and Harry started getting the Hollywood treatment, while a Conservative government began to reinforce the presence and reputation of the monarchy in Canada. Most recently, a royal marriage and a royal pregnancy involving a young, attractive couple seem to have renewed popular connection to the institution. The continuance of the monarchy after Elizabeth in Canada has become a foregone conclusion, at least in most circles.
The monarchy has a long history in Canada. The dynastic wars between England and France greatly influenced colonial development. The Crown’s representatives negotiated military alliances and, later, land treaties with Aboriginal peoples. Occasionally, a monarch intervened personally in a colonial matter, such as when Queen Anne wrote to her officials of newly-conquered Nova Scotia in 1714, advising them against deportation or any harsh treatment of the Acadians and emphasizing that she considered these French Catholic people “her subjects”. This led to a thirty-year period of relative peace and prosperity in the colony. In 1754, King George II authorized the plan to destroy the fort and settlement at Beauséjour and to deport its inhabitants, although it seems that the king was never consulted on the idea of removing all of the Acadians.
Even at that time, the monarchy’s power was constrained and balanced by that of the British Parliament. Today, however, it is clear that royal power is mostly symbolic. This leads to the obvious question, why keep it around? There are several arguments to be made, such as the value of tradition and the moral influence that the monarch can still employ, whether to buoy the spirits of their own subjects or to push for peace, charity and other humanitarian causes. Some point to the institution of the British Commonwealth, the promotion of “citizens’ rights” and notably its role in pressuring the South African government to end apartheid. We have been celebrating the accomplishments of many Canadians with the Queen’s Diamond Jubilee Medal. Less nobly, we might consider the gargantuan task of removing the monarchy as head of state from the constitution and conclude that it is not worth the trouble. In short, the opposite question surfaces – why get rid of it?
It is easy to fall into the trap of seeing history as a linear progression towards greater prosperity, freedom and maturity. With regards to Canadian political independence, however, there is an undeniable evolution. We achieved responsible government in 1849, then self-government in 1867, then legislative independence in 1931 and our own Constitution and Charter of Rights and Freedoms in 1982. We are, of course, proud of these accomplishments. Yet each was “granted” by the monarch (in some cases, grudgingly). A student recently asked me how Canada could be considered a free and independent country if it was still subject to the British Monarchy. My immediate answer was that Elizabeth was also the Queen of Canada and that Great Britain had no other control over our legislative and executive processes. But the more I reflect on this, the more I think that this answer is insufficient.
Please indulge me in a brief tangent. When I was growing up, I identified strongly with the Catholic Church, which I had been raised in. Then, in my late teens, I started to question some of the doctrine. Over almost a decade, I struggled with the implications of a very simple fact. I did not believe in some of the core tenets of the Church anymore. I did not believe that the Pope was Christ’s representative. I did not believe that un-baptized babies would be denied Heaven. I did not believe that priests alone had the power to interpret God’s will or that communion transformed bread and wine into Christ’s body and blood.
But what was I going to do about it? The Church was part of who I was. It was part of who I had always been. It was hard to imagine who I would be without it. I thought, for a time, that I could help reform the institution from within. Perhaps the Church would change its outlook on sin, women, sexuality and priestly power. Certainly there have been small efforts to change the culture. But ultimately, I realized that I could not be happy being part of something that I did not believe in. I wish that I could say that I made the decision to leave on my own. However, it took a zealous priest denying me the sacraments because I had not wed in the church to give me the final push. I left, and I have not looked back.
That struggle, that agonizing, painful struggle with my faith, with my identity, and with my God, made me a better, happier person in the long run. By the way, I would like to thank Andrew Nurse for opening the door to talking about religious influences on our lives and work.
What does this have to do with the monarchy, another medieval institution that has always been part of our history? I know it is hard to imagine ourselves without it, and I know that it is not all bad. But maybe the time has come to face that very simple fact. Do you still believe in the monarchy? Is it ok for a head of state to be chosen by birth and his or her representative in Canada nominated by decree? Does it make sense that the governor-general reads the prime minister’s throne speech, like the puppet of a ventriloquist? Do you believe that our legislative and constitutional decisions need to be approved by a monarch or his or her representatives? Should military and civil officers swear allegiance to the monarch, or to Canada? Do you think that an institution with a long history of imperialism and violence should remain part of our society going forward?
In 2003, Queen Elizabeth II asked the Acadians to “turn the page” on their history, acknowledging the suffering that the deportation of 1755 had caused but suggesting that it was time to move on. Perhaps it is time for Canadians to take that advice and move on from the monarchy. I do not expect an immediate answer, nor am I sure if this is the right decision. The monarchy is part of who we are. Perhaps reform, like the apparent consensus to end the discrimination against women in the succession law, is a viable option.
People tend to have an immediate, visceral response to questioning the monarchy. Whatever your initial reaction may be, I believe that a reflective, heartfelt, non-partisan and probably agonizing discussion about the monarchy’s place in our future, whatever we decide, would make us a better, happier nation moving forward. Part of being an adult and, by extension, an adult nation, is questioning what has been given to us by the past and determining what is best for us in the present and moving forward.
This critical reflection is also part of being a historian. History is not rigid and judgemental; it is fluid and interpretive and changes over time. Active historians can be leaders in promoting this kind of engagement and discussion amongst the general public.
Greg Kennedy is an Assistant Professor at the Université de Moncton | <urn:uuid:8b59180e-b7a7-457c-ba23-82e942864e8c> | CC-MAIN-2017-09 | http://activehistory.ca/2012/12/canada-and-the-monarchy-in-the-21st-century/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-09/segments/1487501174157.36/warc/CC-MAIN-20170219104614-00191-ip-10-171-10-108.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.975997 | 1,613 | 2.515625 | 3 |
A Wind in the Door
By Madeleine L’Engle
When Meg gets home from school, her younger brother, Charles Wallace, informs her that he’s seen dragons in the garden. She goes to investigate with her friend, Calvin, only to discover that a teacher has been sent to help her, CW, Calvin, and the dragon, who is really a cherubim fight an evil that is trying to kill CW.
In the last of the Time quartet, Meg, CW, and Calvin had to fight a big evil. This time they are fighting an evil that has attacked the mitochondria inside CW. Once again the reader is sent upon a wild ride that mixes science with imagination.
It is amazing how L’Engle can take these difficult scientific topics and turn them into stories for children.
#encouragereading, #kidsread, #kidlit, #raisingreaders | <urn:uuid:1712889f-d38d-4d21-b032-0c2b2b324383> | CC-MAIN-2017-26 | https://youngreadershelf.wordpress.com/2017/05/14/charles-wallace-and-crew-fight-internal-evil/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-26/segments/1498128329372.0/warc/CC-MAIN-20170629154125-20170629174125-00502.warc.gz | en | 0.943061 | 188 | 2.65625 | 3 |
Crassula spathulata Thunb.
Common names: spatula-leaf crassula (Eng.); uguwe (isiXhosa)
This bushy succulent with pinkish white, star-shaped flowers is a very useful groundcover or can be used as an attractive hanging basket subject.
Crassula spathulata is a drought tolerant, semi-hardy evergreen groundcover. It is a low growing, creeping succulent and can form a dense mat. In the garden, this growth habit is good for water retention and prevention of weeds.
The leaves are almost rounded and slightly crenate-dentate (leaf margins have blunt or rounded teeth) with a reddish tinge on the margins. The stems are slender, prostrate and slightly four angled (quadrangular).
It has small pinkish white star shaped flowers with petals up to 4.5 mm in length. Flowering time is mostly from spring to summer but flowers have been recorded from the plant throughout the year.
Crassula spathulata is not threatened in the wild, it is Red Listed as Least Concern (LC).
Distribution and habitat
Crassula spathulata usually occurs on rocky outcrops along forest margins. It grows in most soils especially soils allowing good drainage. The plants are fast growers and can form thick mats below trees. They grow very well in semi-shaded areas but can also grow in full sun; the leaves turn slightly red when exposed to too much sunlight. Crassula spathulata has a widespread distribution throughout the southern parts of the Western and Eastern Cape provinces, particularly along the Knysna and Transkei coastal area, and along the forest margins of KwaZulu-Natal.
Derivation of name and historical aspects
The name Crassula is the Latin diminutive of crassus , meaning `thick'. This is in reference to the plump leaves of many members of the genus. The species name spathulata is derived from the Latin word spathulatus meaning `spatula-shaped' and refers to the shape of the leaves. Crassula was first named in 1862 and the genus contains about 150-200 species, most of them occurring in South Africa. Most members are succulent perennials with only a few shrubby and tree-like species.
Crassula spathulata grows very well along pathways, on rocky embankments, hanging baskets, and they do well as perennial container plants. They make beautiful displays when planted in large groups in shaded or semi-shaded areas.
Growing Crassula spathulata
Crassula spathulata grows easily from either cuttings or seeds. Make stem cuttings from mature plants; these can be grown all year round. They root quickly in a well-drained medium, such as coarse river sand, even without the assistance of rooting hormones. The seeds are very fine and must be harvested as soon as the fruits ripen when the inflorescences turn brown. Sow seeds on a damp, sandy medium and keep them under shade until they are ready for transplanting into bigger containers.
- Court, D. 1981. Succulent flora of southern Africa. Balkema, Cape Town.
- Dold, A.P. & Cocks, M.L. 1999. Preliminary list of Xhosa plant names from the Eastern Cape, South Africa. Bothalia 29,2: 267–292.
- Jacobsen, H. 1974 Lexicon of succulent plants . Blandford Press, London.
- Khumbula Indigenous Nursery; http://kumbulanursery.co.za/plants/crassula-spathulata accessed March 2014
- Foden, W. & Potter, L. 2009. Crassula spathulata Thunb. National Assessment: Red List of South African Plants version 2015.1. Accessed on 2015/12/28
- www.neplants.co.za/product/crassula-spathulata accessed March 2014
Kirstenbosch National Botanical Garden
Plant Type: Ground Cover, Perennial, Succulent
SA Distribution: Eastern Cape, KwaZulu-Natal, Western Cape
Soil type: Sandy, Loam
Flowering season: Late Summer, Autumn
PH: Acid, Neutral
Flower colour: White, Pink
Aspect: Shade, Morning Sun (Semi Shade), Afternoon Sun (Semi Shade)
Gardening skill: Easy | <urn:uuid:9d95ec29-ad7f-4cec-9388-0738ce304260> | CC-MAIN-2018-34 | http://pza.sanbi.org/crassula-spathulata | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2018-34/segments/1534221219469.90/warc/CC-MAIN-20180822030004-20180822050004-00346.warc.gz | en | 0.885691 | 964 | 3.078125 | 3 |
Neuropsychology Psychology 162, Fall 2008
Use the box below to
Mapping the Receptive Field Laboratory: Week 1
Description of the Laboratory
One of the most important techniques for studying the brain in the past century has been the development of single cell recording. In this method, an extremely think electrode, called a microelectrode, is lowered into the brain until it actually penetrates a neuron, usually an axon is what is recorded from because of the action potentials. The researcher knows that a cell has been penetrated usually by listening to the clicks generated by action potentials over a loudspeaker.
