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Sinus is a nasal problem and is caused because of the infection in nasal air passage. Dust & pollution are two basic and main reasons leading to Allergic Sinusitis. Yet, proper medical help and Yoga helps control or can say minimize the ill effects of this disease. Chief Causes of Sinus: With each passing day, our cities are getting more and more crowded. Consequently, as with the increase in population, the pollution is increasing rapidly. Every city, state or country on the globe is dealing with the unfavorable effects of “POLLUTION”. As with the population rise, pollution is on rise. Our cities are dealing with a variety of health related problems. Among the different kinds of pollution “Air Pollution” is the leading one and prime cause for diseases in human. Worse Outcomes of pollution: Nasal, breathing problems and other related problems are the outcome of this kind of pollution. Among the serious air borne diseases “Sinus” is reasonably severe. Since many past years, the disease was considered a rare one. Yet, with the rapidly changing time, it is getting its place registered amid the common diseases. As well, there is fact which which increases its severity. The disease isn’t confined to certain age limit or caused due to factors like malnutrition. In other words, it can affect anyone irrespective of age etc. What does researches indicate? Basically, Sinus is one internal part behind the face which is attached to the nose. This part is commonly known as “Air Structure”. More importantly, this part is further divided in four different sections behind the nose. In our daily communication this part is known as Sinus. What is Allergic Sinusitis? Sinusitis is the condition which arises when the air structure gets affected by any kind of infection or swells anyway. In this situation, the infected person gets suffered with a swollen nose. Clearly speaking Infection is the prime cause for the disease to grow. Mainly, the problem is distributed in four types. Among these four, the commonly encountered Sinusitis problem in people is Allergic Sinusitis, which is the common problem for nearly 70% of Sinus patients. The other three Sinusitis problems include Viral Sinusitis, Bacterial Sinusitis and Fungal Sinusitis. The remaining 30% patients gets affected with the other three Sinus problems. In worst case scenario, the problem can even lead to serious issues such as “Tumors” or “Bronchitis”. So consultation with a doctor is beneficial for someone, dealing with the problem for long. How is Pollution responsible for Sinusitis? As stated earlier, Pollution is the prime cause for the disease to grow. Weak immunity is another cause for the disease to take you into its grasp. Apart from these two major reasons, Sinus can also happen due to multiple other reasons. Health problems like Asthma, Diabetes, Cold and Common Cold or Viral fever for a very long time can be the reason for the disease (Sinus) to grow. At last, there is something I want to explain. As per which a person with weak immunity is a direct prey for the disease. Symptoms of Allergic Sinusitis: The symptoms of the disease are quite common to the symptoms of some other diseases like viral fever or Common Cold. Again, if someone is experiencing watery puss coming out from the nose, affected with heavy headache or is noticing seeping of water into the neck through nose, it is quite possible that the person is suffering from Allergic Sinusitis. As well the person can experience a kind of pain and tension on the face, which can be a symptom. Moreover, if the viral fever symptoms are of more than 5-6 years, then consultation with a doctor is must and beneficial. The prevention and cautiousness in this case is better. However, “Allergic Sinusitis” is one such problem that can be hereditary. In one other post, I have explained some points as how can you Identify the Sinusitis problem and how to Cure the Disease.
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Press Release: From Tailpipes To Lungs: The Nasty Impacts Diesel Has On Human Health--2020 Update The science on the negative health impacts from burning diesel keeps mounting every year, and the number of diseases from exposure to this fossil fuel continue to grow and threaten Oregonians. “We're actually learning that diesel pollution is more dangerous and has increased health risks more than we thought,” said Oregon Environmental Council Deputy Director Jana Gastellum. “Even compared to just a couple years ago, new research has shown us that fine particulate matter can be linked to long-term, life-changing impacts, including autism, as well as more conventional illnesses such as cardiac arrest.” Particulate matter, black carbon, greenhouse gasses, like CO2, all spew as co-pollutants from diesel tailpipes. OEC released Dirt on Diesel in 2016, a 14-page report detailing the damage caused by diesel pollution, and today’s update references worrying studies that recently also linked dementia, cardiac arrest, cancer, hair loss, neurological diseases, and amyotrophic lateral sclerosis (ALS, also known as Lou Gehrig’s disease) to #dirtydiesel. “Diesel fuel happens to be one of the most toxic forms of energy that we use,” Gastellum said. “We burn it around our schools. We burn it at construction sites. We burn it on our highways near our homes, and it creates particulate matter that is bad for human and environmental health. Cleaner burning fuels can also be cheaper fuels. When we move to electricity or other fuels that are more price stable, we get wins for our economy, wins for the climate and wins for our health.”
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[SOLVED] Binomial Coefficient 1. The problem statement, all variables and given/known data I'm reading the textbook generatingfunctionology, and in section 1.5, the author explains how to derive the binomial coefficient via a generating function approach. One of the things he mentions as obvious, isn't (at least to me). Maybe it's just because it's morning and I'm not thinking correctly, but anyway, here's what it is: "Suppose [tex]f(n,k)[/tex] is the answer to the question [the binomial coefficient]. We imagine that the collection of all possible subsets of [tex]k[/tex] of these [tex]n[/tex] objects are in front of us, and we will divide them into two piles. In the first pile we put all of those subsets that do contain the object `[tex]n[/tex]', and into the second pile we put all subsets that do not contain `[tex]n[/tex]'. The first of these piles obviously contains [tex]f(n-1, k-1)[/tex] subsets. The second pile contains [tex]f(n-1, k)[/tex] subsets." (bold added by me) (bold added by me). I don't really understand, conceptually, why he splits the piles like he does. Any help? 2. Relevant equations 3. The attempt at a solution I looked at the established binomial coefficient, and it works out and all, but that didn't help me understand it.
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The world is on edge: On the edge of another financial crisis, another global recession, another bout of extreme weather, another humanitarian disaster, another food crisis, and another round of violence and civil unrest. The world's problems, it seems, are not being solved; they are being recycled with rising -- and disturbing -- rapidity. If this were a movie, we might borrow a title from yesteryear and call it "The Year of Living Dangerously." But, unfortunately, this is not a movie; and the challenges that we face will not be resolved anytime soon. Our troubles are not cyclical, they are structural. We live in a world that is fundamentally out of balance, and rectifying those imbalances will take years, if not decades, to correct. Welcome to "The Era of Living Dangerously." This new era, and it is a perilous one, is not the result of excessive debt accumulation. Unsustainable debt loads have contributed to our current economic woes, but the economic malaise that now grips the world is indicative of a larger, more systemic problem: an over-heated, over-crowded, over-leveraged planet. The last half of the 20th century produced an unprecedented rise in global standards of living. While increased efficiencies contributed to this burst of prosperity, much of it was fueled by increased consumption of fossil fuels, water, timber, metals, and minerals. And it came with escalating environment costs: the degradation of oceans, forests, rivers, and soil, and the warming of the planet. For decades now, scientists have been warning that we live on a finite planet with finite resources, but until very recently those concerns have been widely dismissed -- even derided -- as theoretical, not practical. But for those who are concerned about biophysical limits to economic growth, there are plenty of warning signs today. In the last half of the 20th century, the real inflation-adjusted prices of commodities trended downward as we got more efficient at growing food and extracting minerals and fossil fuels. But in the 21st century, the demand for commodities has far outstripped supply. And it's not just oil. Almost without exception, the prices of major commodities, including grains and basic food stuffs, have doubled or tripled in the past seven or eight years. Some of that increase reflects the growing demand for commodities, much of it emanating from China and the other emerging economies, but production costs are also rising. In an increasingly resource-starved world, companies and countries will go anywhere to extract oil and minerals. In the immortal words of Marvin Gaye, "There ain't no mountain high enough; ain't no valley low enough; ain't no river wide enough to keep me from getting to you, baby." That's why countries and companies are scrambling to establish oil and mineral rights on the Arctic seabed and in other extreme environments. Far more worrisome for the world's poor is the escalating cost of food. Climate change, rising energy and fertilizer prices, erosion of topsoil, depletion of underground aquifers, and loss of arable land to urbanization and desertification, are making it ever more expensive to satisfy the world's growing appetite for food. With the demand for grains and basic food stuffs expected to increase by 70 percent over the next 40 years, the outlook for food prices is not good. Two months ago, Oxfam International released a research report, Growing a Better Future, predicting that the price of key food staples could increase 120 to 180 percent by 2030. For commodity speculators that's an investment opportunity, but for the world's urban poor living in shantytowns on less than $1.25 a day it's a potential death sentence. With world population reaching 7 billion later this year and projected to reach 9.5 billion by mid-century, the challenges we are now confronting will not go away anytime soon. And make no mistake about it, if demographic push comes to economic shove, it's the poorest of the poor who will pay the ultimate price. To get a glimpse of what the future may hold for the world's poorest citizens, look at the human tragedy that is unfolding on the Horn of Africa, where over 13 million people are in a struggle for survival. A record or near-record drought -- that may or may not be related to climate change -- is already killing tens of thousands, most of them young children. In Ethiopia, one of the poorest countries in the world, food prices have increased by 50 percent in the past year. Even the urban middle class in Ethiopia, far removed from the drought-stricken regions, is struggling to put food on the table. Meanwhile, as the world suffers through another year of severe droughts and floods, the evidence is growing that the planet is over-heating, and that climate change is here to stay, but in the U.S. and elsewhere policy is being dictated by the climate deniers. It would be comforting to think that the growing unrest that is sweeping the world, including the rioting that has broken out in England, is the product of a temporary spike in food prices or the lingering aftereffects of the Great Recession, but it may just be a sign of things to come. If there are practical -- not just theoretical -- limits to economic growth, the competition for resources will get more intense, not less; the gap between rich and poor will widen, not close; and the ranks of the disenfranchised and the disenchanted will expand, not shrink. When the world economy was growing at 3-4 percent a year it was difficult enough in many countries to find jobs for young people; it will be a far more daunting task if biophysical limitations drag the growth rate down to 1 or 2 percent. With the world's large generation of young people about to join the labor force, the challenge is enormous and unprecedented. In the Era of Living Dangerously, there are no easy answers, but the search for solutions has to begin with a recognition of the biophysical limits that are straining -- and stressing -- our world. We saw what happens when over-leveraged economies like the U.S. and Europe failed to anticipate the threats posed by unsustainable debt loads; we don't want to see what happens if we ignore signs that we are over-leveraging the planet's resources.
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A tide of illegal immigration from Mexico to the United States is receding as many Mexicans choose to pursue careers in their home country, The New York Times reported. Between 2000 and 2004, an average of 525,000 Mexicans illegally crossed the border each year. That number has declined to about 100,000 in 2010, a downwards trend that is largely linked to improvements in Mexico's quality of life and economic opportunity, according to evidence cited by The Times. No one wants to hear it, but the flow [of undocumented Mexicans] has already stopped, said Douglas S. Massey, co-director of the Mexican Migration Project at Princeton. For the first time in 60 years, the net traffic has gone to zero and is probably a little bit negative. The article cites several factors bolstering the decrease. In America, the U.S. State Department has expanded its efforts to grant legal status to Mexicans wishing to emigrate, and enhanced border security has become a deterrent by driving up the cost and risk of crossing. But more powerful than this are the incentives to remain in Mexico. Smaller families and economic progress have increased the number of available jobs and driven up salaries, while an improving education system helps prepare young Mexicans for work. They're identifying more with Mexico, said Agustín Martínez González, a teacher, of his students. With more education, they're more likely to accept reality here and try to make it better.
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Accurate, reliable language norms are critical for research on language development, for clinical practice and for policy making. For example, it is impossible to assess the impact of severe socio-economic disadvantage on language development without accurate descriptions of how much language, and of what type, we would normally expect UK children to produce and comprehend. Since most language milestones occur in the first years of life, language norms for very young children are particularly important. However, they are also difficult to obtain because most language tests cannot be used with very young children. An effective solution is to use parent-completed Communicative Development Inventories (CDIs), in which parents fill in a wide-ranging checklist of their child’s communicative behaviours. CDIs and CDI language norms are used extensively in many countries in virtually every area of child language and child development research. However, no standardised CDIs and CDI language norms exist for UK English. This has had a substantial negative effect on UK research in child development, restricting the types of questions that research can answer and the scale of UK studies. Existing CDIs are sometimes used by UK researchers but many have no norms at all or are norms in the US and misinterpret the language level of British children (see Hamilton et al., 2000 for evidence that applying US norms to UK children will over-estimate the number of children with language delay in the UK). As a result, the use of CDIs in the UK, at best, is limited and, at worst, misinforms research, practice and policy making. The aim of this project is to create the first standardised UK CDI- the UK CDI (Words & Gestures)- and to use the measure to establish population norms for UK children aged 8 to 18 months. The test and norms by age will be published as a commercial standardised test. In addition, data on a word-by-word basis will be made freely available worldwide via web-based UK Child Language Database. We will then use the data to publish two large-scale investigations. The first will assess the role of socio-economic factors in predicting language development in the UK; in particular, which factors put children most at risk for language delay and which factors may provide a level of protection. The second will establish whether vocabulary size and composition differs substantially across children learning different languages or learning different dialects of English, to inform cross-linguistic comparisons. Our team have been given Level 1 authorisation by the CDI governing board, which gives us exclusive rights to publish a UK version. The project will have a substantial positive impact on UK research, particularly our ability to contribute to international debates about early language and cognitive development.
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Vastu Shastra - Flats We have some keen observation on construction of flats , generally flats means nothing but group of houses, whether they belong to one building called as an Apartment, or some houses at group called as Gated Community. Construction of flats as per vastu is not simple. The number of flats in one complex, common wall for adjacent flats, placement of kitchen and bathrooms make things more difficult. The following principles should be followed for the benefit of the flat owners. Vastu applies to everybody and every construction. The population is increasing day by day and the accommodation is shrinking. So apartments have started coming up. Apartments are mushrooming. Even if farmhouses come up on houses tomorrow it will be no wonder. In this background, vastu science alone makes a house or apartment eligible to dwell. Today apartments are sprouting everywhere and they are publishing that their vastu is 100% perfect. But observing carefully you will find them totally lacking in vastu. Some people express the doubt that an apartment is high above the ground and so what is the need of vastu for it. In fact it is on the ground or above the ground. Only earth is solid and stationary among the five elements. The remaining four are spread over the entire place. So vastu is important for an apartment also. - The site should be four sided, square or rectangular in shape, with southwest angle to be 90 degrees. - North, east or north east roads would be good with two gates, one in east and other one at north. Besides northeast, southwest or north- west blocks are also good. - Ground levels should be sloping towards Northeast and the ground levels in South west should be higher than all other sides. - An open well or a bore well should essentially be dug in Northeast before the commencement of the construction. - More open space should be left in east and north compared to west and south. - Balconies should be on the north, east or north- east directions preferably. - Kitchen should be placed in southeast ( Agneya )or North West but never in Northeast ( Eshan ) - Pent houses should be planned in Southwest on the terrace. - Staircases should be on the south, west or south west directions and it should never be on north and east directions because the larger head room on north east is not acceptable. - Main entrance to the flat should be from Northeast towards East or North, Southeast towards South, Northwest towards West with proper observations that you can place the main door at East, South, West, North side also. - Cellar should be kept under the northern or eastern portion of the complex and not on the southern and western side. - North-east cellar can be used for parking of vehicles. - Open area in the north-east should be used for lawns, bore wells and sumps. - Open area in the north-east can also be used for temporary parking.
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Human papillomavirus (HPV) is the most common sexually transmitted infection in the United States. Gardasil9® is the only HPV vaccines on the market. It helps prevent cervical cancer and genital warts in boys and girls. HPV Pictures & Images Table of Contents for HPV (Human Papillomavirus) How do you get HPV? How many people get HPV every year? What are the symptoms of HPV? How soon do symptoms appear? What are complications of HP? Is HPV disease contagious? How is HPV treated? How effective is the HPV vaccine? What is the immunization schedule for HPV? What are HPV vaccine names? Human papillomavirus (HPV) is a common sexually transmitted infection. It is so common that nearly all men and women who are sexually active will get at least one type of HPV. Some types of HPV cause health problems like genital warts or cervical cancer. HPV is a virus that spreads through contact with infected skin, usually during sexual intercourse. Sometimes pregnant women also spread HPV to their baby during vaginal delivery. The most common way people get HPV is by having oral, vaginal, or anal sex with someone who has HPV. Even people who do not have any symptoms can spread HPV to other people. The symptoms may not appear for years after you have sex with someone who has HPV. Every year, around 14 million people are newly infected with HPV in the United States, around 360,000 get genital warts, and around 11,000 women get cervical cancer. There are currently around 79 million Americans who have HPV. HPV usually goes away on its own and does not cause any symptoms, but some types of HPV cause genital warts and cancer in the cervix, vulva, anus, or penis. The symptoms of genital warts may appear within weeks or months of having sex with an infected person, or not at all. The symptoms of genital warts may include: - Small bump or a group of bumps in the genital area - Warts may be big or small, raised or flat - Cluster of warts shaped like cauliflower - Warts on the vagina, anus, cervix, penis, scrotum, groin, or thigh The type of HPV that causes genital warts is not the same one that causes cancer. However, there are many types of HPV that do cause cancer. HPV frequently causes cervical cancer in women, but it can also cause cancers of the vulva, vagina, penis, or anus. HPV can also cause a cancer called oropharyngeal cancer in the back of the throat and the base of the tongue and tonsils. These cancers may not cause symptoms for years or even decades after infection with HPV. The symptoms of cervical cancer may include: - Irregular menstrual bleeding - Bleeding after sexual intercourse - Pain in the back, leg, or pelvis - Weight loss - Vaginal discomfort or odorous discharge - Leg swelling Most people do not know they are infected with HPV because they never develop symptoms. Some people only learn they are HPV-positive when they develop genital warts. Women are often diagnosed after they get an abnormal Pap test during cervical cancer screening. HPV causes cancer in approximately 17,600 women and 9,300 men every year. High-risk types of HPV cause the following cancers: - Cervical cancer (almost 100%) - Anal cancer (95%) - Oropharyngeal cancer (70%) - Vaginal cancer (65%) - Vulvar cancer (50%) - Penis cancer (35%) Yes. If you are sexually active, you can lower your chances of getting HPV by using latex condoms, but HPV can infect areas that are not covered by a condom. You can also reduce your risk of getting HPV by only having sex in a mutually monogamous relationship. There is no cure for HPV infection, although the immune system usually eliminates the virus from the body on its own. Approximately 90% of women who are infected with HPV will be HPV-negative within two years without any specific treatment. However, a small percentage of people develop persistent infections for many years. The first HPV vaccine is Gardasil® manufactured by Merck & Co. and it was approved in the United States in 2006. Gardasil protects against four types of HPV (16, 18, 6, and 11). These types are associated with more than 90% of cases of genital warts and 80% of cervical cancers. Gardasil was approved for males in 2009, the same year a second HPV vaccine called Cervarix® (GlaxoSmithKline) was approved for use in females in the United States against HPV types 16 and 18. Cervarix was pulled off the market in the U.S. in October 2016 due to lack of demand. Gardasil is no also no longer sold in the United States. It was replaced by a third HPV vaccine called Gardasil 9® that was licensed in 2014. It protects against the same 4 types of HPV as the original Gardasil, plus 5 more cancer-causing types of HPV (31, 33, 45, 52 and 58). These additional 5 types cause 11% of all HPV-associated cancer. The vaccine is an inactivated (not live) vaccine, which means it has parts of the HPV virus that can’t cause disease-like symptoms or HPV. All three HPV vaccines are nearly 100% effective at preventing cervical cancer for more than 10 years after vaccination. For girls, the vaccine prevents pre-cancerous cervical cell changes caused by HPV. For boys, Gardasil is 89% effective at preventing genital warts and 78% effective at preventing pre-cancerous changes of the anus. The CDC recommends routine HPV vaccination of boys and girls at the age of 11 or 12 years old. The immunization schedule depends on the age when the first dose of the vaccine was given. For people who got their 1st dose before they were 15 years old, the immunization schedule is 2 doses, separated by 6-12 months. For people who got their 1st dose after they were 15 years old, the immunization schedule is 3 doses. The 2nd dose is given 1-2 months after the 1st dose. The 3rd dose is given 6 months after the 1st dose and at least 12 weeks after the 2nd dose. - Gardasil – no longer marketed in the U.S. - Gardasil 9 - Cervarix – no longer marketed in the U.S. (October 2016) Yes. HPV vaccines are relatively new and they are being monitored for serious or unusual side effects. The most common side effects of the HPV vaccine are mild problems like pain, redness, swelling, and itching where the shot was injected. These side effects usually go away in a few days without treatment. To learn more about the side effects associated with HPV vaccines, please visit this page: HPV Vaccine Side Effects. HPV vaccines can cause a severe allergic reaction known as anaphylaxis within a few minutes or hours. Symptoms may include hives, throat swelling, skin rash, nausea, vomiting, difficulty breathing, and shock. There is also a risk of Shoulder Injury Related to Vaccine Administration (SIRVA) if the vaccine needle punctures the bursa or ligaments in the shoulder. SIRVA can cause chronic pain and shoulder weakness. Other serious side effects like Guillain-Barre Syndrome and deaths have been reported, but studies have not detected a pattern that suggests an association with the HPV vaccine.
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Some 480 million years ago the seven-foot-long Aegirocassis benmoulae swam in a shallow sea covering what is today the Sahara desert. This giant arthropod, much larger than arthropods existing today, was likely the biggest creature in the world at the time. In the most comprehensive and thorough survey of its kind, an international team of scientists sampled, sorted and cataloged every arthropod species they could find in patches of Panama’s San Lorenzo rainforest. During their survey of areas summing up to roughly three acres, the scientists estimated that a 6,000 hectare forest houses 25,000 arthropod species, 60% to 70% of which Paleontologists have uncovered the fossil remains of a 3-inch-long extinct arthropod in Yunnan Province, China, dating from the Cambrian period. What makes it particularly special is the fact that it provides an unusual example of preservation of the brain and nervous system, atypical for fossil records this old, but most interestingly it suggests that complex brains evolved much earlier than
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McArdle, John Stephen (1859–1928), surgeon, was born in September 1859 in Dundalk, Co. Louth, the second child of the six sons and two daughters of Robert McArdle, solicitor, and his wife, Margaret (née Callan), of Francis Street, Dundalk. He was educated in the Christian Brothers and St Mary's College, Dundalk, and the Catholic University's school of medicine in Cecilia Street, Dublin. While at university he played lacrosse at an international level, and he retained a keen interest in sport (particularly horse-racing) throughout his life. He graduated in 1877 and began work in Dublin at St Vincent's Hospital, where he was appointed a house surgeon on qualifying as a licentiate of the RCSI (1879); he subsequently became a licentiate of the RCPI and LM (1880) and a fellow of the RCSI (1884). He remained in St Vincent's, where he became a full surgeon in 1883. McArdle specialised in the treatment of fractures and anatomical surgery, and was credited with introducing innovative surgical techniques to Dublin. During a trip to America in 1889 he visited Chicago to study the methods of the pioneering surgeon John Benjamin Murphy; later he became adept in the use of ‘Murphy's Button’, a mechanical device used for intestinal anastomosis. His professional energies were immense, however, and widely spread. Much of his time was spent in clinical teaching: he was elected professor of surgery in the Catholic University (1904), and received the degree of M.Ch. from the RUI (1905). McArdle was an original fellow of the Royal Academy of Medicine in Ireland, and president of the Irish Medical Association (1906–8). He held several other surgical positions, including surgeon to St Patrick's College, Maynooth, and consulting surgeon to the Children's Hospital, Dublin (1899–1928). He also operated in nursing homes throughout the city. A well-known and colourful Dublin character, he was popularly known as ‘the poor man's surgeon’ for his work among the poor. After a long illness he died 14 April 1928 at his home, 72 Merrion Square, Dublin. McArdle's first marriage was to Madeline Forrest King (18 September 1882), with whom he had four children. In 1910 he married Eileen, daughter of John Michael Nugent, managing director of the Dolphin Hotel, Dublin; they had no children. A life-size portrait was held in UCD, but is now lost; another portrait is in the archives of the RCSI. A list of articles written by McArdle, and dealing mainly with abdominal surgery, can be found in Richard J. Hayes (ed.), Sources for the history of Irish civilization: articles in Irish periodicals, 9 vols (1970), iii, 384–5.