Once a cell has been penetrated, the researcher tries to understand what the cell responds to. In this laboratory, the cells are part of the visual cortex. More particularly, the striate cortex or V1. So the task is to determine what visual stimuli causes the cell to respond the most. In essence, this lab is a simplified version of the research of Hubel and Wiesel that has been discussed in class. In their research, they held on to a cell as long as they could and then presented as many different stimuli to find those features of the world that the cell responded to best.
Goals for the Laboratory
Directions for the Laboratory
Before beginning the laboratory, download and copy the spreadsheet that has been developed for data collection. It will help guide you in your attempts to determine the optimal stimulus for the cells that you are recording from. Bring a copy on a thumb drive to class or use your vault account.
Then open the activity from the link at the bottom of the page. You will be presented with a full screen to run the simulation. The screen is structured as almost exactly as shown below:
On the far left is the menu that will allow you to pick a stimulus to use to stimulate your cell. The choice are a black field (default), a white field, a white dot, a white bar, a black bar, and a moving bar (white). The black area of the screen is the area of the retina that you can stimulate.
Your task is to find and describe the receptive field on the screen. The receptive field will be somewhere on the black region of the screen.
Around and below the receptive field are controls for the stimulus. The sliders to the right and immediately below the receptive field control the position of the stimulus. You can also move the stimulus by clicking or dragging your mouse over the receptive field. You can adjust the width of the bar and the diameter of the dot using the Stimulus Size slider. For the bar stimuli, you can control the tilt or orientation using the Stimulus Orientation slider. Finally, for ease, you can center your stimulus in the receptive field by simply clicking the Center Stimulus button.
Below the stimulus controls is the button you need to press to get a new cell to examine. In front of the New Cell button are buttons you can use to make a map of yoru receptive field. The first two check boxes indicate whether you are mapping excitator areas, those that increase the firing rate, or inhibitory areas, those that decrease the firing rate. You make a mark of the indicated type by right clicking on the receptive field area you wish to mark. If you made a mistake and want to remove a mark, you can use the Remove Last button to remove marks starting with the most recent one place on the screen.
The right side of the screen has a graph of the cells firing rate. The height of the bar indicates the number of action potentials a second. The current value is plotted as part of the x-axis legend.
This screen is your experimental world for this experiment. Your goal is to try and determine the receptive field for 10 different cells. Your lab partner will do the same giving you 20 cells together to have to characterize. You want to create a map of the receptive field and then determine what the stimulus will look like that will create the strongest response (have the greatest number of action potentials).
Issues to consider:
The point of a laboratory report is rhetorical. What I mean by this is that you are writing a document to convince those that read it that you have accurately describe something about reality. You have both made good observations and you have made a meaningful and sound summary of those observations.
So, you are not merely reporting findings. You are trying to convince. Kuffler and Hubel and Wiesel were able to convince their readers that they have made and fundamental set of discoveries about the operation of neurons of the brain and how they respond to visual stimuli. They used almost no statistics and were very descriptive. They used few tables and mostly relied on examples to illustrate their results to summarize their findings. They were very meticulous in how they described their findings because other researchers were able to make the same findings and also build upon those findings.
So in this report, you need to take the 20 cells that you and your partner have and describe what you think you have found. For some context, Hubel and Wiesel's papers usually reported studies that had 100's of cells that they had recorded from. In this report, you will write what is in essence a results section and a discussion. You will report your findings and discuss their importance.
Links to lab simulation and spreadsheet | <urn:uuid:c0e839de-9586-4189-9ca8-71376ee152d9> | CC-MAIN-2014-49 | http://psych.hanover.edu/classes/neuropsychology/Syllabus/Labs/DescribingReceptiveFields.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2014-49/segments/1416405325961.18/warc/CC-MAIN-20141119135525-00154-ip-10-235-23-156.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.947093 | 1,082 | 3.78125 | 4 |
Jesu, Joy of Man’s Desiring is one of the most widely-recognized and widely-performed works of classical music. But the famous chorale melody so familiar at formal occasions was written not by Johann Sebastian Bach.
As was common during Bach’s time, this cantata made use of a previously existing chorale melody by Johann Schop written 74 years earlier.
The cantata in which we find Bach’s version of the melody is the 32nd of his surviving cantatas, but it’s label 147th in the BWV classification system.
The letters BWV are the German abbreviation for “Bach Works Catalog,” a system created in 1950 by Wolfgang Schmieder to order the many works of Bach. Many other composers have unique systems such at Mozart’s Koechel and Schubert’s Deutch, but the Schmieder’s is one of the only that doesn’t bear the name of it’s creator. | <urn:uuid:fca1a724-2adf-421d-a72b-c391aabb65b1> | CC-MAIN-2014-42 | http://indianapublicmedia.org/ethergame/list-list-3/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2014-42/segments/1414637898477.17/warc/CC-MAIN-20141030025818-00120-ip-10-16-133-185.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.947415 | 220 | 3.28125 | 3 |
Parenting is no easy task. It’s a lifelong commitment that comes with heavy sacrifices. But, while parenting is a challenge to anyone, those with children living with eating disorders may have even more difficulty. It can be challenging to navigate parenting for a child with mental health issues. But, fortunately, there is parenting advice these individuals can take advantage of to get a better grasp on how they can help their child.
The Special Needs of Parents of a Child with an Eating Disorder
Every parent has the difficult task of raising their child into a self-sufficient, healthy human being. Furthermore, a parent must ensure their child’s health and wellness by providing for their needs. But, for parents of children with an eating disorder, being a parent can be even more difficult. Not only must they care and raise their child, but they must also work to identify eating disorder behavior, educate themselves about how to help their child, and find effective, professional help through treatment and therapy.
Establishing Healthy Boundaries
If you’ve already had to identify and address an eating disorder in your child, then you know the difficulties of supporting a child in eating disorder recovery. With each turn, you must showcase the love, support, and compassion that your child needs. And, to be able to commit yourself and your family to healthy boundaries established with the help of treatment and therapy tools. This includes making decisions that support your child’s healing and enforcing behaviors that support her recovery.
Dealing with Unhealthy Behaviors
Along with having to support a child’s recovery by enforcing rules and boundaries, but you may also have to deal with the mood fluctuations that can occur with various mental health issues. While many teenagers can go through a “rebellious stage”, these surges in emotions for those with eating disorders can be especially dangerous. This is because they can lead to unhealthy behaviors that are harmful to recovery. So, parents of children with eating disorders may find it difficult to manage these outbursts or behaviors.
Parenting Advice for Helping Your Child
Certainly, there are many challenges for parents of children with eating disorders. But, fortunately, there are things that these parents can do to help their child. Furthermore, there are even some things that these parents can do for themselves to ensure their own health and wellbeing.
Remind Yourself that Your Child has a Mental Disorder
It can be especially difficult to deal with a child who may treat you how you may not want to be treated. Or, who says things that may be hurtful – even though you are just trying to help them. But, it’s important to remember that your child has a mental disorder. And, they don’t have full management of their emotions, what they think, what they say, and how they behave. Specifically, if they are currently malnourished and hormones are not at balanced levels as a result. So, remind yourself that with treatment and help, these bouts of emotion may not be as frequent.
Get On Board Yourself
Whether you know it or not, parents have a big impact on their children. So, support your recovering child by jumping on board with treatment initiatives. This may include using positive language, working on your own relationship with your body, and understanding the importance of nutrition. When you implement these strategies into your own life, your child is more likely to mimic these behaviors and thought patterns into their life.
Trust the Experts
When you get help from professional eating disorder specialists, you need to trust that your child is in good hands. And, that you are in good hands as well. So, if you need to ask a question, parenting advice, or seek help with boundaries or coping skills, reach out to your treatment team. This way, when your child is done with treatment or is spending time at home, they’re always in an environment that supports their recovery 100%.
If you need to find a treatment team that’s dedicated to helping women of all ages with eating disorders, Willow Place for Women can help. To learn more about our outpatient treatment programs that teach women the skills needed to establish lasting eating disorder recovery, contact us today. | <urn:uuid:bbd9f36e-6959-4d21-98ec-1e9f5871eaa4> | CC-MAIN-2021-21 | https://willowplaceforwomen.com/parenting-children-living-with-eating-disorders/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2021-21/segments/1620243988837.67/warc/CC-MAIN-20210508031423-20210508061423-00621.warc.gz | en | 0.973685 | 859 | 2.671875 | 3 |
One can understand Church Latin knowing the Latin of classical texts, as the main differences between the two are in pronunciation and spelling, as well as vocabulary. Everything is meaningless.” What do people gain from all their labors at which they toil under the sun? Thomas R. Preston, in ‘The Biblical Context of Johnson’s Rasselas’, Publications of the Modern Language Association, 84 (1969) 275, points to the resemblance between the Happy Valley and the Preacher’s Garden in Symon Patrick’s A Paraphrase upon the Book of Ecclesiastes (1685).
Question: "What is the book of Ecclesiasticus?" The Book of Proverbs suggests that if people trust God and do what is right they will prosper materially and socially. While reading Proverbs and Ecclesiastes, I couldn't help but notice how a lot of what was written could be applied to today. “Utterly meaningless! It almost seems as though many of the teachings, especially in Proverbs, could be applied to today's culture and is actually relevant. The Differences Between KJV 1611 and KJV 1850 Most readers will be aware that numberless and not inconsiderable departures from the original or standard edition of the Authorized Translation as published in 1611, are to be found in the modern Bibles which …
Generally speaking this may be true. Ecclesiastes is skeptical of ancient Israel’s traditional wisdom. In my previous post I pointed to the "Wisdom" literature of the Old Testament (usually said to comprise Job, Proverbs, and Ecclesiastes), suggesting that this is a good time for all of us to ingest some wisdom from those who went before. Everything Is Meaningless - The words of the Teacher, son of David, king in Jerusalem: “Meaningless!
The book of Ecclesiastes has long been my… Answer: There are several books which are included in some Bibles, called the apocryphal or deuterocanonical books, but because they don’t appear in all Bibles, they often cause confusion. Meaningless!” says the Teacher. I think that I both of these stories, there is an underlying theme that death has the final say in our lives, and there is not really much that we can do about it. Ecclesiastes vs. Gilgamesh In both of these stories, there is a spiritual crisis that awaits being noticed. Get an answer for 'What similarities and/or differences do you see between the Sumerian Epic of Gilgamesh and the Hebrew Bible?
Generations come and generations go, but the earth remains forever. For example, I couldn't help but stop and re-read one particular… To grasp what is unusual about Rasselas, however, one must take account of differences as well as resemblances.
There are not many differences between Classical Latin and Church Latin. | <urn:uuid:5dee4cf5-bef3-4118-b0bf-7ee9b5f647ae> | CC-MAIN-2020-50 | https://www.tilmanngrawe.com/viewtopic.php?c6ce8c=differences-between-ecclesiastes-and-rasselas | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2020-50/segments/1606141745780.85/warc/CC-MAIN-20201204223450-20201205013450-00285.warc.gz | en | 0.965219 | 609 | 2.546875 | 3 |
Artist and teacher, Hans Hofmann, occupied a unique place in the world of 20thcentury art as someone whose career spanned art movements from Cubism and Fauvism, through Surrealism to Abstract Expressionism. Hofmann knew artists such as Matisse, Picasso, Braque and Delaunay as well as Pollock, Krasner and Frankenthaler.