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Insert headers, footers, margins, rulers and other elements to a page to add the finishing touches to your document. Add headers, footers, margins, and more You can add a lot to your document using the commands and options on two tabs – the HOME tab and INSERT tab. But what about the others? Let’s look at what you can do on the DESIGN, PAGE LAYOUT, VIEW, and HEADER & FOOTER TOOLS tabs. We’ve done a lot of work on this document using the commands and options on two tabs – the HOME tab and INSERT tab. But what about the others? Well, let’s look at a few. On the DESIGN tab, you can change Colors and Themes. On the PAGE LAYOUT tab, you can do things like adjust page Margins and add Columns. And on the VIEW tab, you can change how you view the document – for example, you can select this check box to add the Ruler. Take some time to explore the tabs. You can also click these little arrows along the bottom of the ribbon to open dialog boxes with even more options. But in this video, we’re just going add a few finishing touches to our document. First, let’s add a header and footer. We do that on the INSERT tab. It’s pretty easy. Click Header, look through the gallery and click the one you like. If you can’t find the perfect header, you can always start with one and modify it any way you want. Let’s choose Banded. Then, replace this text with the title of the document. With the header selected, we get the HEADER & FOOTER TOOLS DESIGN tab. Up here, we can change the design of the header. In our document, we don’t really need to see the header on the first page. So, select Different First Page. Then, click Close Header and Footer. Now the header we just added doesn’t start until the second page. On the second page, click Footer. Let’s insert Banded, so the design is the same as the header. Now here’s another way to close the header and footer: just double-click the document. Next, click the PAGE LAYOUT tab. Before we print the document, let’s check our Page setup. Click Margins. By default, Normal is selected. If you had a lot of pictures and other objects on your page, you may prefer Narrow margins, or one of the other choices. In Orientation, you can change from the default Portrait orientation to Landscape, which rotates the page 90 degrees. Click Size, if you want to use a paper size other than the default 8 and a half by 11 inches. Let’s explore one last area, the DESIGN tab. Check out the Themegallery. You can try a different theme to give your document a professional look with a consistent set of fonts and colors. And choose a document format to quickly apply a different look to your fonts and styles. You can create some very professional-looking documents with Word 2013. By using things like templates , styles and themes , you can create a great design quickly and easily. Where do you go next? Try Exploring Word 2013 on your own. Remember you can always click the Undo button. To dig even deeper into Word 2013 features, tools and workflows, check out the links in the course summary.
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California is taking the plunge into seawater desalination, and the coastal city of Carlsbad is leading the way. "Fifteen desalination projects are proposed along the coast from Los Angeles to San Francisco Bay. Desalination technology is becoming more efficient. And the state is mired in its third year of drought," the Daily Democrat reported. "So critics and backers alike are wondering whether [the Carlsbad desalination project], in a town better known as the home of Legoland and skateboard icon Tony Hawk, is ushering in a new era," the report said. The Carlsbad project could set the tone for the future of desalination in California. Coordinators aim to have water delivery up and running by 2016, according to project documents. That's after facing a long, hard road to regulatory approval. "After twelve years of planning and over six years in the state’s permitting process, the Carlsbad Desalination Project has received final approvals from every required regulatory and permitting agency in the state, including the California Coastal Commission, State Lands Commission and Regional Water Quality Control Board," the documents explain. "Everybody is watching Carlsbad to see what's going to happen," said Peter MacLaggan, vice president of Poseidon Water, the Boston firm constructing the facility, to the Daily Democrat. Construction seems to be on schedule. "A 10-mile pipeline that will carry water from a desalination plant in Carlsbad to a distribution network is halfway to completion, Poseidon Water and the San Diego County Water Authority announced [in May]," KPBS reported. Desalination is controversial in California, where environmentalists are wary of the idea that it is a silver bullet for the drought. A host of environmental groups said in a recent statement that "seawater desalination should only be pursued with caution and only after conservation, stormwater capture through the use of 'green infrastructure,' water use efficiency, and wastewater recycling have all been fully implemented," according to a blog post by the Natural Resources Defense Council. "These preferred alternatives are not only less expensive, they have additional benefits of preventing pollution, contributing to habitat restoration, and reducing energy usage," the post said. Check out Water Online's Desalination Solution Center. Image credit: "Carlsbad Beach," lorenkerns © 2011, used under an Attribution 2.0 Generic license: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/ Want to publish your opinion?
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The onions are the well known aromatic veggie that brings a magnificent flavor to any salad or cooked meal. Its scent might make us ‘cry’ while we chop it, but the health benefits of onions are numerous! However, even though this is a vegetable, and our guinea pigs are vegetarians, we must check if they can eat onions. Can guinea pigs eat onions? No, guinea pigs cannot eat onions. In fact, the onions are toxic for the guinea pig because they contain a compound called disulfide which is unhealthy for the guinea pigs. This compound can cause eye irritation, excess salivation, nasal secretions, and even respiratory problems too. Apart from these, another possible problem is damage to the red blood cells in the blood of the guinea pig. When the blood cells are damaged in any way, they transfer less oxygen throughout the whole body – hence there is risks of anemia, fatigue, bad immunity and again, the breathing problems! So, we have seen that the onions are not good at all for the guinea pigs. At first, we would think that the odor or aroma would be just too much to handle for the gentle stomach of the guinea pigs. But, it seems there are more complications coming from onions that are very serious for the guinea pigs. However, in the coming sections will discuss the onion nutrients, also we will mention the nutritional facts for onions, as well as the risks for the guinea pigs. Health Benefits of Guinea Pigs Eating Onions Sadly, the only benefit from onions for guinea pigs is vitamin C. However, since they cannot consume the onions, they can’t get vitamin C from this vegetable. Consuming onions makes very serious problems for the guinea pigs, not just the typical urinary issues they could get from most foods. There will be complications of internal and external organs, and also the aroma and taste of onions itself is very strong for their fragile stomachs. See more about the risks in the sections below. Nutrition Facts of Onions These are the nutrients in 100g (3 oz) of onion: - Relatively low in calories – the onion is not very caloric so it has just 40 calories per 100 g. This caloric amount is not bad for maintaining a healthy weight in general. - Carbs and proteins – there are 9.3 g of carbs and 1.1 g of protein. These two give energy and warmth for the whole day ahead. These amounts might not be much, but they are enough considering this is a vegetable. - Fiber – 1.7 g. Onions have a bit of fiber too, which is an essential compound for good digestion and healthy bowel movements. - Sugar – 4.2 g. This amount of sugar is not good for the guinea pig because it will cause bad digestion and stomach pains. But, of course, cavies cannot eat onions in the first place, so this shouldn’t worry you anyway. - Low in fat and no cholesterol – 0.1 g fat and also zero cholesterol. The low-fat amount won’t affect weight in any way, and also together with the zero cholesterol, this contributes to healthy and unclogged blood vessels. So, the whole cardiovascular system works well because of these amounts of fat and cholesterol. - Vitamin C – 12 %. The vitamin C is essential for everyone’s health. Mostly, it is vital for repairing the body tissues, internal as well as external ones. Also, it forms collagen which is crucial for tissues in the body and healthy skin too. This vitamin also speeds up the healing of wounds and makes immunity stronger. For guinea pigs, it keeps them safe from scurvy, but sadly they can’t receive this vitamin from an onion because they can’t consume it. - Vitamin B6 – 6 %. This vitamin is good for proper growth and development of fetuses, especially for good brain development. Also, B6 creates the happy hormone serotonin that reduces stress and anxiety but also helps with better sleep. - Calcium – 23 mg. This amount of calcium is too much for guinea pigs if we consider they could eat onions, which isn’t the case. Too much calcium creates many urinary problems in guinea pigs. - Potassium – 146 mg. This compound regulates the blood pressure and balances the water and electrolytes (salts) in the body, overall this makes the cardiovascular system much healthier. Risks to Consider When Feeding Onions to Guinea Pigs - Urinary problems – If the guinea pigs could consume onions, they would cause great damage to their urinary system. This is because onion has calcium, and when calcium piles up in their kidneys, there is a risk from urinary stones which make painful urination. Also, there will be a risk of blood in the urine or urinary infections and all this can be fatal for the poor little guinea pig! - Digestion problems – The onion contains fibers and sugar. If the guinea pig consumes too much fiber, or excess of sugar together with the fiber, it will have painful digestion, loose stool, and similar gastrointestinal complications. - Other serious complications – We mentioned above that onions contain the compound disulfide. This will affect mostly the respiratory system of the guinea pigs. The disulfide damages red blood cells – the main carriers of oxygen in the body. So, when the organism doesn’t get enough oxygen from head to toe, the breathing is the first and most serious problem noticed. The consequences of lack of oxygen will also result in bad health of the blood (because of damaged red blood cells) that can later develop anemia. When anemia is diagnosed the symptoms are loss of appetite, weight loss, paleness, fatigue, and feeling cold all the time. Other complications due to disulfide are secretion from the nose, irritation of the eyes, as well as increased salivation in guinea pigs. Quick Facts on Onions - Onions have been consumed by people for more than 7,000 years, and first traces of onions were found to date back to 5000 B.C. - The ancient Egyptians liked onions a lot and even worshipped them. They believed the shape of onion and its many layers inside signify eternity. They used to put them on pharaohs’ tombs for good afterlife. - Onions were once considered a currency! Back in the Middle Ages, when someone didn’t have money for rent, he would offer onions instead. They were also given as gifts too! - We ‘cry’ when we cut the onions because they contain the sulfuric acid (hence irritation in guinea pig’s eyes too!) - The largest grown onion in the world was found in the UK, and it holds the record of an amazing 18 pounds! - The onions are a natural remedy for skin issues, such as bug bites or burns. Onions have many good nutrients, one of them is vitamin C. But, how to substitute onion with another vegetable to give my cavy his vitamin C? You don’t have to risk your guinea pig’s health to give him vitamin C from an onion! So instead, feed him broccoli, cauliflower, bell peppers, leafy greens, zucchini, and squash too. There are many foods with vitamin C that your guinea pig can eat safely! So, guinea pigs cannot eat onion. But, can they at least try garlic to receive the similar benefits onion has? No! Guinea pigs cannot consume garlic either, because this veggie contains oxalic acid. This compound could cause allergy for the guinea pig. Also, garlic is a bulb veggie and guinea pigs can’t eat these veggies. Plus, garlic has an even stronger aroma and taste than onion, so this would certainly accentuate digestion problems and stomach pains too! Before I let you go, one final thought on food. With food, you can’t ever be too careful which is why I get all guinea pig food from a reliable source such as Amazon. If you are not sure what to order but believe your little piggies deserve some great treats please check our Helpful Guide to the Best Guinea Pig Treats to get some ideas. We have also made a full list of foods that guinea pigs can and can’t eat (150+ Types of Foods). Be sure to also check our recommended products page for everything you will ever need to assure a happy life for your Guinea Pigs. Hope this information was helpful and you have found the answer you were looking for. If you found this post useful, would you mind helping out by sharing it? Just click one of the handy social media sharing buttons below so others can also learn about guinea pig food and diet!
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adjective smit·ten \ ˈsmi-tᵊn \ deeply affected with or struck by strong feelings of attraction, affection, or infatuation The month of February often conjures up the all too familiar images related to Valentine’s Day: heart-shaped chocolates and balloons, bouquets of flowers, and Hallmark cards passed between young children at school and between romantic partners. In the United States, Valentine’s Day is a day dedicated to celebrating love—often, to celebrate the state of being smitten. I am interested in this particular word because, in addition to its form as an adjective, smitten is also the past participle of smite. Smite, a verb, has two definitions, the first of which is “to be strongly attracted to somebody or something,” or “to captivate.” In the context of this definition, the derivation of the adjective smitten is intuitive. However, smite’s second definition takes a dramatic 180° turn, from something soft to something harsh and violent: “to take,” or “to strike with a firm blow.” According to Merriam-Webster, smite originates from a twelfth century Middle English word meaning to smear or defile; the dictionary likens it to an Old High German word with a similar meaning. As it relates to romantic love, this definition is almost paradoxical. Perhaps “captivate” or “take” make sense (Merriam-Webster’s example sentence cites being captivated by a woman’s beauty), but for this word to also be defined by violence produces a fascinating contradiction: why are the two linked? To answer this question, we can look to another common Valentine’s Day symbol that stems from Greek and Roman mythology: the God of love, Cupid. Usually portrayed as a young and winged boy, Cupid is armed with a bow and arrow; anyone who is struck by one of his arrows, mortal or not, is overcome by affection and love. Cupid’s very existence takes into account both sides of smite’s definitions: the first being the gentle inspiration of love; the second being the violent mechanism by which love is inspired. In some depictions, he is wearing armor as he works to matchmake. This begs the question: does this interpretation fall into the softer definition of smite, suggesting that love is invincible or impenetrable? Or does it fall into the harsher one, likening love to war? Perhaps these definitions cannot be parsed into a binary. Instead, perhaps they must be considered together, particularly in the context of romance, of love, and of relationships generally. In the past six months in the United States, there has been a massive eruption of reports of sexual misconduct, particularly regarding high-profile and powerful men. The catalyst was Ronan Farrow’s exposé on Harvey Weinstein in the New Yorker, and from it has stemmed a resurgence of activist Tarana Burke’s social media hashtag #MeToo. Now known as the MeToo movement, the premise is, according to Burke, to “promote empowerment through empathy” by sharing among women, particularly those who are vulnerable (for example, young women of color), the all too prevalent experience of sexual misconduct. Alyssa Milano, an actress who encouraged spreading the hashtag after the stories of Weinstein surfaced, explained it as follows: “If all the women who have been sexually harassed or assaulted wrote ‘Me too.’ as a status, we might give people a sense of the magnitude of the problem.” It is important to dissociate from love the type of behavior displayed by Weinstein (and many, many others). However, it is equally important to remember the duality of smite’s definition, and to remember Cupid’s bow and arrow, and armor when thinking about love and relationships as they exist today, particularly in the context of the MeToo movement. Those in positions of power have been forced to confront the issue of accountability, some for the first time, and these considerations will then hopefully trickle down into more of an awareness when it comes to fair and healthy relationships. When one is smitten, one is, according to the word’s definition, “deeply affected” by feelings. It is imperative to take into account the depth of this impact. As the language suggests, relationships—and love—hold great power.
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Microsoft Access 2013 Microsoft Tutorial Microsoft Access 2013 Free First Three Lessons Microsoft Access 2013 is the latest version of the number one database application in the world, and this is a big release. Access 2013 brings quite a few changes, all designed to make database applications easier to design and implement. The ability to quickly create Web Applications that run in the user's browser, regardless of which device they use, is one of the major changes in the latest release. In this VTC course, author Mark Long takes you step by step through Access 2013 to quickly get you up to speed on these changes. Access is everywhere, from small one-person businesses up to the largest corporations in the world. It's where most data first gets stored before progressing to SQL Server, cloud delivery, and enterprise data services. Understanding Access is vital to real world database creation/maintenance/design and this course will show you what you need to get there. To begin learning today, simply click on the movie links. Click to view the First Three Lessons of Microsoft Access 2013 FREE
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What Version of the Mishnah did Paul Read? Investigating the Emergence of the Oral Torah as Authoritative Halachah by Tim Hegg In this article, Tim Hegg challenges the view traditional rabbinic Judaism, that the Oral Torah goes back to Sinai. Hegg suggests a later date for works such as the Mishnah, showing them to be long after the first century. As a result, Hegg shows that reading these texts back into first century Judaisms is anachronistic. In conclusion, Hegg gives a strong case that the writings of the Apostolic Scriptures (New Testament) are far more accurate to inform us about 1st century Judaisms than to rely on the rabbinic literature compiled centuries after the Apostolic era. » Download Article
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Many of the legal challenges to the Environmental Protection Agency’s regulation of greenhouse gases have sought to undermine EPA’s reliance in its Endangerment Finding on the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) scientific assessment reports. Dr. Mike MacCracken, Chief Scientist for Climate Change Programs at the Climate Institute, has submitted several declarations that have helped establish and defend EPA’s scientific basis for regulation. Rejection by the DC District Court of Appeals of challenges to the Endangerment Finding would be an important affirmation that climate science can’t be overturned in court. Dr. MacCracken previously worked for many years as an atmospheric physicist at the Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory. He was senior global change scientist and first executive director of the United States Global Change Research Program (USGCRP) Office, and executive director of the USGCRP’s National Assessment Coordination Office. He has been a co-author/contributing author for various chapters in the IPCC assessment reports. Dr. MacCracken originally wrote a scientific analysis of standing for the plaintiffs in the petition that became the case Massachusetts v. EPA, in which the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that EPA has the statutory authority to regulate GHG emissions under the Clean Air Act. In his opinion for the majority, Justice Stevens cited Dr. MacCracken’s brief: According to the climate scientist Michael MacCracken, “qualified scientific experts involved in climate change research” have reached a “strong consensus” that global warming threatens (among other things) a precipitate rise in sea levels by the end of the century, MacCracken Decl. ¶15, Stdg. App. 207, “severe and irreversible changes to natural ecosystems,” id., ¶5(d), at 209, a “significant reduction in water storage in winter snowpack in mountainous regions with direct and important economic consequences,” ibid., and an increase in the spread of disease, id.,¶28, at 218–219. He also observes that rising ocean temperatures may contribute to the ferocity of hurricanes. Id., ¶¶23–25, at 216–217. In the wake of the Court’s decision, EPA began moving towards regulation of GHGs, setting off a firestorm of legal challenges in the DC Circuit Court of Appeals, which has jurisdiction over challenges to the Clean Air Act. 35 petitioners have filed more than 80 distinct claims, including multiple motions to put a hold on EPA’s rulemaking while claims move through the court. EPA’s GHG rules will take effect on January 2, 2011, and petitioners argue that they will suffer “irreparable harm” if regulations proceed. EPA responded to the motions for stay of implementation of the regulations, and a coalition of states and environmental groups, including many of the parties that originally petitioned EPA to begin regulating GHGs, filed a brief in support of the agency. In conjunction with the state and environmental brief, Dr. MacCracken submitted a declaration of his expert scientific opinion on EPA’s assessment of the science underlying the Endangerment Finding. His declaration focuses on: - The Sound Procedural Basis of EPA’s Endangerment Process: EPA correctly relied upon the most authoritative assessments as the sources for scientific information in developing, describing, and defending its Endangerment Finding; - The Sound Scientific Content of EPA’s Endangerment Findings: The Endangerment Finding is based on scientific information and findings that are credible and current, and that have been widely accepted in the scientific community through many assessment cycles; research reported since completion of the most recent assessments on which EPA relied has further strengthened the basis of EPA’s findings; - The Harm and Costs of Delaying EPA’s Endangerment Finding: Delaying the ability of EPA to move forward with its Endangerment Finding would increase the damage from climate change impacts that are already occurring, increase the risk and imminence of projected impacts, and make controlling climate change more difficult. In a recent white paper, the Columbia Law School Center for Climate Change Law also affirms that EPA properly relied on the most authoritative scientific assessments in reaching its Endangerment Finding: The major case against the Endangerment Finding rests on allegations that EPA illegally delegated its duties to unreliable outside parties (specifically the UN Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, or IPCC), and that it was impermissibly vague in its rulemakings. These arguments face an uphill climb: EPA has a long history of relying on outside peer-reviewed scientific reports with strong judicial deference. Notably, legal precedent such as Ethyl Corp. v. EPA has allowed endangerment findings to be made at the discretion of the Administrator, even without specific numerical determinations. Further arguments, which focus on the unreliability of EPA’s sources, attack the credibility of the IPCC, in part based on the well-publicized “Climate-gate” controversy. These arguments reflect a small minority view in the scientific and international community; their value in this case will depend on the court’s reading.
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4 protestant reformation & america the pilgrims were important in shaping american identity, though, and the reformation continued to influence america in . That moment is usually defined as the beginning of the protestant reformation, which changed the church, and the world of music, forever the influence the reformation and counter-reformation . The reformation is still relevant -- really relevant the protestant reformation to interpret it for him- or herself goes a long way toward explaining the shape of the modern world and its . The expanding influence of humanism and the corruption of the catholic church led to the protestant reformation, which in turn launched the catholic reformation and religious continue reading protestant reformation. The protestant reformation unleashed forces of individualism, capitalism and democracy it reconfigured the form of religion, as it gave shape to a secular public sphere through colonial and missionizing processes, its influence now extends to all corners of the globe. Home / historical context for the protestant reformation thinkers had a strong influence on the first reformation activists, even though most of the christian . The protestant reformation was long in coming, and had not the church been doing all in its powers to contain splinter groups and repress the voices of discord that spoke in dissonance with the papacy, reformation would have come earlier. The protestant reformation divided western christianity (although christianity had been divided before, by the great schism of 1056, which many westerners forget about for some reason) and . The protestant reformation may be considered as the most important event in the history of 16th century europe, john calvin was a notable theologian through the depth of his thinking, but at the same time he was a visionary and a man of action who, together with martin luther, huldrych zwingli and philip melanchthon decisively influenced the . Causes and consequences of the protestant reformation the most promising areas for future research keywords: protestant reformation their influence diffused . John calvin is a principal figure of the protestant reformation martin luther, along with henry viii, separated protestantism from the roman catholic church, and calvin's doctrines and theology created profound changes within the fledgling protestant churches in particular, calvin led . What was the protestant reformation and how did it give shape to a new form of religion, with new sources of religious authority what is the relationship between the protestant reformation and the rise of the nation-state as the dominant political form in the modern world. Nashville (bp) -- for nearly the first century of its existence, the international monument to the reformation in geneva did not include any women's names among the protestant reformation . A study on protestant reformation history essay existing universities came increasingly under protestant influence of much greater importance to the formation of . Protestantism’s influence on modern nationalism began with its contribution to the dissolution of the holy roman empire, which finally collapsed in the protestant heritage - protestantism’s influence in the modern world | britannicacom. The protestant reformation aimed to expose corruption within the catholic church and advance a more democratic understanding of christianity in which people were their own priests many of these individualists views would directly influence the development of colonies in the new world during the age of exploration. The protestant reformation impacted religion, philosophy, politics and economics worldwide the dramatic effects of the reformation can still be felt today the protestant reformation was a long-term movement that challenged papal authority and questioned the catholic church's practices reformists . People of the protestant reformation were influential in later shaping martin luther’s thinking in the english reformation, reducing the influence of the . The protestant reformation how did the roman church maintain its influence & ‘control’ of the regions that maintained their roman catholic connection . The reformation and its impact the reformation was a decisive moment in english history – one that had a major impact on what it means to be english, even today. This paper will look at the history of the protestant reformation movement, its causes, and how it changed the church (cameron, 2012) future and new era for . Causes and consequences of the protestant europe at the time of luther and the causes and consequences of the reformation we divide the their influence . The protestant reformation was a huge movement that led to many christians splitting from the catholic church life after the reformation & protestant influence on society future date . The protestant reformation was a 16th century movement that altered the course of european and world history in a number of different ways this movement led to the eventual influence and demise of the previously powerful catholic church. As rrteacher stated, the protestant reformation led to the stratification of western christianity throughout the middle ages, there were numerous conflicts, but the catholic church acted as a . How did the renaissance and the reformation influence democracy and the shaping of the modern world protestant reformation and the reformation . Influence the shape of leadership the enduring power of the protestant reformation lies in its call to all churches to return to the scripture time and again to .