He played a central role in the development of Abstract Expressionism in New York introducing students at his art school to the principles of Cubism and Fauvism and teaching his own ‘push-pull’ theory of movement in painting. Despite living through the upheaval of two World Wars Hofmann’s own work is always joyful. Inspired by nature, his paintings are colorful, vibrant and energetic celebrations of life.
Hans Hofmann was born in Weissenberg, Bavaria, Germany in 1880. At the age of six, the family moved to Munich where the young Hofmann was educated. He was an excellent student of science and mathematics but in 1898 he chose to study art, moving to Paris in 1904 to further develop his skills.
In Paris, he was exposed to the work of the leading artists of the time, including Picasso, Braque, Matisse, Robert and Sonia Delaunay. He met and got to know many of them. He was particularly influenced by the Fauvist and Cubist movements. At the outbreak of the First World War, he returned to Munich where he ran a successful and highly respected art school.
Hofmann moved to the United States in 1930 and continued his teaching career, setting up an art school in New York. He was a central figure in the evolution of the abstract expressionist movement, promoting the principles of Cubism and Fauvism among his students who included Lee Krasner, Helen Frankenthaler and Frank Stella.
Hofmann promoted the use of color and texture to create form and depth. He disagreed with traditional approaches to perspective which, as he saw it, drew the eye to only one particular part of a painting. Instead he developed his own ‘push-pull’ theory of movement where the tension between form and color draws the eye to different parts of the painting and creates an impression of shapes moving in and out in the space.
Students found him a gifted and inspiring teacher who allowed each of them to develop their own style, be it abstract or representational. Lee Krasner recalled that his students could be as abstract as they wanted in their interpretation of a subject so long as they continued to look at and use that subject as their reference point during the process.
Hofmann ran his art school from 1934 to 1958 when he decided to give up teaching to work full-time as a painter. In 1960 he was one of several artists to represent the United States at the Venice Biennale and his work was exhibited widely throughout the United States and Europe during subsequent years. He died in New York in 1966. | <urn:uuid:1db925a9-0d9c-48b4-a208-d16ceeff117d> | CC-MAIN-2017-30 | http://www.abstract-art-framed.com/hans-hofmann.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-30/segments/1500549423320.19/warc/CC-MAIN-20170720181829-20170720201829-00381.warc.gz | en | 0.984989 | 611 | 3.25 | 3 |
(a) Parathyroid hormone (PTH):
(i) Parathyroid hormone (PTH) increase the Ca2+ levels in the blood.
(ii) PTH acts on bones and stimulates the process of bone resorption (dissolution/ demineralisation).
(iii) PTH also stimulates reabsorption of Ca2+ by the renal tubules and increases Ca2+ absorption from the digested food.
(iv) PTH is a hypercalcemic hormone, i.e., it
increases the blood Ca2+ levels body.
(b) Thyroid hormones:
(i) Thyroid hormones play an important role in the regulation of the basal metabolic rate.
(ii) These hormones also support the process of red blood cell formation.
(iii) Thyroid hormones control the metabolism of carbohydrates, proteins and fats.
(iv) Maintenance of water and electolyte balance is
also influenced by thyroid hormones.
(i) Thymosins play a major role in the differentiation of T-lymphocytes, which provide cell-mediated immunity.
(ii) In addition, thymosins also promote production of antibodies to provide humoral immunity
(i) Androgens regulate the development, maturation and functions of the male accessory sex organs like epididymis, vas deferens, seminal vesicles, prostate gland, urethra etc.
(ii) These hormones stimulate muscular growth, growth of facial and axiliary hair, agressiveness, low pitch of voice etc.
(iii) Androgens play major stimulatory role in the process of spermatogenesis (formation of spermatozoa).
(iv) Androgens act on the central neural system and influeftce the male sexual behaviour (libido)
(v) These hormones produce anabolic (synthetic) effects on protein and carbohydrate metabolism.
(iy Estrogens produce wide range of actions such as stimulation of growth and activities of female secondary sex organs, development of growing ovarian follicles, appearance of female secondary sex characters (e.g., high pitch of voice, etc.), mammary gland development.
(ii) Estrogens also regulate female sexual behaviour.
(i) Insulin is a peptide hormone, which plays a major role in the regulation of glucose homeostasis.
(ii) Insulin acts mainly on hepatocytes and adipocytes (cells of adipose tissue), and enhances cellular glucose uptake and utilisation.
(iii) Insulin also stimulates conversion of glucose to glycogen (glycogenesis) in the target cells.
(i) Glucagon is a peptide hormone, and plays as important role in maintaining the normal blood glucose levels.
(ii) Glucagon acts mainly on the liver cells (hepatocytes) and stimulates glycogenolysis resulting in an increased blood sugar (hyperglycemia).
(iii) In addition, this hormone stimulates the process of gluconeogenesis which also contributes to hyperglycemia.
(iv) Glucagon reduces the cellular glucose
uptake and utilization. Thus, glucagon is hyperglycemic hormone.
(h) Oxytocin : In females, it stimulates contraction of
the uterine muscles at the time of child birth and
milk ejection from the mammary gland. | <urn:uuid:9791c803-aa32-41e9-85d6-6d23086db45c> | CC-MAIN-2017-51 | http://ask.learncbse.in/t/write-short-notes-on-the-functions-of-the-following-hormones/2418 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-51/segments/1512948517181.32/warc/CC-MAIN-20171212134318-20171212154318-00006.warc.gz | en | 0.833219 | 695 | 2.578125 | 3 |
"By asserting that nature is independent of humans in a difference that is profoundly generative, [Alexander] Humboldt is trying to bridge the impasse reached by Kant, who had deepened the Cartesian dualism of mind and nature into an unbridgeable abyss by arguing that the nonhuman or “noumenal” world could never be reached or conceived. We could see only its phenomenal shadow, the mask, what little was open to the human senses. As Margarita Bowen details, Humboldt bridged this Kantian impasse by showing how humans developed their concepts over time, in a historical process by which they “are generated, tested and incorporated into the sphere of ideas.” Through this historical process, ideas forged in the crucible of physical nature made the world of thought part of the process of nature. As Bowen observes, Humboldt sees the very gulf between mind and nature “as the locus of the sciences.”"In an endnote to this passage, she adds:
"I would argue that in this respect Humboldt’s philosophy anticipates that of the French sociologist of science Bruno Latour. A Latourian analysis of Humboldtian science would be a very productive project."Walls is surely not the first to find affinity between Humboldt, whose leitmotif was Alles ist Wechselwirkung [everything is interrelated], and Latour, the famous thinker of networks.
In a recent talk at Cornell, Latour himself has reflected on the contemporary relevance of Humboldt with regard to the challenges of Anthropocene affairs, particularly regarding the question of how to organise training and knowledge production in a world where words like "world," "nature" and "earth" have been challenged on the most fundamental level. This connection presumably derives from the suggestion of Cornell's Aaron Sachs, whose book The Humboldt Current: Nineteenth-Century Exploration and the Roots of American Environmentalism establishes Humboldt as something of a 'founding father' of North American environmental thinking.
This is a felicitous happenstance for this blog (as long-term readers will probably have noticed). I'm currently writing what began as a chapter (and is ending up as six chapters) on Humboldt's work. It is not my intention to directly compare his thinking with that of Latour; however, there is an important connection.Aaron Sachs author of The Humboldt Current confirms after BL's talk that Humboldt offered a view of science close to that argued in lecture.— AIME (@AIMEproject) October 26, 2016
My thesis, such as it currently exists (13 months into my PhD), asks a very simple and very complicated question: What is the history of the concept of environment? The basic philosophical idea that runs through the whole project derives from a paper by Latour and Michel Callon from 1992, Don't Throw the Baby Out With the Bath School! – specifically, "the distribution of agencies." In short, I understand the evolution of the concept "environment" (and its various equivalents, cognates and associates) in terms of variations in the distribution of agency between domains (particularly "society" and "nature").
In writing this I am attempting to engage with a whole range of questions and debates. However, one book in particular that stands out is The Shock of the Anthropocene by Christophe Bonneuil and Jean-Baptiste Fressoz. This is, as I have written previously, not just another Anthropocene book. It is an excellent piece of work and covers much the same sort of territory that I am attempting to examine; however, it has some serious limitations. First of all, I'm not convinced that the critique it makes of the works of Latour and Ulrich Beck stand up. What they call "environmental reflexivity" seems to somewhat misrepresent what these two authors were saying.
However, the important point for my project is that while they do a very good job of demonstrating that capacities for sophisticated modes of thought and action concerning "environment" are nothing new, they do little or nothing to establish what, in statistical language, we can call the incidence or, simply, the relative importance of environmental concepts, practices and concerns within their particular historical epoch. They seem to me to be operating within an epistemological conception of historiography (à la Bachelard through Foucault) that primarily concerns itself with establishing what is "thinkable" and "unthinkable" in any historical period. That is to say, an historiography for which incidence is largely irrelevant.
This is why I am interested in Humboldt – and why my initial single chapter has ballooned to six. I am attempting to set the aspects of his work that can, anachronistically, be termed "environmental" or "ecological" within a fuller account of his life, works and networks. By doing so, I will be able to show the relative importance (or otherwise) of these aspects for Humboldt and, by a more tentative implication, for his historical epoch.
Needless to say, this has been quite a challenge! Not only are Humboldt's own works voluminous in the extreme but the figure of this "great man" has been claimed and re-claimed so many times that the layers of interpretation form strata that are themselves formidable. My agenda is not really to criticise the spectacular plume of recent writings that have reclaimed Humboldt once again for the ecological age we seem to be in. However, I cannot help but be struck by how different my approach and the reading that results is from most if not all of these writings.
Humboldt is, undoubtedly, quite a likeable chap. However, Humboldtography has a definite tendency towards sanitisation, sometimes turning over into outright hagiography. My objection to this is not so much that one should not attempt to reclaim aspects of the past for the present. Rather, it is, I think, that the version of Humboldt that results from this purification is substantially more boring than the "warts and all" version that results from a more thorough and less tendentious reading. Quite often, the specifics of Humboldt's work simply disappear by his being interpreted through more contemporary modes of thought.
This is, I think, what happens in the passage from Walls quoted above. It is deeply misrepresentative in a whole number of ways. Primarily, presenting Humboldt as somehow overcoming Kant (even in intention) is quite implausible. He constructed his magnum opus Cosmos (written in the final years of his life and never finished) on explicitly Kantian lines, strictly dividing the objective and subjective elements into separate works. Yes, he was attempting to reconcile the opposition – but so was everyone else (including Kant). Nothing could have been further from his mind than the project we inherit from Whitehead (circa 1919) of overcoming the bifurcation of nature.
Once again, I have no problem with creative readings of past thinkers. However, there is a risk in this: making the past an extension of the present and thereby erasing the possibility of encountering historical difference.
And so, I think there is much to recommend revisiting the Humboldtian project (evidently!). Latour is careful to distinguish Alexander from his brother Wilhelm, who was a statesman, linguist and political theorist. However, I would argue that this separation should not be undertaken too hastily. It was Wilhelm who founded the University of Berlin (later Humboldt University) and was principally involved with educational reform (Alexander worked, before his South American journey from 1799 to 1804, reforming mining and industrial practices). True, Wilhelm was known as the "humanist" in a disciplinary sense – they were both humanists in the philosophical sense. However, Alexander explicitly joins the two projects in Cosmos, extensively quoting his brother's works (and, after Wilhelm's death, editing and publishing his most important works).