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1. THE ASHKENAZIM JEWS Some claim a link between Edom and the Khazars, but apart from that there is more than one identity calling themselves “Jews”; none of these have claim to the name ‘Israel’.. Regarding the Ashkenazim Jews who speak Yiddish, most dictionaries and encyclopedia define Ashkenazim in words like after ‘Ashkenaz’, the second son of Gomer. This confirms Scripture concerning the sons of Noah, [Shem, Japheth and Ham], and their offspring: 2. THE KHAZAR JEWS The Khazars claimed descent from Japheth, and from their adoption of Judaism, they became known as Jews. But they did not descend from Shem, and therefore they are not Semitic in origin. To relate the term “anti-Semitism” to Jews of this origin is nonsense and part of the great deception! Eastern European Jews of this origin have no Israelite connection. Anti-Semitism could not apply to them! These are the majority in the Israeli state. 3. THE SEPHARDIM JEWS The American People’s Encyclopaedia, 1925, indicates that these people descended from Edomites who were cast out of Palestine by the Romans in AD 70-135. From thence they spread to North Africa and to Spain converting Berber Tribes and others to Judaism. There were Cardinals and Popes who were Sephardim Jews. They have no simple blood line, being Edomites diluted with Syrian, Canaanite, Phoenician and North African blood. 4. THE SEPHARDIM / ASHKENAZIM JEWISH MIXTURE It is impossible to determine the degree of intermarriage between these two groups of non-Israelites, but there is evidence that this has been common. 5. THE ETHIOPIAN DESCENDANTS OF HAM [The Falashas] These are known as “Jews” because of acceptance of Judaism. The Encyclopaedia Judaica states: The joke here is that Ham, as a son of Noah, was not a black man. It is amazing that these people, who are supposed to be the educated and erudite, could make such a stupid statement. 6. BABYLONIAN and PROSELYTE JEWS In the days of Mordecai and Esther – many who obviously were not of Judah took up Judaism These are people from almost every race on earth. They became known as Jews because of religious spirit and belief in Judaism. 8. THE SHEMITE DESCENDANTS OF ESAU These people also known as Edomites and some other names in Scripture. Historically, and Biblically, most of these were made proselytes to Judaism and became known as “Jews”. Anyone who wants to identify the Jews as “Israel” is not speaking about the true Israel of God, as defined in the Bible. If we have another Israel, we have another gospel. But the same people will insist that Jews of much racial mixture are a single race when they are not. They want it both ways. The term Ioudaios [Judean] is wrongly accepted as the “racial” term Ioudas [Jew] when reading the New Testament and is the root of the misunderstanding. The use of the territorial term, Judean, is not a measure of race, although some Israelites were amongst the proselytes to Judaism in Judea. The word, “Jews”, cannot always be taken in the way that is commonly accepted. Modern international Jewry is primarily of Edomic or Japheth/Ashkenazim or Sephardim origin, and the Jewish Encyclopedia states that Edom is modern Jewry. Edomites are not Israelites; it was Esau who sold his birthright. The descendants of Japheth cannot be ethnic Israelites. Neither are “Jews” of other races Israelites by race. Modern Jewry relates to Edom, Zionism, World Government and the Israeli state, but not to Biblical Israel. At the end of the age it will be the Edomite-Jewish association with their Babylonic enmity that will be burned by fire. Obadiah 1:16-18; Rev 18:6-8 But there is a final twist declared in Encyclopedia Judaica 1971, 10, column 23: “JEWS BEGAN IN THE 19TH CENTURY TO CALL THEMSELVES HEBREWS AND ISRAELITES IN 1860. This coincides with the cry, “anti-Semitism”.. If Zionists began so late in history to pretend that they were Israelites or Hebrews, this confirms the hoax that claims “The Jews” are the Israel of God. That designation strictly belongs only to those people who believe in God, have accepted the Salvation offered by Jesus and who keep the Commandments. Ref: A.E.Kennedy
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Term used to refer to the work of painters, printmakers, photographers and film makers who draw attention to the everyday conditions of the working classes and the poor, and who are critical of the social structures that maintain these conditions. In general it should not be confused with Socialist realism, the official art form of the USSR, which was institutionalized by Joseph Stalin in 1934, and later by allied Communist parties worldwide. Social realism, in contrast, represents a democratic tradition of independent socially motivated artists, usually of left-wing or liberal persuasion. Their preoccupation with the conditions of the lower classes was a result of the democratic movements of the 18th and 19th centuries, so social realism in its fullest sense should be seen as an international phenomenon, despite the term’s frequent association with American painting. While the artistic style of social realism varies from nation to nation, it almost always utilizes a form of descriptive or critical realism (e.g. the work in 19th-century Russia of the Wanderers). Social realism’s origins are traceable to European Realism, including the art of Honoré Daumier, Gustave Courbet and Jean-François Millet. In 19th-century England the Industrial Revolution aroused a concern in many artists for the urban poor. Throughout the 1870s the work of such British artists as Luke Fildes, Hubert von Herkomer, Frank Holl (e.g. Seat in a Railway Station—Third Class, wood engraving, 1872) and William Small (e.g. Queue in Paris, wood engraving, 1871) were widely reproduced in The Graphic, influencing van Gogh’s early paintings. Similar concerns were addressed in 20th-century Britain by the Artists international association, Mass observation and the Kitchen sink school. In photography social realism also draws on the documentary traditions of the late 19th century, as in the work of Jacob A. Riis and Maksim Dmitriyev; it reached a culmination in the worker–photographer movements in Europe and the work by Dorothea Lange, Walker Evans, Ben Shahn and others for the Farm Security Administration (FSA) project in the USA in 1935–43. In the USA during the first decades of the 20th century, Ashcan school painting, including George Luk’s Breaker Boy (1921; Minneapolis, MN, Walker A. Cent.) and John Sloan’s Sixth Avenue Elevated at Third Street (1928; New York, Whitney), depicted the unattractive reality of city and working life. The Ashcan school influenced the art of the Depression era, for example Thomas Hart Benton’s mural City Activity with Subway (1930; Williamstown, MA, Williams Coll. Mus. A.). The scale and commitment of these works were inspired by the example of the muralists active in Mexico after the Revolution of 1910. Their murals, which were largely propagandizing, emphasized a revolutionary spirit and a pride in the traditions of the indigenous peoples of Mexico. Diego Rivera’s History of Mexico from the Conquest to the Future (1929–30, 1935; Mexico City, Pal. N.), José Clemente Orozco’s Catharsis (1933; Mexico City, Pal. B.A.) and David Alfaro Siqueiros’s The Strike (fresco, 1957; Mexico City, Mus. N. Hist.) are characteristic of the movement. Their example also encouraged social realism in other Latin American countries, from Ecuador (e.g. Oswaldo Guayasamín, The Strike, 1940; Quito, Mus. Fund. Guayasamín) to Brazil (e.g. Cândido Portinari, Coffee, 1935; Rio de Janeiro, Mus. N. B.A.). In Europe, the symbolic style used by such socially critical artists as František Kupka at the beginning of the 20th century gave way to Expressionism, particularly in Germany. There Käthe Kollwitz, for instance, expressed concern for victimized women, as in Raped Woman (etching, 1907; Hannover, Sprengel Mus.). More caustic social criticism was characteristic of Neue sachlichkeit of the Weimar Republic era, as portrayed in George Grosz’s Teutonic Day (1921; Hamburg, Ksthalle) or the work of Otto Dix and Max Beckmann. A related realism was also evident in the Netherlands in the work of Charley Toorop (e.g. the Friends’ Meal, 1932–3; Rotterdam, Mus. Boymans–van Beuningen), Pyke Koch and others. Even in France the rural images of Maurice de Vlaminck and Roger De la Fresnaye, and the more critical works in the 1930s of Jean Fautrier and Francis Gruber, pursue social realist objectives. With the political polarization of the period the distinction from Socialist Realism became increasingly blurred, as exemplified by the position in Italy of Renato Guttuso. After World War II social criticism was absorbed by Socialist Realism in Eastern Europe, while in the USA and Western Europe it became overshadowed by the dominance of abstract art movements, though it continued to be important in cinema. James G. Todd jr From Grove Art Online © 2009 Oxford University Press
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See R. Taggart, Weather Satellite Handbook (5th ed. 1995); S. Q. Kidder et al., Satellite Meteorology: An Introduction (1995). Weather satellite images helped in monitoring the volcanic ash cloud from Mount St. Helens and activity from other volcanoes such as Mount Etna. Smoke from fires in the western United States such as Colorado and Utah have also been monitored. Other environmental satellites can detect changes in the Earth's vegetation, sea state, ocean color, and ice fields. For example, the 2002 oil spill off the northwest coast of Spain was watched carefully by the European ENVISAT, which, though not a weather satellite, flies an instrument (ASAR) which can see changes in the sea surface. El Niño and its effects on weather are monitored daily from satellite images. The Antarctic ozone hole is mapped from weather satellite data. Collectively, weather satellites flown by the U.S., Europe, India, China, Russia, and Japan provide nearly continuous observations for a global weather watch. Some of these channels include : The first weather satellite, Vanguard 2, was launched on 17 February 1959. It was designed to measure cloud cover and resistance, but a poor axis of rotation kept it from collecting a notable amount of useful data. The first weather satellite to be considered a success was TIROS-1, launched by NASA on 1 April 1960. TIROS operated for 78 days and proved to be much more successful than Vanguard 2. TIROS paved the way for the Nimbus program, whose technology and findings are the heritage of most of the Earth-observing satellites NASA and NOAA have launched since then. Geostationary weather satellites orbit the Earth above the equator at altitudes of 35,880 km (22,300 miles). Because of this orbit, they remain stationary with respect to the rotating Earth and thus can record or transmit images of the entire hemisphere below continuously with their visible-light and infrared sensors. The news media use the geostationary photos in their daily weather presentation as single images or made into movie loops. Several geostationary meteorological spacecraft are in operation. The United States has two in operation; GOES-11 and GOES-12. GOES-12 is designated GOES-East, over the Amazon River and provides most of the U.S. weather information. GOES-11 is GOES-West over the eastern Pacific Ocean. The Japanese have one in operation; MTSAT-1R over the mid Pacific at 140°E. The Europeans have Meteosat-8 (3.5°W) and Meteosat-9 (0°) over the Atlantic Ocean and have Meteosat-6 (63°E) and Meteosat-7 (57.5°E) over the Indian Ocean. The Russians operate the GOMS over the equator south of Moscow. India also operates geostationary satellites which carry instruments for meteorological purposes. China operates the Feng-Yun(風雲) geostationary satellites, FY-2C at 105°E and FY-2D at 86.5°E. Polar orbiting weather satellites circle the Earth at a typical altitude of 850 km (530 miles) in a north to south (or vice versa) path, passing over the poles in their continuous flight. Polar satellites are in sun-synchronous orbits, which means they are able to observe any place on Earth and will view every location twice each day with the same general lighting conditions due to the near-constant local solar time. Polar orbiting weather satellites offer a much better resolution than their geostationary counterparts due their closeness to the Earth. The United States has the NOAA series of polar orbiting meteorological satellites, presently NOAA 17 and NOAA 18 as primary spacecraft, NOAA 15 and NOAA 16 as secondary spacecraft, NOAA 14 in standby, and NOAA 12. Europe has the Metop-A satellite. Russia has the Meteor and RESURS series of satellites. China and India have polar orbiting satellites as well. Visible-light images from weather satellites during local daylight hours are easy to interpret even by the average person; clouds, cloud systems such as fronts and tropical storms, lakes, forests, mountains, snow ice, fires, and pollution such as smoke, smog, dust and haze are readily apparent. Even wind can be determined by cloud patterns, alignments and movement from successive photos. The thermal or infrared images recorded by sensors called scanning radiometers enable a trained analyst to determine cloud heights and types, to calculate land and surface water temperatures, and to locate ocean surface features. These infrared pictures depict ocean eddies or vortices and map currents such as the Gulf Stream which are valuable to the shipping industry. Fishermen and farmers are interested in knowing land and water temperatures to protect their crops against frost or increase their catch from the sea. Even El Niño phenomena can be spotted. Using color-digitized techniques, the gray shaded thermal images can be converted to color for easier identification of desired information. Snowfield monitoring, especially in the Sierra Nevada, can be helpful to the hydrologist keeping track of how much snow is available for runoff vital to the water sheds of the western United States. This information is gleaned from existing satellites of all agencies of the U.S. government (in addition to local, on-the-ground measurements). Ice floes, packs and bergs can also be located and tracked from weather space craft. Even pollution whether it's nature-made or man-made can be pinpointed. The visual and infrared photos show effects of pollution from their respective areas over the entire earth. Aircraft and rocket pollution, as well as condensation trails, can also be spotted. The ocean current and low level wind information gleaned from the space photos can help predict oceanic oil spill coverage and movement. Almost every summer, sand and dust from the Sahara Desert in Africa drifts across the equatorial regions of the Atlantic Ocean. GOES-EAST photos enable meteorologists to observe, track and forecast this sand cloud. In addition to reducing visibilities and causing respiratory problems, sand clouds suppress hurricane formation by modifying the solar radiation balance of the tropics. Other dust storms in Asia and mainland China are common and easy to spot and monitor, with recent examples of dust moving across the Pacific ocean and reaching North America. The United States Department of Defense's Meteorological Satellite (DMSP) can "see" the best of all weather vehicles with its ability to detect objects almost as 'small' as a huge oil tanker. In addition, of all the weather satellites in orbit, only DMSP can "see" at night in the visual. Some of the most spectacular photos have been recorded by the night visual sensor; city lights, volcanoes, fires, lightning, meteors, oil field burn-offs, as well as the Aurora Borealis and Aurora Australis have been captured by this 450-mile-high space vehicle's low moonlight sensor. At the same time, energy monitoring as well as city growth can be accomplished since both major and even minor cities, as well as highway lights, are conspicuous. This informs Astronomers of light pollution. The New York City Blackout of 1977 was captured by one of the night orbiter DMSP space vehicles. In addition to monitoring city lights, these photos are a life saving asset in the detection and monitoring of fires. Not only do the satellites see the fires visually day and night, but the thermal and infrared scanners on board these weather satellites detect potential fire sources below the surface of the Earth where smoldering occurs. Once the fire is detected, the same weather satellites provide vital information about wind that could fan or spread the fires. These same cloud photos from space tell the firefighter when it will rain. In remote areas of the world with few local observers, fires could rage out of control for days or even weeks and consume millions of acres before authorities are alerted. Weather satellites can be a tremendous asset in such situations. Nighttime photos also clearly show the burn-off in the gas and oil fields of the Middle East and African countries. This burn-off throws large amounts of carbon dioxide into the atmosphere. Dramatic photos are provided by all the weather satellites, but even more definitive were the DMSP night visible-light pictures of the 700 oil well fires that Iraq started on 23 February 1991 as they fled Kuwait. These fires were vividly illustrated as huge flashes in the night photos, far outstripping the glow of large populated areas. The fires consumed millions of gallons of oil; the last was doused on November 6.
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Please help support the mission of New Advent and get the full contents of this website as an instant download. Includes the Catholic Encyclopedia, Church Fathers, Summa, Bible and more all for only $19.99... (MAJORICENSIS ET IBUSENSIS) A suffragan of Valencia, with the episcopal residence at Palma on the Island of Majorca. The see is said to have existed in the fifth century, there being mention of a Bishop Elias of Majorca in 480. The first historical reference is in 898, at which time Pope Rom anus placed Majorca and Minorca under the Jurisdiction of the Bishop of Gyron. The episcopal succession was interrupted by the Moorish invasion, but in the eleventh century the Moorish king, Muggy, authorized the Bishop of Barcelona to exercise jurisdiction over Majorca. Don Jaime I of Aragon overcame the Moors in 1229 and caused Mass to be said in the ancient mosque at Palma. Gregory IX re-established the see in 1230, and the first bishop was Raimundo de Torrelles (1237-66). The cathedral, begun in 1230, is dedicated to the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin. The cathedral chapter dates from 1244, and was confirmed by Innocent IV, 5 April, 1245. By the Bull "Ineffabilis Dei benignitas" (30 April, 1782) Pius VI made Iviza and Majorca a joint diocese. It was suppressed by the Concordat of 1857 and is now governed by a capitular vicar. The present Bishop of Majorca and Iviza is Pedro Campins y Barceló, born at Palma, 14 Jan., 1859, ordained in 1882, appointed Bishop of Majorca 21 April, 1898, and consecrated 7 July following. There are in Majorca and Iviza 326,000 Catholics 61 parishes, 656 priests, 211 churches and chapels. APA citation. (1910). Diocese of Majorca and Iviza. In The Catholic Encyclopedia. New York: Robert Appleton Company. http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/09556b.htm MLA citation. "Diocese of Majorca and Iviza." The Catholic Encyclopedia. Vol. 9. New York: Robert Appleton Company, 1910. <http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/09556b.htm>. Transcription. This article was transcribed for New Advent by Douglas J. Potter. Dedicated to the Immaculate Heart of the Blessed Virgin Mary. Ecclesiastical approbation. Nihil Obstat. October 1, 1910. Remy Lafort, Censor. Imprimatur. +John M. Farley, Archbishop of New York. Contact information. The editor of New Advent is Kevin Knight. My email address is webmaster at newadvent.org. Regrettably, I can't reply to every letter, but I greatly appreciate your feedback — especially notifications about typographical errors and inappropriate ads.
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News - GLOBE Observer Is That a Mosquito Habitat? The GLOBE Mosquito Habitat Photo Challenge kicked off Sunday, July 25 and continues through August 25, 2021. This challenge combines Mosquito Habitat Mapper and Land Cover (two GLOBE Observer app tools) to document areas with and without mosquito breeding habitats using only photos. A picture could be worth a thousand words. But can we use computers to tell us which words describe the content of photos? Your photo contributions could help us answer this question while supporting new NASA research projects. Image 1. From left to right, include examples of GO photos that could be described with words like mosquito larva (with a spindle-shaped siphon), mosquito habitat (tree hole), land cover (grass, pasture, road), and sky (sun, clouds, tree canopy). A Computer Must Be Trained To See There has been incredible growth in using computer vision algorithms for object detection. But how well do these algorithms identify different land cover elements or mosquito larvae types? And which one(s) would work best? Those questions can only be answered with a large amount of photos that not only show mosquitoes and their associated land cover habitats, but also photos that are not mosquito habitats. That is where your photo contributions could make a difference. NASA is funding research to automatically detect and label GLOBE Observer Land Cover and Mosquito Habitat Mapper photos. Four groups were selected via a competitive process, receiving support for one year of Rapid Response Research (R3). The science leads for the GLOBE Observer Land Cover tool (Peder Nelson, M.S.) and GLOBE Observer Mosquito Habitat Mapper (Dr. Russanne Low) are working as science mentors with these four research groups. - New Mexico State University - University of Puerto Rico, San Juan - University of Vermont, Burlington - University of Wyoming You can read the all of the abstracts here. Do You Have Photos On The Map? These R3 research teams rely only on citizen science photos to create automated approaches for identifying objects like mosquito larvae and different land cover types. Identification success requires variety, like the photos seen on the GLOBE Visualization System map. On this map, you see a variety of land cover elements like open water, urban buildings, closely spaced trees, loosely spaced trees, bare ground with boulders, bare ground with sand, natural grasslands, cultivated grasslands, and even the artificial turf that are green to our eyes and cameras. Put Your Photos On The Map Collaborative science will only work if you participate. So whether you find mosquitoes or not during this photo challenge, use GLOBE Observer to record the land cover of your location! Mosquitoes require particular land cover conditions to survive. Broadly, locations with a presence of water and vegetation are typically where you might find mosquito habitat. But you might surprise us with what you find. Using the two GLOBE Observer tools together, allows all of us to document and archive present conditions. If there are not any mosquitoes in a location, use the GO Mosquito Habitat Mapper tool to add a photograph and record zero larvae. Then take a GO Land Cover observation of the broader landscape. By working together to photograph the world around us, we could help create new citizen science knowledge and tools that will benefit us all – benefits like identifying dangerous disease carrying mosquito breeding grounds and eradicating them. Learn more about doing NASA science and participating in the challenge! Peder Nelson M.S., is the Land Cover science lead for GLOBE Observer. In addition, he is an Instructor of Geography and Geospatial Science and researcher in the Environmental Monitoring, Analysis, and Process Recognition (eMapR) Lab in the College of Earth, Ocean, Atmospheric Sciences at Oregon State University. With a background in environmental education, biological sciences, and land management, he uses remote sensing and geographic information systems to create maps and data that show people what is happening on planet Earth, particularly changes that can be seen from space. Twitter: @pedervnelson and http://emapr.ceoas.oregonstate.edu/
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Moving in an ellipse around Earth, the Moon completes one orbit a month. Once a month the Moon is full, or opposite Earth. Once each month a new moon rises at a point between Earth and the Sun. At closest orbital position to Earth a Moon is called perigee, farthest away is an apogee Moon.When full moons coincide with perigee, a Supermoon is born. At perigee the Moon is 50,000 Km closer to Earth than at apogee. Supermoon used to be known as full perigee moon. 30 years ago astrologer Richard Nolle coined the phrase and it stuck. On Monday November 14 the Moon becomes full 2 hours away from perigee, a circumstance not witnessed since January 28, 1948 and not duplicated until November 25, 2034. Best seats for supermoon’s 14% larger, 30% brighter show should be secured at Moon rise or set, time-frames when “Moon Illusion” is star of the show. Moon illusion is an optical illusion – ponder http://www.mnn.com/earth-matters/space/blogs/why-nobody-can-explain-the-moon-illusion Understanding optical trickery satisfies the curious, supermoon illusion tickles the soul. No other illusion stirs inexplicable wonder, smacks consciousness without warning or possesses the power to stop witnesses in their track. Watch Full Moon Silhouettes below, it’s breathtaking.
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University of Cincinnati Scientists Head Successful Search For Lung Cancer Gene A national research consortium led by a UC Medical Center scientist has found evidence of a genetic cause for lung cancer. This is the first suggestion that lung cancer, long tied to cigarette smoking and other external causes, might also be an inherited disease. With over 160,000 deaths expected in 2004, lung cancer is by far the leading cause of cancer death in the United States, and the survival rate after five years is only 15 percent. The findings are reported in the online edition of the American Journal of Human Genetics by the multi-institution Genetic Epidemiology of Lung Cancer Consortium (GELCC), headed by Marshall Anderson, PhD, a professor in UC Medical Center's Department of Environmental Health. UC's Susan Pinney, PhD, collaborated with Dr. Anderson in this research, which was funded by the National Cancer Institute (NCI). Although a specific lung cancer gene has yet to be identified, the researchers say they have found a major lung cancer "susceptibility locus" on chromosome 6, and evidence of a susceptibility region on three other chromosomes. "This is a very important first step in identifying the actual gene or genes that predispose a person or a whole family to lung cancer," Dr. Anderson says. "Identifying these genetic regions has exciting potential for patient care. "The discovery of genes for other types of cancer has led to better understanding of those diseases, which in turn can lead to better strategies for treatment and prevention. We hope that uncovering a gene or genes responsible for lung cancer will do the same for this devastating disease." In terms of cancer prevention, Dr. Anderson says, "We'll be able to determine whether a family has a bad gene, then tell those who carry it to avoid any form of smoking, and possibly even environmental smoke." "In this case," adds Dr. Pinney, "unlike genetically linked breast cancer, for which there is no known cause that is a modifiable health behavior, family members actually will be able to do something to reduce their risk for the disease." Genes, which are located in fixed positions on the cell's chromosomes, carry the DNA code that determines inherited characteristics, including a risk of certain diseases. The region of the chromosome where the lung cancer markers were found contains about 50 genes, whose activity in several types of cancer cells appears to be decreased. The researchers also found several genes in this area that are believed to be involved in tumor suppression and cell growth, which could cause the decreased genetic activity. The research team studied 52 families, including 12 from Cincinnati, that had at least three immediate family members affected by lung, throat or laryngeal cancer. Of these families, 23 had five or more affected members in at least two generations. Most of the Cincinnati families were referred by the Oncology Hematology Care Inc. medical practice. Others were referred by Greater Cincinnati hospitals and by ALCASE, a national organization for lung cancer education, support and advocacy. The researchers used 392 already identified genetic markers to compare gene profiles of affected and non-affected family members. They found strong evidence that the development of lung cancer was inherited with a marker on chromosome 6. Markers on chromosomes 12, 14 and 20 also indicated a possible connection to lung cancer susceptibility, but the evidence was not as strong. "The importance of these findings," says Dr. Anderson "is that they clearly demonstrate certain families are at high risk for lung cancer, comparable to the family link for breast, prostate, and colon cancer, and we have identified the susceptibility locus." The data show that family members who carry this marker, and by inference a gene, are much more likely to develop lung cancer from cigarette smoking than non-carriers. In non-carriers who smoke, says Dr. Anderson, the risk of lung cancer increases with the number of cigarettes they smoke and the length of time they have been smoking. "Carriers, however, appear to be at very high risk from even small amounts of cigarette smoke or even environmental smoke," says Dr. Anderson, "and that's a very important public health issue." Although only 18 percent of heavy smokers get lung cancer, which indicates a degree of variability in susceptibility to lung cancer, Dr. Anderson adds, "We have identified a sub group that's at very high risk." The next step, says Dr. Anderson, is to examine the chromosome 6 segments more closely in order to locate the exact gene or genes that cause lung cancer. Only after a gene is identified will the scientists be able to determine the percentage of high-risk lung cancer families that carry the gene on chromosome 6. "We're confident the gene is there," Dr. Anderson says. "We've seen evidence with every analytical model we've used. We'll find it." The GELCC researchers also include Jonathon Wiest, PhD, and Daniela Seminara, PhD, NCI; Joan Bailey-Wilson, PhD, NHGRI; Christopher Amos, PhD, M.D. Anderson Cancer Center; Gloria Petersen, PhD, and Mariza de Andrade, PhD, Mayo Clinic; Pamela Fain, PhD, University of Colorado; Ann Schwartz, PhD, Karmanos Cancer Institute; Ming You, PhD, Washington University, St. Louis; John Minna, MD, and Adi Gazdar, MD, University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center; Henry Rothschild, MD, Louisiana State University Health Sciences Center; and Teresa Coons, PhD, Saccomanno Research Institute. Dr. Pinney emphasizes that the researchers continue to search for families at high risk for lung cancer. "We're especially looking for people with three relatives, living or deceased, who have had lung cancer among their parents, grandparents, aunts and uncles, or their own brothers and sisters," she says. To participate in the Genetic Epidemiology of Lung Cancer Consortium study, log on to the GELCC Web site at www.eh.uc.edu/gelcc, or phone 513-558-3120, 513-558-4028 or 513-558-0559. For further information see the ALCASE Web site at www.alcase.org The findings will be published in the print edition of the American Journal of Human Genetics in September.
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School-age early education for 5-12 year olds Creative Hands School-Age Program Even after school’s out for the day, children need to be engaged in a comfortable, yet stimulating child care environment. That’s where Creative Hands comes in. This innovative before- and after-school child care program allows kindergarten and school-age children to balance learning and fun through a variety of experiences. From homework help to fun physical activities, our early education program is designed so that everyone goes home happy. Everything we do is designed for learning. Our Before- & After-School Program Features - Regular homework support - Daily fitness activities that keep your child active and healthy - Regular teacher-family communication, including updates to keep you informed - Emphasis on developing leadership and communication skills through the Classroom Council - A comfortable environment designed to boost your child’s confidence, self-esteem, character, and social skills Your child’s early education at Creative Hands Our five areas of focus give your child endless opportunities to learn and grow.Communicating with Others Creative Hands helps your child develop effective communication skills. We provide opportunities to practice active listening, negotiation, compromise, and leadership through the Classroom Council; support teamwork on long-term projects; and encourage language and communication skills through literacy, drama, and music. Building Brain Power Creative Hands helps inspire your child to enjoy learning. We provide experiences that develop your child’s ability to problem-solve, observe, predict, and explore cause-and-effect relationships; provide opportunities to explore math relationships such as classification; and provide support and time to complete homework and school projects. Making New Friends Creative Hands supports your child in developing healthy peer relationships. We use activities, group games, and events to develop leadership, planning, organizing, and team-building skills. Growing a Healthy Body Creative Hands stimulates your child to stay active. We build stamina through small- and large-group games; focus on endurance, balance, and strength during daily fitness activities; and promote the link between physical activity and proper nutrition in creating a healthy lifestyle. Creative Hands motivates your child to express creativity. We encourage experimentation with color, shape, texture, design, and music; provide opportunities to build abstract concepts and problem-solving skills; and stimulate creative writing and expression through poem- and story-writing, performance, and word games. Your Child’s Day Children spend time with friends and enjoy activities that are relevant to school-age interests. We help children think, feel, and experience new challenges. In our programs, school-age children will develop complex coordination skills, engage with peers, and practice group study. They will begin to express their goals and wishes as they seek self-identity and explore interests and behaviors in an age-appropriate way. With before- and after-school programs at Creative Hands, your child will ride a wave of success toward social, emotional, physical, and intellectual maturity. Learn how to enroll your child today.