I would also, on the basis of the above, have to question Latour's statement that:
"What I propose to do, then, is to introduce a division between nature and the natural sciences, on the one hand, and phusis and the earthly sciences on the other. A fully geo-centric move, if you wish, provided that you take geo not as a globe but as a critical zone. It is not as speculative as one might think, since there are lots of good technical reasons to utilize such a partition. Witness Timothy Lenton’s version of the same divide in his book: “For many Earth system scientists, the planet Earth is really comprised of two systems -the surface Earth system that supports life, and the great bulk of the inner Earth underneath. It is the thin layer of a system at the surface of the Earth -and its remarkable properties- that is the subject of my work”
This is something that Humboldt would have understood easily."Humboldt was nothing if not an open-minded empiricist and, so, would undoubtedly have been delighted to encounter the geo-logy of today. He did as much as anyone in his era, both intellectually and infrastructurally, to enable the contemporary earth sciences. However, it is, I think, important to remember that his "climate" was nothing like ours – nor was his "earth." Moreover, his geopolitics (to use another anachronistic term) was a very, very long way from what is needed today. If there was ever a more enthusiastic advocate of modernisation than Alexander von Humboldt, I have never encountered them.
In short, if we are to learn from the likes of Humboldt we must not get hung up on those aspects that echo with reassuring familiarity. We must, instead, be attentive to the differences – encounter that historical difference. Doubtless, we share some of Humboldt's problems but we should not, as his hagiographers all too often do, suppose that we have much "common ground" with him or his epoch. | <urn:uuid:57b1a245-f482-474f-9a0c-34398b35684c> | CC-MAIN-2017-17 | http://circlingsquares.blogspot.com/2016_10_30_archive.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-17/segments/1492917120206.98/warc/CC-MAIN-20170423031200-00551-ip-10-145-167-34.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.969436 | 2,107 | 2.6875 | 3 |
The term Jihad is Arabic word which means to strive and struggle, and has appeared in Quran several times.
Jihad is hijacked by terrorist and misused by anti-Muslim and anti-Islam groups and media to disrespect Quran and Islam.
“Every human being and living being do Jihad (Sangharsh) everyday in their daily life to live and survive…”
We will explain the meaning of the word and clarify the misconception by giving examples to understand.
Jihad can be categorized in 3;
- Jihad al Nafs
- Jihad against injustice
- Jihad for daily survival
1) Jihad al Nafs: The first type of Jihad is to do Jihad against our own evil desires and lust, and control our mind from doing wrong and evil things and habits.
Jihad al Nafs is considered as the greater Jihad, as we have to do every day to control our mind and ourselves from doing bad and evil things and habits.
It is a spiritual striving to attain nearness to God.
2) Jihad against Injustice: Its clearly mentioned in Quran to do Jihad for Weak and Oppressed against the oppressor (Quran 4:75), and in self-defense (Quran 2:190)
Jihad in self-defense against the enemy, fighting against injustice and oppression either by physical war or legal war, also Jihad by going on strike.
Example 1: Indian army fight against terrorist on the border, is doing Jihad against terrorists, Indian government fight war against corruption and black money is doing Jihad against corruption, Police fighting the criminals is doing Jihad to maintain peace in society.
Example 2: Supreme Court and High Court giving justice to victim, are doing Jihad against injustice.
Example 3: In Ramayan, Ram did Jihad against Ravan; in Mahabharat, Pandavas did Jihad against Kauravas.
3) Jihad for daily survival: People who go for work to earn and meet basic needs of life are also doing Jihad; as they have chosen halal (Islamicaly correct) way to earn money instead of going wrong way and earn haram to live life.
Example 1: All farmer who work in field, all taxi and auto rickshaw drivers, all labourers, all employees working in office and corporates, travelling in jam packed train or buses are examples doing Jihad in their daily life.
Example 2: People who are suffering from illness and diseases are also doing Jihad with their will power to live and ty hard to defeat their pain and illness.
# Jihad is the part of Life… | <urn:uuid:7f061d2b-67b8-4810-8266-63f8b70b839e> | CC-MAIN-2023-50 | https://www.islamfactcheck.in/jihad-in-islam/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-50/segments/1700679100626.1/warc/CC-MAIN-20231206230347-20231207020347-00023.warc.gz | en | 0.964356 | 529 | 2.78125 | 3 |
Boatbuilding emerged as one of the original industries in the Puget Sound region, with the Sound itself serving as the region’s first highway and trade route.
The Mosquito Fleet, an armada of privately owned vessels that delivered cargo, passengers, mail and sustenance throughout the area, was the foundation of the region’s early economy. The construction of commercial fishing and workboats was a signature Puget Sound industry in the early days, but soon, Northwesterners sought boats for recreation as well as toil.
The first yachts were based on workboat designs. Northwest designers specialized in rugged vessels designed for cruising the challenging waters extending from Seattle along the coast of British Columbia to Alaska. They were good boats that have stood the test of time. Take a ride on the Virginia V, the last steam-powered remnant of the mosquito fleet still making a living carrying passengers around the Puget Sound. Tour some of the original Northwest Classic yachts in this excerpt from John Sabella’s documentary “Throwbacks to a Golden Age of Northwest Boats.”
The complete program is available here. | <urn:uuid:afbaf881-b3ec-4312-a50c-3505993cab94> | CC-MAIN-2013-48 | http://threesheetsnw.com/blog/2013/04/northwest-nautical-history-the-mosquito-fleet-and-the-northwest-classic/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-48/segments/1386163040002/warc/CC-MAIN-20131204131720-00046-ip-10-33-133-15.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.968779 | 232 | 2.84375 | 3 |
Communicating with your child
Four, going on Fourteen?
Sometimes you may find that asking lots of questions about your child's day elicits a somewhat unsatisfactory response:
"What did you do at Paul's this afternoon?"
"What did you play?"
"What sort of games."
Blank stare. Or worse...a big sigh, accompanied by an exasperated look. You wonder if you've leapt forward in time Quantum Leap style and your four year old is now fourteen.
What's this all about?
Don't panic, it's not premature adolescence! Sometimes it's simply that your child isn't able to be any more specific: either because they don't remember, or because they can't quite find the words to express themselves. Of course, from time to time it may just be that they don't really feel like talking!
How should you handle it?
It's really important not to get irritated or angry if your child is being less than forthcoming on a particular subject. You're not likely to get a response by pushing it; in fact they are more likely to clam up altogether. Often it's best just to move on and do something else. If you are concerned, you can always return to the subject a little later.
Play & pretend
Over my years at Perform, I've found the Yes or No Game really useful in helping children to develop their vocabulary and communication skills - why not have a go at home? | <urn:uuid:70fa7074-47d0-4eed-aaee-53a2561ffb71> | CC-MAIN-2018-22 | https://www.perform.org.uk/your-childs-development/meet-lucy/lucys-tips/four-year-olds/communicating-with-your-child | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2018-22/segments/1526794865928.45/warc/CC-MAIN-20180524053902-20180524073902-00475.warc.gz | en | 0.964179 | 299 | 2.609375 | 3 |
The crescent Moon looks down on the planet Mars this evening. They’re quite low in the southwest as darkness falls, and set not long afterwards. Mars looks like a modest orange star directly below the Moon.
Although the Moon and Mars are a long way off, we actually have pieces of them here on Earth. The main source of Moon samples is the Apollo missions of the 1960s and ‘70s; astronauts brought back more than 840 pounds of lunar rock and soil. In fact, the last of those samples, collected by the crew of Apollo 17, began the journey to Earth 40 years ago tomorrow.
But pieces of both the Moon and Mars actually made it to Earth on their own, as meteorites — rocks that traveled through space and fell to Earth.
These rocks were blasted into space when asteroids slammed into the surfaces of Mars or the Moon. The impacts threw debris clear of their parent worlds. Some of these pieces eventually found their way to Earth.
Most of the meteorites from Mars and the Moon have been found in Antarctica or in the deserts of Africa and the Middle East, where there are few Earth rocks to clutter things up.
Scientists determine where these rocks come from by carefully measuring traces of gas trapped in tiny bubbles in the rock. They compare these gases to measurements of the Apollo Moon rocks, or to measurements made on Mars by robotic landers. The mixtures of these gases are unique to Mars and the Moon — confirming their extraterrestrial origin.
Script by Damond Benningfield, Copyright 2012
For more skywatching tips, astronomy news, and much more, read StarDate magazine. | <urn:uuid:001d1f18-ae02-4fbb-96fa-a01ebf595a22> | CC-MAIN-2015-06 | http://stardate.org/print/9458 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2015-06/segments/1422115856041.43/warc/CC-MAIN-20150124161056-00164-ip-10-180-212-252.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.952833 | 331 | 4.125 | 4 |
G.R.I.P: GANG RESISTANCE IS PARAMOUNT
1. Briefly describe the structure of your program.
Gang affiliation and activity is a significant source of school violence on today's school campuses. Students who are affiliated with gangs are often involved in violent confrontational incidents with other gang involved students at school. In order to effectively deal with school violence, student's affiliation and involvement with gang activity should be addressed. The City of Paramount's Gang Resistance Is Paramount (GRIP) program seeks to address youth gang activity by preventing youth from joining gangs and/or becoming involved in gang activity.
The GRIP program has 4 components: a 10- lesson second grade elementary school anti-gang program; a 15 lesson fifth grade gang resistance program; a ninth grade follow-up program; and parent/community gang prevention meetings. The elementary school anti-gang and gang resistance lessons, as well as the ninth grade follow-up program are taught by city employees in the City's public schools. The goal of the school presentations is to teach the students about the negative consequences that their involvement in gang activity can have on their lives, and the other options that are available for them. Curricula, posters, and student workbooks were developed by the City of Paramount for utilization in the GRIP program.
Parent/community gang prevention meetings are also scheduled and conducted throughout the community by city employees. The aim of these meetings is to provide parents with information about gang activity and strategies for keeping their children out of it.
2. When was the program created and why?
Formerly called the "Paramount Plan: Alternatives to Gang Membership," the GRIP program was introduced to the community in 1982 in response to the citizens of Paramount expressing their concerns to the Paramount City Council about youth gang activity in the community. Research conducted by City employees, which included surveys of residents and actual gang members, revealed that the City needed to initiate a program to prevent children from joining gangs. Thus the Alternatives To Gang Membership (now GRIP ) program was born.
3. How do you measure the programís effectiveness?
Touted as a model gang prevention program GRIP has been replicated by many other agencies across the nation. In Paramount, more than 32,025 children have participated in the program. Over 400 neighborhood meetings have been held, and attended by 10,000 parents.
The program has undergone five separate monitoring studies. The first study tested elementary school students before and after participation in the program. Prior to participation, 50% of the students were undecided about gang involvement, but after participation, over 90% responded negatively toward gangs. Also using a pre/post test design, the second study included a control group which was not exposed to the program. Unlike the group that participated in the program, the control group showed no change in their attitude toward gangs (50% undecided) over the same period of time.
The third study tested 7th grade students that participated in the program in the fifth grade, and showed that 90% still responded negatively toward gangs. The fourth study tested 9th graders that had participated in the program in the 5th grade, and showed that over 90% of the students indicated that they were staying out of gangs. The final study followed-up with 3,612 former program participants, 13-22 years old, and found that 95% were not identified as gang involved.
4. How is the program financed?
From its inception the GRIP program has been funded entirely from the general fund of the City of Paramount. The FY 1999 budget allocation for the GRIP program is $263,000, which includes $251,000 for salaries and benefits for four full time employees and $12,000 for program materials and operational expenses.
5. How is the community involved in the program? How has the community responded to the program?
The GRIP program emanated from a local governing body, the Paramount City Council, responding to community concern regarding youth gang activity in the community and its effect on students on the school campuses. It is conducted through cooperation from another local community entity that impacts a majority of Paramount children and their parents, the Paramount Unified School District. Community involvement is further evidenced by the amount of children who participate in the program, and the parents who attend the GRIP gang prevention parent meetings. The program has also engendered the support of a number of local church pastors, who have allowed the GRIP staff to use their churches to conduct parent /community gang prevention meetings. In addition the program enjoys the support of the Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department who provide law enforcement service to the city of Paramount.
6. Contact person:
The United States Conference of Mayors
J. Thomas Cochran, Executive Director
Copyright © 1999, US Conference of Mayors, All rights reserved. | <urn:uuid:aedf5e55-6a5f-4f30-bfab-19b6b639f4de> | CC-MAIN-2014-35 | http://usmayors.org/bestpractices/bp98/09_1998_Preventing_School_Violence152.htm | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2014-35/segments/1408500812662.69/warc/CC-MAIN-20140820021332-00446-ip-10-180-136-8.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.970468 | 983 | 3.296875 | 3 |
Modifying a TOC style (Word 2007 / Word 2010)
After you have generated a Table of Contents in Word, you might notice that the TOC entries appear in the wrong font, that they are indented more (or less) than you want, that there is too much (or not enough) white space between the entries, and/or that something else doesn’t look quite right. These elements of the TOC—the font face and size, the tab settings, the line spacing, the before and after spacing, and so forth—are determined by TOC styles that come with the program. In other words, they were designed by programmers at Microsoft whose ideas about how a TOC should look aren’t necessarily well suited for the legal profession.
Fortunately, you can modify any one or more of these styles and save your modifications—either in the particular document open on your screen or, better yet, in the template on which your document is based. If you save the style changes to the underlying template, all documents you create in the future that are based on that template will reflect those changes.
There are nine distinct TOC styles, each representing a different heading “level.” The TOC 1 style (which affects level 1 headings) positions the generated headings flush with the left margin; the TOC 2 style positions level 2 headings one tab stop in from the left margin; the TOC 3 style positions level 3 headings two tab stops in from the left margin; and so on. In many other respects, the nine built-in styles share similar formatting. However, modifying the formatting of one TOC style doesn’t affect the other eight styles, so don’t be surprised if you make some changes to the TOC 1 style and the generated TOC still doesn’t entirely meet your expectations. You might need to alter three (or more) of the styles in order to get precisely the look you want.
There are two ways to modify TOC heading styles. The first way is to use the Styles Pane, as follows:
1. First, insert the cursor into a heading in the generated TOC whose style you wish to modify.
2. Launch the Styles Pane (using either the dialog launcher or the keyboard shortcut Ctrl Alt Shift S).
3. Scroll down and look to see which TOC style is active — that is, which one appears within a thick blue border. That is the one you will modify.
4. If you can’t see the TOC style in the Styles Pane, click the Options… button at the lower right side of the pane and make sure that the Select styles to show drop-down displays “All styles.” To make it easier to find styles, also make sure that the Select how list is sorted drop-down is set to “Alphabetical.”
5. Click the “New documents based on this template” radio button—otherwise, your choices about the way that styles are displayed in the Styles Pane will be saved only in the current document—and click OK to save your settings.
6. When you locate the TOC style in the Styles Pane, right-click the name, then click Modify. That will open the Modify Style dialog.
7. Click the Format button and then click the appropriate button for the setting you want to change (e.g., Font, Paragraph, Tabs, etc.), and make all desired changes. (To modify the line spacing, the before spacing, and/or the after spacing, click the Paragraph button.)
8. Remember to click (enable) the New documents based on this template radio button if you want your changes saved to the template (for use in other documents), as opposed to saving them just in the current document.
(CAUTION: Even though Microsoft configures the TOC styles so that by default, the “Automatically update” box is checked, that option can cause problems, so it’s a good idea to uncheck it. When “Automatically update” is enabled, any manual / direct change you make to the formatting of a paragraph to which the style has been applied actually redefines the style, which can produce unexpected results.)
9. After you click the New documents radio button, click OK.
10. All instances of the style in your document should change to reflect the modifications you have made.
The second method you can use to modify TOC styles is to click the References tab, navigate to the Table of Contents group, and then:
1. Click the Table of Contents drop-down, Insert Table of Contents, Modify.
2. Select the TOC style you wish to change and click Modify again.
3. When the Modify Style dialog box opens, follow steps 7 through 9, above.
Table of Authorities Styles
There are two styles that determine the appearance of the generated Table of Authorities (TOA): (1) a TOA Heading style, which affects the formatting of the TOA section headings (Cases, Statutes, Miscellaneous, and so on); and (2) a Table of Authorities style, which affects the formatting of the various TOA entries themselves.
To modify one or both such styles, you can use either of the methods outlined above for modifying a TOC style. Specifically, you can:
(1) right-click the style name in the Styles Pane, click Modify, and then follow steps 7 through 9 in the section about modifying TOC styles, or, alternatively,
(2) navigate to the References tab, Table of Authorities group, and then:
If for some reason the style doesn’t update, you can click Ctrl Shift S to open the Apply Styles box and click Reapply. Word should offer you two choices: (1) Update the style to reflect recent changes and (2) Reapply the formatting of the style to the selection. To ensure that the document reflects the modifications you’ve made, choose (1).
Entry filed under: Uncategorized. Tags: . | <urn:uuid:d8150b52-d3fd-42a0-be08-bcb87261fabf> | CC-MAIN-2014-15 | http://compusavvy.wordpress.com/2011/04/10/modifying-a-toc-style-word-2007-word-2010/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2014-15/segments/1397609538022.19/warc/CC-MAIN-20140416005218-00009-ip-10-147-4-33.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.844084 | 1,274 | 2.625 | 3 |
|International Society for Horticultural Science|
Horticulture Research International
Canada, due to its size, has many different climates. In December southern Canada receives 8 hours of daylight while the northern tip receives none. Northern Canada in the winter receives very little solar radiation, therefore temperature differences from North to South are extensive.
The average maximum January temperature at the tip of Ellesmere Island in the north is -28 ?C, that of Windsor, Ontario is -0.7 ?C. The long summer days in northern Canada produce a much smaller difference, with maximum temperatures in July of 6.8 ?C for the north and 27.8 ?C for the south. The annual precipitation ranges from 100 mm in the Arctic to over 1500 mm on the windward side of British Columbia's mountains.
The Northwest Territories have an average temperature of -10 ?C for 6 (or more) months of the year, the northern tundra is permanently frozen approximately a half km deep.
British Columbia's major contrast is between the coast and the interior, but there are also significant variations between valley and upland and between the north and south. The average January mean temperature is 0 ?C at most coastal regions with July recording an average mean temperature of 15 ?C. The interior of British Columbia has an average daily mean January temperature ranging from -10 ?C to -15 ?C while the northeastern plains are a cold -20 ?C or more. The southern interior in the summer records a July average monthly temperature of more than 20 ?C, but farther north on the central interior plateau an average of about 15 ?C. The west facing mountains receive more than 2500 mm of annual precipitation, whereas the east-coast lowland records about 700 to 1000 mm. The western side of the interior mountains accumulate 1000 to 2000 mm annually, of which a large amount is snowfall. The Okanagan Valley receives a mere 250 mm of annual precipitation. The coast records an average of more than 200 frost-free days annually with central Interior Plateau having only 75 to 100 frost-free days. British Columbia holds the following Canadian climate records: highest yearly average temperature (Vancouver 9.9 ?C), longest annual frost free period (Vancouver 233 days) and least annual average snowfall (Victoria 47 cm). The mild weather provided by the warm ocean current brings rain. An average 6.6 m of rain falls annually at Henderson Lake.
Prairie Provinces (Alberta, Saskatchewan, Manitoba)
Alberta experiences cold winters and fairly short, cool summers. Precipitation is low with annual readings of 300 mm in the southeast to 400-450 mm in the north. Annual hours of sunshine from 1900 in the north and 2300 in the south make Alberta Canada's sunniest province. Alberta records January mean temperatures of -8 ?C in the south to -24 ?C in the north and July mean temperatures ranging from 20 ?C in the south to 16 ?C in the north. The climate of Saskatchewan ranges from cold and snowy with brief summers in the north to a moderate climate to semi-arid in the southwest. Temperatures of -50 ?C in January and 35 ?C in July have been recorded, as have January temperatures of well above freezing and July temperatures well below. Annual frost-free days range from 60 to over 100. Manitoba's winters are very cold with moderately warm summers. Nearly two-thirds of Manitoba's annual precipitation falls during the summer months. Frost-free days range from 100-120.
Central Canada (Ontario, Quebec)
In the north, near Hudson Bay, the mean daily temperature ranges from 15 ?C in July to -25 ?C in January. Southwestern Ontario records mean daily temperatures of -6 ?C in January and 22 ?C in July. The meeting of cold, dry air from the north and west with the warm, humid currents from the south causes a great deal of snow to fall in the winter months. In summer, humidity and heavy rain take the place of snow.
Atlantic Provinces (New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Prince Edward Island, Newfoundland and Labrador)
This region enjoys a relatively temperate climate, although not as mild as the west coast. There is a relatively high snowfall and adequate summer rainfall. New Brunswick's northwest region receives more than one-third of its precipitation as snow. The coastal region is several degrees warmer with only 15 to 20% of annual precipitation being snow. The average frost-free period ranges from about 100 days in the northwest to 170 along the Fundy coast. Average January temperature in Nova Scotia is about -4 ?C with the summer mean temperatures in the high teens Celsius. The coastal areas are milder and wetter than the interior. Nova Scotia averages 160 frost-free days along the coast and 100 in parts of the interior. Prince Edward Island's winters are long but mild with an average mean temperature of -7 ?C in January and 18 ?C in July. The annual precipitation averages 1120 mm. Winter in Newfoundland is very cold with mean temperatures averaging -20 ?C, and summers are cool with a July mean temperature of 5-10 ?C. Precipitation is low with an annual average of 460 mm, of which 50% falls as snow. Labrador's mean temperatures in January are -18 ?C to -23 ?C with July recording mean temperatures of 13 ?C to 17 ?C. Newfoundland receives the most fog, freezing rain and wind of any Canadian province. Argentia, on the southwest coast of Newfoundland averages 206 foggy days per year.
Canada spans 5,500 km from west (Yukon-Alaska border) to east (Cape Spear, Newfoundland) and 4,600 km from north (Ellesmere Island in the High Arctic) to south (Middle Island in Lake Erie) for a total of 10 million km2.
The Northwest Territories have little potential for farming since most of the soil was scraped away during the ice age leaving a sheet of rock covering more than half of this region. The southern portion also houses low-lying swamps, countless lakes and forests of fir, pine, spruce, cedar, tamarack, birch and aspen. The northern portion is a vast plain of mosses, lichens and hardy dwarf willows.