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Alf read with great fascination today the news – if you can call it news – that the flightless moa was doomed the moment humans landed in New Zealand. At least, this is what new research suggests, according to this report st Stuff.. Whether they were big or small, moa were wiped out in 200 years and the last were killed nearly 600 years ago, between 1440 and 1445. It first blush, it is hard to square this environmental vandalism with something drummed into us by our indigenous persons and by such authorities as the Ministry for the Environment), because they insist: For Māori, the concept of kaitiakitanga is of primary importance. Kaitiakitanga is a fundamental concept of the guardianship of a resource for future generations. It is practised as part of tikanga Māori (customary values and practices). To manage people’s impact on the environment and on mauri, Māori developed the practice of rāhui. Rāhui are periods when no one may take any resources or particular resources (such as shellfish) from an area. These bans may also limit the size of the species people may take, or the amount of their total catch (Hutching and Walrond, 2007). Today, rāhui are often imposed to conserve a resource or to allow a species to regenerate. In addition to rāhui, Māori traditionally limited harvests of certain species by season and by restricting access to areas such as fishing grounds. Māori also applied other forms of tapu (restriction) to prevent mauri being degraded (for example, through the pollution of fishing areas by human waste, or fishing grounds being damaged by nets and lines). Must have been them bloody Europeans who did the mischief. When did the Europeans arrive? According to Alf’s understanding (gleaned with help from the NZ Encyclopaedia) Abel Tasman spotted this country on 13 December 1642. By then, according to the stuff at Stuff, the moa were no more. The encyclopaedia reckons Tasman would probably have seen the northern part of the Southern Alps, and he may even have seen, far to the south, the peaks of Mt Cook and Mt Tasman, as they were later named. Tasman’s crews encountered indigenous persons during his visit. They were not very hospitable. One of Tasman’s small boats, passing between the two ships, was rammed by a Māori canoe. Four of Tasman’s party were killed. It is likely that the Māori, of the Ngāti Tūmatakōkiri tribe, saw these strange newcomers as threatening interlopers, an impression reinforced when the Dutch responded by shooting and hitting one Māori. But who was so unfriendly towards the moa? According to the Stuff report, when humans arrived there were an estimated 58,000 moa in the country. “Moa were hunted to the point of being critically endangered within 150 years of settlement, after which only a few small populations clung on in remote mountain regions, but only for another 50 years before they vanished forever,” George Perry of the University of Auckland’s School of Environment and School of Biological Sciences says. “This is the first time we have been able to show that extinction was both rapid and synchronous across New Zealand,” Perry said. Landcare palaeoecologist Janet Wilmshurst said previous studies have relied on older and less precise dates, so the new research helps settle a long-standing debate about the speed and nature of this extinction. Size made no difference – from more than 200 kilograms to less than 50kg moa were all killed. The research analysed 653 radiocarbon dates from moa remains to pinpoint the extinction time line. Landcare’s Jamie Wood is quoted as saying the research provided insights into how intense hunting pressure on the slow-breeding birds produced a catastrophic decline. “We always suspected extinction was remarkably rapid for the moa and we now have evidence that none of them survived into the post-European era,” he said. Perry said that with about 58,000 moa in the country and a human founding population in New Zealand of 100 people growing at 1 per cent a year, it would have taken just five birds harvested per person per year to eliminate moa within 200 years. The paper’s authors tell us extinction occurred contemporaneously at sites separated by hundreds of kilometres. “Our results demonstrate how rapidly megafauna were exterminated from even large, topographically and ecologically diverse islands such as New Zealand, and highlight the fragility of such ecosystems in the face of human impacts,” the paper said. The authors said there was little doubt human activity killed the moa. The way it reached extinction was unclear. “Extinction seems to have loosely followed the ‘overkill’ model, but whether it occurred contemporaneously throughout New Zealand or followed a ‘blitzkrieg’ rolling extinction front is again less clear.” Assuming hunting was the key factor, the researchers said their extinction models provided insights into the movements and strategies of Polynesian hunters in New Zealand. The Stuff report is wonderfully sensitive to the feelings of our indignous persons. “Polynesian” is as close as it gets to identifying the culprits. The word “Maori” is missing. The aforementioned Ministry for the Environment item blames Polynesians, too. The Polynesian ancestors of the Māori people came to New Zealand by canoe between 1000 AD and 1350 AD. After Polynesian settlement, fire had a more widespread and frequent impact on the environment. By about 1600 AD, about a third of the original forest cover had been cleared and replaced by tussock, bracken, and light scrub. With the change in landscape, a quarter of New Zealand’s endemic land-based birds, including eight species of moa, and a fifth of endemic seabirds became extinct (Ministry for the Environment, 1997). Over subsequent generations, Māori acquired in-depth knowledge of the New Zealand environment and developed effective conservation practices. These practices became customs that iwi and hapū used to manage access to and limit the depletion of the environment. These customs continue to shape Māori approaches to environmental management today. Roughly translated, if bad stuff was done, it was done by Polynesians. But the acquiring of in-depth knowledge of the New Zealand environment, and the development of effective conservation conservation practices, was done by Maori.
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Sci. Aging Knowl. Environ., 3 October 2001 Pleiotropy, Natural Selection, and the Evolution of Senescence G. C. Williamshttp://sageke.sciencemag.org/cgi/content/abstract/sageke;2001/1/cp13 Abstract: A new individual entering a population may be said to have a reproductive probability distribution. The reproductive probability is zero from zygote to reproductive maturity. Later, perhaps shortly after maturity, it reaches a peak value. Then it declines because of the cumulative probability of death. There is a cumulative probability of death with or without senescence. The selective value of a gene depends on how it affects the total reproductive probability. Selection of a gene that confers an advantage at one age and a disadvantage at another will depend not only on the magnitudes of the effects themselves but also on the times of the effects. An advantage during the period of maximum reproductive probability would increase the total reproductive probability more than a proportionately similar disadvantage later on would decrease it. So natural selection will frequently maximize vigor in youth at the expense of vigor later on and thereby produce a declining vigor (senescence) during adult life. Selection, of course, will act to minimize the rate of this decline whenever possible. The rate of senescence shown by any species will reflect the balance between this direct adverse selection of senescence as an unfavorable character and the indirect favorable selection through the age-related bias in the selection of pleiotropic genes. Variations in the amount of fecundity increase after maturity, in the adult mortality rate, and in other life history features would affect the shape of the reproductive probability distribution and thereby influence the evolution of senescence. Any factor that decreases the rate of decline in reproductive probability intensifies selection against senescence. Any factor that increases the rate of this decline causes a relaxed selection against senescence and a greater advantage in increasing youthful vigor at the price of vigor later on. These considerations explain much of what is known of phylogenetic variation in rates of senescence. Other deductions from the theory are also supported by limited available evidence. These include the expectation that rapid morphogenesis should be associated with rapid senescence, that senescence should always be a generalized deterioration of many organs and systems, and that postreproductive periods be short and infrequent in any wild population. Reproduced by permission. G. C. Williams, Pleiotropy, Natural Selection, and the Evolution of Senescence. Evolution 11, 398-411 (1957). Science of Aging Knowledge Environment. ISSN 1539-6150
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Pore-scale hydrodynamics influence the spatial evolution of bacterial biofilms in a microfluidic porous network Jayde Aufrecht, Jason D. Fowlkes, Amber N. Bible, Jennifer Morrell-Falvey, Mitch J. Doktycz, and Scott Retterer 27 June 2019 PLoS ONE; doi: 10.1371/journal.pone.0218316 Bacteria occupy heterogeneous environments, attaching and growing within pores in materials, living hosts, and matrices like soil. Systems that permit high-resolution visualization of dynamic bacterial processes within the physical confines of a realistic and tractable porous media environment are rare. Here we use microfluidics to replicate the particle shape and packing density of natural sands in a 2D platform to study the flow-induced spatial evolution of bacterial biofilms underground. We discover that initial bacterial dispersal and particle attachment is a stochastic process driven by bacterial rheotactic transport across pore space velocity gradients. Over time, we find that gravity-driven flow conditions activate different cell-clustering phentoypes in EPS producing and EPS defective bacteria strains, which subsequently changes the overall spatial distribution of cells across the porous media network as colonies grow and alter the fluid dynamics of their microenvironment. Aufrecht JA, Fowlkes JD, Bible AN, Morrell-Falvey J, Doktycz MJ, Retterer ST (2019) Pore-scale hydrodynamics influence the spatial evolution of bacterial biofilms in a microfluidic porous network. PLoS ONE 14(6): e0218316. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0218316
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Why is today's political life so polarized? This book analyzes the ways in which the divergent apprehensions of both 'compromise' and the 'people' in seventeenth-century England and France became intertwined once again during the American founding, sometimes with bloody results. Looking at key-moments of the founding, from the first Puritan colonies to the beginning of the Civil War, this book offers answers of contemporary relevance. It argues that Americans unknowingly combined two understandings of the people: the early modern idea of a collection of individuals ruled by a majority of wills and the classic understanding of a corporation hierarchically structured and ruled by reason for the common good. Americans were then able to implement the paradigm of the 'people's two bodies'. Whenever the dialectic between the two has been broken, the results had have a major impact on American politics. Born by accident, this American peculiarity has proven to be a long-lasting one. Robert Martin - Hamilton College K. Casey Source: Choice * Views captured on Cambridge Core between #date#. This data will be updated every 24 hours. Usage data cannot currently be displayed.
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Renegade Editor’s Note: I know “climate change” and “environmentalism” are topics often used by our rulers to further their agendas (such as Agenda 21), but the rehabilitation of our natural environment is of utmost importance to our survival as a people. If one is truly concerned about climate change, and wondering where to begin to reverse the damage being done to our planet, a great place to make changes would be the modern industrial farming and agriculture model. In addition to the harm being done by the overuse of pesticides, herbicides, and fungicides, overuse of nitrogen fertilizes and runoff from animal feeding lots is causing a unique ecological disaster. In the Gulf Mexico, scientists have recently announced they have measured the largest oceanic dead zones ever recorded, just off the coast of Louisiana and Mississippi at the mouth of the Mississippi River. This seasonal dead zone is an area of water where oxygen levels are too low to support life, due to an extreme water pollution. The major factor in the creation of dead zones is unnaturally increased levels of nitrogen in the water, although other issues related to water pollution do play significant roles, such as: the loss of perennial cover, roads and highways, the construction of artificial drainage systems, and the loss of wetlands. Nutrients flowing into streams, rivers and the ocean from agriculture and wastewater stimulate an overgrowth of algae, which then decomposes. This results in hypoxia, or lack of oxygen, in the water, causing marine life either to flee or to die.” [Source] The following video from CBS Miami reports on this issue, although framing it as an economic issue: The following presentation offers a simplified look at the issue: Time for a Return to Organic and Ethical Food Production So many of the world’s major problems are the result of imbalances introduced into our eco-systems by agricultural and food production systems which have become out of balance, focusing solely on profit rather than properly stewarding the environment. Florida’s largest lake is slowly being poisoned by the sugar industry, another example of how these ag-systems are ignoring their negative impact on the environment. This is also affecting areas around the Great Lakes, including drinking water supplies in the Midwest. The problem is hardly restricted to the Gulf of Mexico. Many other waterways are being choked by agricultural chemicals as well. Lake Erie, for example, is currently reporting a 700-square-mile algal bloom, the toxins from which may also contaminate drinking water. Algal blooms also fill the largest tributary to the Great Lakes, the Maumee River. At present, officials claim microcystin levels (toxins produced by the algae) in intake pipes from Lake Erie are low, but that can change at any time. In 2014, Toledo, Ohio, was forced to shut off the supply of drinking water to half a million residents for three days due to elevated microcystin levels in the water. The algae also hurt the regional economy each year, as recreational fishing and beach visits must be restricted. Lake Erie began experiencing significant problems in the early 2000s.” [Source] Confined animal feeding operations contribute to a litany of issues in addition to the inhumane and immoral practices involving the treatment of animals in these environments. These operations even fuel disease and destroy communities, while also causing the destruction of independent farms and forcing small farmers to engage in unethical practices. CAFO waste also contributes to air pollution, and CAFO workers and neighboring residents alike report higher incidence of asthma, headaches, eye irritation, and nausea. According to the Environmental Protection Agency8(EPA), US states with high concentrations of CAFOs report 20-30 serious water quality problems annually. One of the reasons so few Americans are aware of these issues is because of “ag-gag” laws, which legally prevents people from filming or photographing conditions on factory farms. Ag-gag laws are being heavily promoted by lobbyists for the meat, egg, and dairy industries to essentially prevent anyone from exposing animal cruelty and food-safety issues at CAFOs.” [Source] The list goes on and on and the evidence is in. The modern models of agricultural production are suicide, as we destroy the environment in exchange for foods low in nutrition that make us sick. We already know that a return to organic, small-scale farming can feed the world, and perhaps someday we will make a return to these sustainable methods. About the Author Alex Pietrowski is an artist and writer concerned with preserving good health and the basic freedom to enjoy a healthy lifestyle. He is a staff writer for WakingTimes.com. Alex is an avid student of Yoga and life. This article (Gulf of Mexico Dead Zone Demonstrates Dangers of Industrial Agriculture and Factory Farming) was originally created and published by Waking Times and is published here under a Creative Commons license with attribution to Alex Pietrowski and WakingTimes.com. It may be re-posted freely with proper attribution, author bio, and this copyright statement.