The Rocky mountains, with their picturesque high, sharp, snow-covered peaks, stretch along the eastern edge of British Columbia. The Coast Range extends the entire Pacific coast and is 160 km wide. Between the Rocky mountains and the Coast Range, cut by rivers, is a belt of low mountains, rolling hills and plateaus. The former beds of glacial lakes produced the flat plains.
Prairie Provinces (Alberta, Saskatchewan, Manitoba)
The Rocky Mountains form the southern portion of Alberta's western boundary with British Columbia. Southern Alberta's prairie region consists of dry, mostly treeless, gently rolling grassland. The parkland region of central Alberta varies from the flatland of old lake bottoms to rolling landscape with numerous lakes and depressions. In the boreal-forest region, covering the northern half of the province, great rivers and lakes abound the landscape. Saskatchewan measures 1,225 km long, 630 km wide across the south and 445 km across the north for a total area of 651,900 km². Covering the northern third of Saskatchewan is the Precambrian Shield characterized by rugged rock exposures and many lakes. South of the Shield is an area of level or gently rolling plains. To the west and across the southwest corner is another plain region of rolling and hilly terrain distinct from that of the north. In the extreme southwest is the Cypress Hills, the highest point of land in Canada east of the Rocky Mountains. Saskatchewan's landscape consists of undulating slopes, unlike the flat horizons often associated with the prairies. Manitoba's minor terrain features were formed during the close of the last ice age. The shield rocks were severely eroded, leaving a marshy surface with numerous lakes, streams and bogs.
Central Canada (Ontario, Quebec)
Central Canada stretches 1,000 km west (shores of Lake Huron) to east (Quebec City). Roughly one-fifth of Ontario's total area is occupied by lakes and rivers. Much of the soil scraped from the Northwest Territories during the ice age settled here resulting in one of Canada's most favourable belts of agriculture land.
Atlantic Provinces (New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Prince Edward Island, Newfoundland and Labrador)
The Atlantic region, excluding Labrador, measures 1,300 km from east to west, and 900 km from south to north. Newfoundland is physically divided into two units of area, the larger unit being the mainland of Labrador in the north and the smaller unit being the island of Newfoundland. Labrador's northern coast is ruggedly mountainous and deeply fjorded, the southern coastal region is rugged, barren foreshore and forested hinterland. The vast interior is a well-forested, dissected plateau. The rain, wind and glaciers have worn Newfoundland's interior mountainous area down to rolling hills from 150 to 800 m high. These highlands have poor soil and rough terrain. The lowlands, however, are good for farming. Prince Edward Island has an area of only 5,660 km2. The western region of the island is fairly level and becomes hilly as you travel east. Nova Scotia has a serrated, 10,427 km shoreline. The southern and central part of the province is marked by many inlets, islands, coves and bays. The North Mountain runs parallel to the South Mountain for 190 km along the Bay of Fundy. Between the mountains is the fertile valley of the Annapolis and Cornwallis rivers. Its southern border constitutes the South Mountain. Northern Cape Breton Island is a wild, wooded plateau, which rises to a height of more than 520 m above sea level. In contrast, the southern part of Cape Breton is largely lowland. New Brunswick's northern uplands rise to 820 m and are mountainous in appearance, the central and eastern area display gently rolling hills while the southern coast's sharp hills slope down to tidal marshes and a lowland plain in the southeast.
The potato is the most important vegetable crop in Canada, accounting for about 60% of all vegetable farm cash receipts or $608 million in 1998. Farm cash receipts rose by 17% in 1998 due to increased production and slightly improved prices. Canadian production at 4 million tonnes was concentrated in PEI (31%), Manitoba (19%), and New Brunswick (16%) and Alberta , Québec, Ontario all about 10%. In 1998, 158,900 ha were planted, a new record, and yields averaged 27.5 tonnes ha-1. Cultivars of potatoes vary from province to province with Russet Burbank and Shepody being the main frying cultivars; Snowden, Atlantic, Norchip, and Superior the main chipping cultivars; and various Russet types, Superior, Norland, Kennebec and Yukon Gold are some of the leading table cultivars. Over 150 cultivars of seed are grown for sale in Canada by 887 seed potato growers on 34,868 ha. In keeping with historic tendencies, sweet corn and green peas remain the next two most intensively planted vegetable crops in Canada this year. Although these two crops hold their rank as the most prolifically cultivated of the vegetable crops surveyed, their area under cultivation continues to drop. Indications are that the area dedicated to the production of green peas will fall to 15,279 ha this year from the 18,616 ha planted in 1998. This decrease follows a 1% decline in area planted observed between 1997 and 1998. Over the same three-year period, sweet corn area under cultivation has decreased by 5%. Total area being seeded for sweet corn production fell from 34,803 ha in 1997 to 33,184 ha planted in the current year. In contrast, survey results indicate that dry onion area will increase by 17% this year, rising from 4,047 ha to 4,856 ha. Cucumber and gherkin area is also expected to increase by an impressive 10%. An additional 340 ha will be added to the 3,369 ha planted in 1998. The area cultivated for field tomatoes rose by 7.3% to 8,738 ha in 1999, ending four years of decline. In Ontario, which accounts for 89% of planted tomato acreage, processing area remained constant while land reserved for the fresh market rose by 72% to 1,619 ha.
The 73,167 ha under cultivation for blueberry [highbush and lowbush], apple and grape production represents 78% of the total fruit area under cultivation this year. [Lowbush] blueberries are by far the most intensively cultivated fruit crop in Canada, with 36,760 ha being tended. The area dedicated to apple production has fallen continuously over the last five years to a current level of 28,882 ha. Apple area has diminished by an average of 3% in each of the last five years.
The 7,525 ha allocated to grape production represents a modest decrease to the area cultivated last year. Consistent increases in area being cultivated for grape production was witnessed in each of the four previous years. Grapes grown for wine production are by far the most dominant cultivar of grapes being cultivated, representing 77% of the total grape area under cultivation.
Total greenhouse sales continued the annual growth experienced by the industry over the past two decades. In 1998, total sales increased 7.7% to reach $1,189 million. However, the total area used for greenhouse production increased by only 0.2%, to encompass 1,292 ha under glass or plastic. Revenues generated from the sale of flowers and plants increased by 7.3% to $904 million from $834 million in 1997. Ontario continues to account for the largest proportion of these sales at 51.7% followed by British Columbia with 22.7% and Quebec with 11.8%. Sales to wholesalers and those direct to the public continued to be the preferred channel for marketing flowers and plants, representing 25.4% and 21.4% respectively of total flower and plant sales.
For the first time in several years, sales of greenhouse vegetables declined slightly in proportion to the sales of flowers and plants. In 1997, sales of greenhouse vegetables accounted for 24.5% of the total greenhouse sales, however, in 1998 the vegetable share of total greenhouse sales decreased to 24.0%. Interestingly, the production of vegetable bedding plants for sale has increased dramatically by 37.2% from 254 million plants in 1997 to 348 million plant in 1998.
Distribution of Horticulture
The coastal region of British Columbia is the mildest production area. The mid-Fraser Valley is one of the world's most favourable areas for raspberry production. Blueberries (highbush) and cranberries are grown in the delta region, as well as vegetable crops. Most of British Columbia is very mountainous with less than 5% arable land. In the interior the mountain valleys are suited to fruit production.
The principal fruit is the apple or crabapple. Amelanchier is a popular wild shrub that is now being grown domestically for its berry-like fruits. Some wild Prunus species, such as chokecherry are also of interest for the processing industry. Strawberries do well where there is adequate snow cover. Vegetable crops must be suited to the relatively short growing season, 110 to 125 frost-free days. Such crops as sweet corn and tomatoes require the earliest cultivars. Most horticultural crops require supplementary irrigation, especially in the southwestern Prairies.
Southern Ontario is an important horticultural area in Canada. The Niagara Peninsula region is well-suited for the production of peaches, cherries, grapes and other tender fruit. The extreme southwestern part of Ontario is especially suited for vegetable crops including processing tomatoes and sweet corn. Limited deposits of organic soils are used for fresh vegetable production, especially carrots, lettuce, celery and radishes.
Southern Quebec is also a suitable horticultural area, though the only tree fruit that will survive is the apple. Processing vegetables are important in Quebec, especially peas, beans, corn and some tomatoes. The province is the major Canadian producer of canned green and wax beans. This area is the site of major organic soil deposits and such vegetables as lettuce, carrots and cole crops are important.
Small fruits are important, especially strawberries with a number of cultivars being developed in Kentville, NS. Blueberries are principally in "managed" plantations of the wild lowbush blueberry. Potato production takes place in most regions of Canada, but here in New Brunswick and Prince Edward Island, there is an extensive processing industry with emphasis on frozen "french fries" and seed potatoes. Nova Scotia's Annapolis Valley is famous for its fruit and vegetable production, particularly apples.
The focus is on research of national significance that is valuable to the country by developing and transferring new technology to improve the on-going competitiveness of Canadian horticulture. The research creates new scientific knowledge and contributes to the quality of life by supporting competitiveness through reducing the cost of producing and processing food and non-food products, improving the quality and safety of food products, advancing environmental practices that sustain horticulture production in the long term and transferring technology. Farmers, food processors, agri-businesses, consumers, consultants, federal departments, provincial departments and universities use the concepts, data, products and processes developed.
Nature of Institutes
Eight universities undertake teaching and research in horticulture across Canada. There is one in each of the five western provinces, three in Quebec and one in the Atlantic province of Nova Scotia. Post graduate training to the Master's and Doctorate level is available at eight and seven of these universities respectively. Laval University, offering post-graduate training in horticulture, is the only French-speaking institution.
Agriculture and Agri-Food Canada
The Research Branch of the federal Department of Agriculture and Agri-Food Canada is the largest research organisation in Canada with 18 centres of excellence across the country, 12 which conduct horticulture research. The Canadian Food Inspection Agency of Agriculture and Agri-Food Canada also undertakes horticultural research at the Sidney Centre for Plant Health in British Columbia as well as The Prairie Farm Rehabilitation Administration in Saskatchewan.
The provinces of Alberta, New Brunswick and Nova Scotia undertake horticultural research in response to regional needs. The main Centre for provincial horticultural research in Ontario is the University of Guelph, Department of Plant Agriculture. Although the Quebec Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food supports research at two establishments in the province, almost all research activities have been privatized with most of the research scientists in horticulture being transferred to IRDA (Institut de Recherche et de Developpement en Agroenvironnement), a private corporation.
Private and Commercial Institutions
A few private and commercial institutions and botanical gardens conduct independent horticultural research for specific purposes in such fields as ornamental displays and nursery stocks, fruit and vegetable crops for processing and chemicals for pest control. In addition, a small number of amateur and professional horticulturists conduct specialized breeding work with certain ornamental, vegetable and fruit species.
The Agricultural Institute of Canada is a professional organisation engaged in all aspects of agriculture in Canada. Affiliated with it is the Canadian Society for Horticultural Science (CSHS). The CSHS is a society of professional horticulturists which exists to promote and foster the science of horticulture in Canada. The present membership is about 200. Annual and regional meetings are held each year. Horticultural research findings and technical information are published in a wide variety of scientific journals and trade magazines.
Organisations / Institutes:
Niagara Parks Commission - School of Horticulture
Agriculture and Agri-Food Canada, Research Branch
Agriculture and Agri-Food Canada, Canadian Food Inspection Agency
Agriculture and Agri-Food Canada, Prairie Farm Rehabilitation Administration
University of British Columbia
University of Alberta
University of Saskatchewan
University of Manitoba
University of Guelph, Ontario Agricultural College
University of Laval
University of Montreal
Nova Scotia Agriculture College
Alberta Agriculture, Food and Rural Development
Ontario Ministry of Agriculture, Food and Rural Affairs
Quebec Department of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food (MAPAQ)
New Brunswick Department of Agriculture and Rural Development
Institute of Research and Development in Agroenvironment | <urn:uuid:29a9fd05-b05a-4f54-b7e4-34a09862929e> | CC-MAIN-2018-43 | http://www.hridir.org/countries/canada/index.htm | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2018-43/segments/1539583516892.84/warc/CC-MAIN-20181023174507-20181023200007-00290.warc.gz | en | 0.939197 | 4,216 | 3.625 | 4 |
One fundamental safety-related work practice is that exposed, live electrical parts must be de-energized before work on or near them is permitted. The only exception to this rule is when a qualified person is available and it is absolutely necessary due to equipment design or operational limitations. If this happens, other work practices must be followed to protect that person. The bottom line is that all of us, including unqualified and qualified persons, must protect ourselves from all potential contact with live electrical parts. Protection may be provided via shielding, insulated tools, or protective electrical gloves and clothing.
To properly isolate electrical energy and prevent exposure to electrical hazards, the system or its parts must be locked or tagged out in accordance with your company Lockout/Tagout Policy.
Lockout is defined as the placement of a lockout or tagout device on an energy-isolating device, such as an electrical disconnect switch, in accordance with a written procedure. This is performed to ensure that the isolating device will be controlled from inadvertent or accidental operation until all employees are safe and the lockout/tagout device is removed.
Regarding work on an electrical system, a lock with a tag must be placed on all disconnecting devices. The lock must be securely attached and locked. The tag must contain a statement prohibiting energization or operation of the equipment and removal of the tag. In addition, a qualified person MUST test the equipment to verify that the circuit elements and parts that are isolated are in fact de-energized. Electrical equipment should never just be presumed to be dead; verification is always necessary. If the electrical system is over 600 volts, the test equipment used by the qualified person must be checked immediately before and after to assure proper operation.
A very important safety procedure is the re-energization of electrical disconnect switches. If an electrical malfunction should occur, it is critical that you and other employees are clear of the electrical equipment. Never stand in front of a disconnect switch when you are energizing the circuit. Proper closing or activation of switches means that you always stand to the un-hinged side of the cabinet. Close the switch with your near hand or arm and turn your head away from the cabinet. This is done to reduce the risk of injury in case of a malfunction of the switch starter, which could cause the release of an arc of energy. Although this is a rare occurrence, it can and does happen. If this were to occur, you could be struck by the cabinet door and seriously burned by the intense electrical arc.
Is your workplace prepared for lockout/tagout OSHA requirements? Make sure with our Lockout/Tagout Safety Training Course Offering. | <urn:uuid:e8693991-ef5f-489b-8e84-8af14b8d20ad> | CC-MAIN-2022-05 | https://www.esafety.com/electrical-safety-electrical-isolation-lockout-tagout-policy-toolbox-talk/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-05/segments/1642320300849.28/warc/CC-MAIN-20220118122602-20220118152602-00203.warc.gz | en | 0.944646 | 540 | 2.546875 | 3 |
By Ajamu Nangwaya
In the eyes of the Afrikan community, Marley’s Sheriff John Brown is symbolic of all police, or of Babylon in the language of the Rastafarians, for whom Marley is a chief icon. In the world view of the Rastafarians, and Afrikans in general, Babylon and the police are interchangeable terms for the most visible, oppressive, and racist presence of the criminal justice system.
In 2011, Afrikans comprised 2.5 per cent of Canada’s population but made up 9 per cent of its federal prisoners. Between 2001 and 2011, the number of Afrikans in Canadian prisons grew by 40 per cent, according to a report by the Office of the Correctional Investigator. The police are on the front line of the prison-industrial complex, and their racial profiling and overpolicing activities generate the bodies for the court and prison systems. “Every time I plant a seed” for liberation and dignity, the police “said kill it before it grow.”
The police are at hand to keep Afrikans in their place and to prevent or discourage overt resistance to their exploited condition. In 1989, the Toronto police carried out a surveillance program against 13 organizations and 18 individuals who participated in the campaign for police accountability measures. In 1994, a report exposed the RCMP’s secret monitoring of black power organizations, documenting the racist language and stereotypes used by the police in their descriptions of these groups and their non-violent activists. | <urn:uuid:1168c0b5-2613-495a-af6f-2f5912606102> | CC-MAIN-2018-30 | http://nepv.org/news/87-sheriff-john-brown-always-hated-me-organizing-against-racialized-police-violence | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2018-30/segments/1531676589618.52/warc/CC-MAIN-20180717070721-20180717090721-00236.warc.gz | en | 0.925672 | 314 | 2.890625 | 3 |
Nationwide, car accidents are the leading cause of death for young adults between the ages of 15 to 20. State patrol troopers across the country are recommending that young drivers take driving courses. The average $300 it costs for the class will more than make up for the expenses incurred in the first accident and could even prevent it.
The following are a few tips for parents who want to keep an eye out for their children and make sure they donít become the latest sad statistic:
_Keep driving sessions short but frequent, about 15 to 20 minutes each day, slowly working up to an hour.
_Lead by example. Examine your own driving habits to see if there is anything that can be corrected.
_Try not to burden your child with too many instructions at once. It will only confuse them.
_Try to give directions one at a time, and not all at once. For example: ďAt the next light, make a left.Ē
_Try not to criticize teens while they are driving. Talk to them when they are no longer behind the wheel.
_Discourage eating, drinking and talking on cell phones while they are driving, which means you should not do any of these things, either.
_Urge your children not to take unnecessary risks, whatever the situation.
Adapted from The Gazette (Colorado Springs, Colo.)
See Related Links.
Hone your skills for work and family and you hone them for living life to the fullest | <urn:uuid:d792c604-03bb-4e59-a968-7604b62ab578> | CC-MAIN-2015-11 | http://www.bellaonline.com/ArticlesP/art16306.asp | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2015-11/segments/1424936462070.88/warc/CC-MAIN-20150226074102-00258-ip-10-28-5-156.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.959383 | 304 | 3.0625 | 3 |
The Isle of Taransay History from 300AD.
Taransay is located in the Outer Hebrides and is made up of two islands connected together by an isthmus of sand. If you want to visit Taransay, you will have to do so in a smaller boat because there are no harbours where large ferries can land. This island has been inhabited since about 300 A.D., when it was home to Celtic pagans. Their descendants converted to Christianity in the 700’s and in the 900’s this island was taken over by the Norse Vikings. Throughout history it has been the site of fierce battles, such as in the Massacre of Taransay in 1544, when the Morrisons of Lewis invaded. However, this act did not go unpunished as the people from the island of Berneray forced the invaders to a rock, where they were executed. This rock is now known as Sgeir Bhuailte – Smitten Rock.
At one time there were three villages on Taransay, but the population gradually decreased until there was only one family still living here – the MacRae’s of the village of Paible. They left the island to live on the mainland in 1961. From then on the island was mainly a place for sheep to graze. It was the filming of the movie Castaway in 2000 that brought Taransay into the limelight. When the show ended in 2001, the buildings were left intact and the island became a very popular tourist destination.
The filming of Castaway on Taransay featured a group of 36 people, handpicked from over 4000 volunteers, who were marooned on the island. 29 of these volunteers lived on the island for a year in temporary shelters, called pods, which were built in the former village of Paible. The intention of this show was to demonstrate how a group of people could form a community. The show was broadcast to many countries of Europe and was a resounding success, with about 9 million viewers.
The entire island is a working farm and along with the stunning scenery, visitors here can also visit historic sites. At one time there were two chapels on the island. Both are long gone, but you can still see the remains of Saint Keith’s chapel. Taransay is a birdwatcher’s paradise, but the only wildlife on the island is red deer. It is really a beautiful location because of the blooming wildflowers and plant life that grows wild.
Stroll around the island and imagine what it must have been like to live here with no modern facilities such as electricity and indoor plumbing. Spend some time alone with your thoughts as you gaze out to see. If you like walking and enjoying the beauties of nature, then this is one vacation that you will remember for a long time. The Mackay House and the School Chalet are original buildings on the island that were renovated for the filming of the movie. These are now available as tourist accommodations. | <urn:uuid:9d7f5579-e99b-4dd2-9c91-3e9715e4ffad> | CC-MAIN-2023-40 | http://taransayfiddlers.com/category/history-of-taransay/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-40/segments/1695233510481.79/warc/CC-MAIN-20230929022639-20230929052639-00717.warc.gz | en | 0.983129 | 618 | 2.875 | 3 |
NaturalNews) Scientists at the University of Leeds have conducted research that proves the tendency many have to act like sheep, unwittingly following crowd as if they didn't possess a reasoning mind. While this tendency may have its uses in some situations, such as planning pedestrian flow in busy areas, it doesn't inspire a ton of hope for humankind.
The study showed that it takes a minority of just five percent to influence a crowd's direction - and that the other 95 percent follow without even realizing what is going on.
Professor Krause, with PhD student John Dyer, conducted a series of experiments in which groups of volunteers walked randomly around a large hall. Within the group, a few received instructions regarding where to walk. Participants were not allowed to communicate with one or intentionally influence anyone.
The findings in all cases revealed that the informed individuals were followed by the others in the crowd, forming a self-organizing, snake-like structure (or flock of sheep, take your pick).
"We've all been in situations where we got swept along by a crowd," said Professor Krause. "But what's interesting about this research is that our participants ended up making a consensus decision despite the fact that they weren't allowed to talk or gesture to one another. In most cases the participants didn't realize they were being led by others at all."
Scary. Are we such sheeple that we allow a few "informed" people to lead us around without even knowing what's happening? Sadly, it makes sense. How many fall for scams of all kinds because of friends or "informed" sources, from pyramid schemes to religious hoaxes and political coverups. We seem to believe just about anything, or blindly tolerate it as long as the message is delivered with enough social credibility.
How to be your own person
There some things you can do to not only avoid living as a sheeple, but enjoy a full, prosperous and exciting life to boot. Here are a couple of the fundamentals that sheeple tend to miss.
Determine what you want in life. Over 25 years teaching Neuro Linguistic Programming (NLP) I've asked thousands of people the question what do you want? I've been amazed at the incredibly low percentage of people who can answer it. What are your primary goals? Which direction are you headed? Where do you want to be in five years? The most common answer: I don't know. We'll see what happens. Perhaps one in ten can answer with certainty and specificity, which looks like this:
My top 3 goals right now are...
In five years my life will be different in the following, specific ways...
The primary obstacles in my way are the following...
The skills I need to develop to accomplish my goals are the following...
No one can predict the future, but few things serve us better than intentionally pursing a chosen future, rather than waiting to "see what happens." If you do not choose your goals, your family, friends, community and culture will do so for you (knowingly or unknowingly). This is called status-quo. Not surprisingly, status quo is not that inspiring.
Learn to make intentional, full decisions. So many of our decisions are not well considered. In NLP, we learn that decisions and motivation are simply comprised of visual, auditory and kinesthetic (feeling oriented) phenomena. These are the building blocks of mental processes. Bad decisions, impulsive decisions and ultimately regrettable decisions are so often missing a building block. We make impulse decisions without discussing things (missing the auditory). We make emotional decisions without considering other options (missing visual and auditory). Or we get caught in mental loops with no exit (endless internal dialogue with no feeling that prompts toward action).
In all of these cases, because we lack the foundation for solid decisions, we are vulnerable to the whims of others. If we lack the ability to discuss and analyze decisions, we may accept someone else's analysis as gospel. If we tend to make emotional decisions, we may fall prey to whomever can pump us up into an emotional state. If we can't bring our thoughts to completion with a feeling of certainty, we may just do what others are doing to get ourselves out of the endless internal loop.
Fascinating we don't teach goal setting and decision making skills in our education system. These help form the foundation of real character and individuality - and protect us from over dependency on the ideas or opinions of others.
Make your decisions with all of your building blocks in place and with a clear set of goals in mind. This will keep you out of the realm of the sheeple.
But don't take my word for it. Think it through.
Sources for this article include:
About the author:
Get the free mini-course taken by more than 10,000 people, Three Soul Stirring Questions That Reveal your Deepest Goals.
Mike Bundrant is the host of Mental Health Exposed, a Natural News Radio program, and the co-founder of the iNLP Center.
Voeg toe aan: | <urn:uuid:04a5fcd0-98c6-41dc-b4d0-b2954ff86eae> | CC-MAIN-2017-17 | http://star-people.nl/index.php?module=news&id=9036 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-17/segments/1492917125654.80/warc/CC-MAIN-20170423031205-00398-ip-10-145-167-34.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.960074 | 1,041 | 2.515625 | 3 |
The Soviet Chamber of Horrors: Reminders on the Ninetieth Anniversary of the Bolshevik Revolution
Twentieth-Century Socialism Is a Story of Crushing Tyranny and 64 Million Deaths
NOVEMBER 01, 2007 by RICHARD EBELING
Filed Under : Communism
In 1842 the German poet Heinrich Heine warned that “Communism, though little discussed now and loitering in the hidden garrets on miserable straw pallets, is the dark hero destined for a great, if temporary, role in the modern tragedy. . . . Wild, gloomy times are roaring toward us. . . . The future smells of Russian leather, blood, godlessness, and many whippings. I should advise our grandchildren to be born with very thick skins on their backs.”
November 7 marks the ninetieth anniversary of the Russian Revolution and the beginning of that dark future that Heine sensed was coming 75 years before Lenin and his Bolsheviks came to power. Since the beginning of recorded history the state has attempted to control the economic activities of its subjects, as well as commanding their personal conduct. But nothing in modern history compared to the communist determination to mold man and society for an alleged paradise on earth.
What made this experiment in creating a new man in a new society so diabolical was precisely that many in the first generation of Bolshevik leaders truly believed in what they were doing. For example, Felix Dzerzhinsky, the founding head of the Soviet secret police, loved children and said he wanted to make a better world for all of them. To liberate Soviet society from its enemies and make that better world, he created the vast slave-labor system that became known as the Gulag. As part of his studies of government mass murders in the twentieth century, political scientist R. J. Rummel estimated that up to 64 million innocent, unarmed men, women, and children were killed in the Soviet Union between 1917 and 1986 in the name of “building socialism.”
Sixty-four million is so large a number that it is easy to lose sight of the inhumanity of murder and terror involved. The famous Russian sociologist Pitirim A. Sorokin (who went on to found the sociology department at Harvard University) was a young professor in Petrograd (later Leningrad and now St.Peterburg) during and following the Bolshevik Revolution. After he was expelled from Russia in 1922 as an “enemy of the people” he came to America and published Leaves from a Russian Diary (1924), which contains the following entry from 1920:
The machine of the Red Terror works incessantly. Every day and every night, in Petrograd, Moscow, and all over the country the mountain of the dead grows higher. . . . Everywhere people are shot, mutilated, wiped out of existence. . . . Every night we hear the rattle of trucks bearing new victims. Every night we hear the rifle fire of execution, and often some of us hear from the ditches, where the bodies are flung, faint groans and cries of those who have not died under the guns. People living near these places begin to move away.They cannot sleep.
When Sorokin wrote those words the Soviet state was still in its infancy.As the decades went by, numerous histories and personal accounts were written about the “socialist experiment” by those who had either escaped or defected from the Soviet paradise. Only when the formerly secret archives of the Communist Party and the KGB were partly opened to researchers, just before and then after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, did a fuller and clearer picture come into view about the brutality of the regime.
Demitri Volkogonov, a Soviet general-turned-historian, gained access to many of the closed archives during the last years of the Soviet regime and wrote a biography of Stalin titled Triumph and Tragedy (1991). Volkogonov told an American correspondent:
I would come home from working in Stalin’s archives, and I would be deeply shaken. I remember coming home after reading through the day of December 12, 1938. He signed thirty lists of death sentences that day, altogether about five thousand people, including many he knew personally, his friends. . . . This is not what shook me. It turned out that, after having signed these documents, he went to his personal theater that night and watched two movies, including Happy Guys, a popular comedy of the time. I simply could not understand how, after deciding the fate of several thousand lives, he could watch such a movie. But I was beginning to realize that morality plays no role for dictators. That’s when I understood why my father was shot, why my mother died in exile, why millions of people died.
The Donskoi Monastery and Kalitnikovsky Cemetery in Moscow served as a dumping ground for thousands of bodies. A Russian historian trying to preserve the memory of these evil times told David Remnick, author of Lenin’s Tomb (1993): “In the purges, every dog in town came to [the cemetery]. That smell you smell now was three times as bad; blood was in the air.”
No End with Stalin
The Soviet nightmare did not disappear with Stalin’s death in 1953; it remained at the heart of the system practically to the end. In the 1960s and 1970s Yuri Andropov was the head of the KGB (he later briefly served as general secretary of the Communist Party after Leonid Brezhnev died in 1982 until his own death in 1984). He accepted a view developed by Soviet psychiatry that anyone who opposed the Marxist idea of scientific socialism was by definition mentally disturbed and needed to be “treated” in a psychiatric hospital. This was the fate of Alexei Nikitin, a coal miner who complained about the safety and health conditions in the mines of the U.S.S.R. He was found guilty of subversion and committed to a mental institution in Ukraine.They began using various drugs to bring him back to his socialist senses. His story was told by Kevin Klose in Russia and the Russians (1984):
Of all the drugs administered . . . to impose discipline, sulfazine was at the pinnacle of pain. . . . “People injected with sulfazine were groaning, sighing with pain, cursing the psychiatrists and Soviet power, cursing everything in their hearts,” Alexei told us. . . . “If they torture you and break your arms, there is a certain specific pain and you somehow can stand it. But sulfazine is like a drill boring into your body that gets worse and worse until it’s more than you can stand. . . . It is worse than torture, because sometimes torture may end. But this kind of torture may continue for years.”
Nikitin endured this drug and several equally terrible ones for more than two years before he was finally released on the promise that he would no longer doubt or question the “correctness” of the Party line.
Twentieth-century socialism is an unending story of crushing tyranny and oceans of blood. As Russian mathematician and Soviet dissident Igor Shafarevich expressed it in The Socialist Phenomenon (1980), a history of socialism in theory and practice through the ages: “Most socialist doctrines and movements are literally saturated with the mood of death, catastrophe and destruction . . . . One could regard the death of mankind as the final result to which the development of socialism leads.”
The 64 million killed during the nearly 75 years of the Soviet Union cry out with the truth of this conclusion. | <urn:uuid:883aed8c-eb07-4765-8bcb-7aeb2758fc29> | CC-MAIN-2015-06 | http://fee.org/freeman/detail/the-soviet-chamber-of-horrors-reminders-on-the-ninetieth-anniversary-of-the-bolshevik-revolution | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2015-06/segments/1422122047499.45/warc/CC-MAIN-20150124175407-00015-ip-10-180-212-252.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.974626 | 1,581 | 2.71875 | 3 |
Start New Year with new diet
To the Editor:
Worried about beef?
The National Steak and Poultry recall is making many consumers think twice about biting into burgers.
The company recently recalled nearly 250,000 pounds of beef because of an E. coli contamination.
As a dietitian, I think it's time to face the facts. Burgers can bite back in a big way. And E. coli is not the only problem.
The National Cancer Institute recently published a study of more than half a million people finding that those who ate 4 ounces of red meat a day -- the size of a small hamburger -- were more likely to die from heart disease, cancer and all causes over the next 10 years.
The latest beef recall prompted the usual USDA recommendations to wash hands and cook meat at higher temperatures. But the best solution is to simply leave meat off our plates. A shift toward a vegetarian diet would help fight chronic diseases, and the meat industry would shrink, making the whole food supply safer.
Let's make a toast to good health and start the New Year with a vegetarian diet.
Susan Levin, M.S., R.D.,
Director of Nutrition Education,
Physicians Committee for Responsible Medicine, | <urn:uuid:c9dea347-e936-4695-9cbf-8903c138fb2a> | CC-MAIN-2016-40 | http://www.thebraziltimes.com/story/1598842.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2016-40/segments/1474738661213.28/warc/CC-MAIN-20160924173741-00171-ip-10-143-35-109.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.933181 | 256 | 2.796875 | 3 |
TCP/IP Well Known Port Numbers (0 to ). Port #. Portocol. Description. Status. 0, TCP, UDP, Reserved; do not use (but is a permissible source port value if. One of the many fundamental things to know as a network engineer is the function and port number used by a number of common services as. The dynamic port numbers are the port numbers that are available for use by any Transmission Control Protocol (TCP) or the User Datagram Protocol (UDP).
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A DHCP server can be set up by an administrator or engineer with a poll networking port numbers addresses that are available for assignment. When a client device is turned on it can request an IP address from the local DHCP server, if there is an available address in the pool it can be assigned to the device.
This assignment is not permanent and expires at a configurable interval; if an address renewal is not requested and the lease expires networking port numbers address will be put back into the poll for assignment.
HTTP is the main protocol that is used by web browsers networking port numbers is thus used by any client that uses files located on these servers. POP was designed to be very simple by allowing a client to retrieve the complete contents of a server mailbox and then deleting the contents from the server.
NTP is used to synchronize the devices on the Internet. However, certain port numbers - the well-known port numbers and the registered port numbers - are registered and administered by the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers Networking port numbers for use by certain classes of applications.
While the listening port number of a server is well defined IANA calls these the well-known portsthe client's port number is often chosen from the dynamic port networking port numbers see below.
In some applications, networking port numbers clients and the server each use specific port numbers assigned by the IANA. Common port numbers[ edit ] Main article: This includes the registration of commonly used port numbers for well-known Internet services.
Networking port numbers port numbers are divided into three ranges: The well-known ports also known as system ports are those from 0 through The requirements for new assignments in this range are stricter than for other registrations, examples include: | <urn:uuid:aa32d905-8ed0-4624-b2c3-79dd3d9c974a> | CC-MAIN-2019-18 | http://ronpaulsamerica.info/networking-port-numbers-40.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2019-18/segments/1555578655155.88/warc/CC-MAIN-20190424174425-20190424200425-00353.warc.gz | en | 0.893921 | 528 | 3 | 3 |
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