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Euphorbia clavarioides is a very hardy flat, dwarf Euphorbia that has a large, underground stem and tiny truncated stems above ground that form a huge, greenish-yellow cushion. It bears tiny leaves that do not last long. Then the green stems do the job of photosynthesis. The tiny yellow flowers are produced on the tips of branches from September to February. The closely packed stems present the smallest possible drying surface to winds and, if damaged by fire, they re-sprout from the underground stem. Plant in full sun in well-drained soil in amongst rocks or in a grassland garden. Makes a beautiful container plant. Used in traditional medicine to bath swollen feet. Size 0.06 to 0.15 m
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I’ve been talking to many individuals lately who have experienced ectopic pregnancies, chemical pregnancies, and complicated deliveries. During all of these conversations, I noticed a theme of disenfranchised grief. Disenfranchised grief refers to “the types of loss that are not so readily recognised or supported by society.” Grief therapist Lisa Zoll explains that this type of grief happens in one of three ways: 1) the relationship is not recognised, 2) the loss is not recognised, or 3) the griever’s right to grieve is not recognised. When it comes to the death of a partner or child, society can empathize. It’s clear: there once was a person, and now this person is no longer here. However, when situations are not as clear-cut, it’s as if others don’t understand how to support us. Our grief experience is real and intense; yet, it feels we’re not entitled to our sadness and distress. There is little acknowledgement or validation of our experiences. Examples of disenfranchised grief: - Grieving someone you didn’t like or who did not treat you well. There are many confusing emotions when our abusive partner or parent passes away. In this moment, it is so important to recognize dialectical thinking. We can be relieved that we are no longer experiencing abuse AND grieve the loss of this person. With complicated relationships like these ones, there are many questions that will be left unanswered (e.g. Why did you do this?) There is also the finality of circumstances, which prevents us from ever repairing this relationship. It’s very easy in this phase to get caught up in “what if” questions. - Parents who have experienced difficult child birth experiences (e.g. NICU visits, unplanned C-sections). Friends and family can feel confused by the grief experienced when a baby comes home, but parents are still caught in a state of mourning. These parents have had many components of their pregnancy and postpartum care taken from them. They have lost weeks of blissful pregnancy. They have had days or hours taken away from them as they watch their baby in the NICU uncertain when they will be able to leave safely. It feels like there is no closure or resolution to the sense of panic despite having left the hospital. These parents can experience difficulties with attachment to their little one, or low self-confidence in their parenting because they are caught in that moment of loss. - The loss of a partner from an extramarital affair/taboo relationship. Grief is grief, irrespective of how the relationship formed. When we lose someone we love, it hurts. Because affairs are taboo in our society, publicly mourning the loss of this partner is met with less support or compassion. Similarly, individuals who are not ready or able to identify openly as LGBTQ (+) can experience disenfranchised grief when mourning the end of relationship. If these individuals have not informed others about their sexual orientation, there is no space or safety to grieve the end of a relationship. - Our loved one has not passed away, but is no longer available to us. This can occur for a variety of different reasons such as: divorce, moving away, family conflict, mental health, etc. In these moments, grieving individuals are often given dismissive feedback such as :”You’re better off with him”, “It’s a normal part of life, why are you so upset?” or “I would be so angry if I were in your shoes.” - Our loved one has passed away due to suicide, overdose, or some form of mental health struggles (e.g. complications from eating disorders). Unfortunately, because the circumstances surrounding these deaths are complicated and often stigmatised, community members may not know how to address the grief. This can often lead support people to avoid the topic, or worse, avoid grievers in order to prevent an “awkward” conversation. - Reproductive loss: e.g. chemical pregnancies, miscarriages, still births, elective abortions. Parents can experience a variety of emotions when facing the struggles of reproduction. Miscarriages are so common, occurring in approximately 1/4 pregnancies. Infertility issues happen in approximately 1/6 couples. These individuals are on a roller coaster of hope and grief with each attempt in reproduction. - Becoming a parent. By transitioning into this new stage of life, old friendships may fade. There is less time for our former hobbies and interests. A solid night’s rest is no longer guaranteed. Body shapes and sizes may fluctuate following delivery. When others come to visit, we are more likely to receive positive feedback about the baby. However, there is limited discussion and less acceptance about a parent’s sadness in adjusting to this new lifestyle. - The grief has happened a long time ago: Somehow, a metric was created that classified grief as “complicated bereavement” after 6-12 months from the date of a loved one’s passing. This metric suggests that after a year, the grief should have become integrated into your life. While it’s okay to be sad about the death, it’s not considered “normal” to feel grief as intensely. What can I do? - Recognise that your symptoms are in relation to the grief. Grief can vary for each individual. It may show up as anger, avoidance, endless tears, guilt, emotional numbing, or other forms of expression. Allowing yourself to accept that you are grieving helps you shift away from dismissing your own experiences. Your loss is real and valid. - There is no time line for grief. You do not have to be okay after 12 months. This loss meant a lot to you. It had a significant impact in your life. Why should you feel at peace after a year? That doesn’t mean you will not adapt, or that there is anything wrong if you feel better after a year. We all process and cope differently. It is not a race, there is no magic formula that will tell us how quickly we’ll be “over it.” - Let go of the pressure to “get over it”. You can decide if or when you want to talk about the grief. Writer and psychotherapist Megan Devine has a beautiful framework she uses with grief called “the vomit metric.” Whenever you feel the pressure “to move forward” from the grief, think about how intensely the thought makes you want to vomit. For example, if thinking about decluttering your child’s room 4 years after they have passed away makes you want to vomit, it means you’re not ready. This is okay! Again, it’s helpful to shift away from focusing on what we “should do” by accepting what we are ready to do. Whenever you feel motivated to declutter, that is the best time. - Find like-minded people. While your immediate social circle may not understand the ins and outs of this grief, there may be others who are struggling with similar grief. Sign up, whether it is via an informal facebook group or a formal support group, to connect with others who are sharing these experiences. Examples of support groups include: Pregnancy and Infant Loss Network, Family and Caregiver Support (for those whose loved ones have mental health diagnoses), and Divorce Care Recovery. - Consider how you want life to look like today. You may not be ready to think of a five year plan just yet. However, when you consider your readiness and your current distress, what would you like to do today? What are you able to manage? What can you push for, and when do you need to stop? Every day will vary, and this is normal. - Create a ritual that works for you. Give yourself the opportunity to remember your loss on a regular interval (if you want to). This may involve writing a letter to your unborn baby on the day of her birth. You may chose to journal regularly whenever the grief is at its peak. Perhaps you send a financial contribution to the mental health organization of your choice on specific anniversaries. Alternatively, you may decide to stay in your pyjamas, take the day off work, and allow yourself to cry and reminisce about your loved one on the day of his passing. There is no right or wrong way to do this ritual. It truly depends on what feels most natural and comforting for you. - If and when you’re ready, speak up. Talk about the loss as much as you need to with your support system. Do this when you are at a place of patience, as many of your friends and family will likely botch up in knowing what to say. If you have the patience for it, guide them in what you need from them. Be clear when certain comments are not helpful. None of these people will make the pain or sadness go away; however, there is incredible power that comes with knowing you are cared for. Every social system is different. Some individuals experience grief, and are met with support and empathy by friends and family. I hope this is the case for you. However, if you are struggling with loss and finding yourself isolated, please reach out. There is no right way or right time to work through these emotions. When you want to work through the grief, please know that there are a variety of options to support you in processing these feelings, such as journaling, support groups, or individual-counselling.
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The rise in the number of individuals affected by diabetes has raised major concerns about the disease and prompted many people to employ preventative measures. This disease is a growing concern not only for adults but teens and children alike. Type 1 diabetes occurs when the body’s production of insulin is insufficient to function properly. This dysfunction can initially be triggered by a viral or bacterial infection, chemical toxins in food, or unidentified components causing an autoimmune reaction. In comparison, Type 2 is caused by obesity, living a sedentary lifestyle, increasing in age, or a bad diet. There are many abhorrent ailments attributed to diabetes. Ranging from mild to severe nerve damage, coupled with diabetes-related circulation problems which often lead to the loss of a leg or foot. It is now seen to be the cardinal cause of blindness and kidney failure among adults. Among other complications, it increases the risk of heart disease and can eventually lead to death. The number of fatalities reported due to this disease is rapidly growing over the last few years. The obese and those that have a family history of the disease should pay more attention to how to prevent diabetes. How to Prevent Diabetes Considering lifestyle is important. Eating a healthy diet or doing the right exercise can help significantly in preventing type 2 diabetes. Research indicates that aerobic exercise and resistance training both can help control the disease, thereby lowering the blood sugar level and boosting your insulin production naturally. Inactivity promotes diabetes; thus, you need to workout regularly. It is advisable to choose whole grain foods such as cereals, bread or pasta over highly processed carbohydrates. Whole grains are rich in essential minerals, vitamins, and phytochemicals that may help reduce the risk of diabetes. They gradually increase or maintain the blood sugar level of a body. Also, eating high fiber foods is a healthy way of avoiding diabetes. Such food includes fruits, vegetables, beans, whole grains, nuts, and those with added fiber. Moreover, reducing the consumption of red meat or avoiding processed meat for protein sources such as low-fat dairy, poultry, or fish is also a good way to prevent diabetes. Drinking more tea, coffee or water over sugar-laden drinks like soda, sugar-sweetened beverages, fruit drinks or juice is very beneficial when trying to avoid this disease. The unhealthy drinks contribute to chronic inflammation and inhibit insulin. However, diet soda and other sugar-free drinks are not a good alternative for sugar consumption as they contain a plethora of chemicals that can lead to other health issues. Lastly, smokers are at high risk of getting diabetes. Find support groups, patches or any other means necessary to kick the habit. Your overall health will significantly improve. Despite the growing concern, more people need to understand the necessity of regular exercises and proper diets. One day, scientists may find a cure. Until that day comes, prevention is the best medicine.
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Although Rob Gonsalves’ art is often categorized as Surrealism Art, it differs due to the fact that each painting, each illusion is deliberately planned and result from conscious thought. Ideas are largely generated by the external world and involve recognizable human activities, using carefully planned illusionist devices. Artist Rob Gonsalves was born in Toronto, Canada in 1959. During his childhood Gonsalves began to express his artistic ability. Drawing strictly from his imagination using various types of media he began to develop his artistic talent. By age twelve, his awareness of architecture grew as he learned perspective techniques and drew his first paintings and renderings of imagined buildings. After an introduction to Artists Dali and Tanguy, Rob Gonsalves began his first surrealist paintings. The “Magic Realism” approach of Magritte along with the precise perspective illusions of MC Escher came to be influences in his future work. In his post college years, Gonsalves worked full time as an architect; while painting trompe l’oeil murals and theatre sets. After an enthusiastic response in 1990 at the Toronto Outdoor Art Exhibition, Gonsalves devoted himself to painting full time. Rob Gonsalves injects a sense of magic into realistic scenes. As a result, the term “Magical Realism” describes his work accurately. His work is an attempt to represent human beings’ desire to believe in the impossible.
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COVID-19 (novel coronavirus) is threatening the health, well-being and food security of low-income people. Schools are working hard to support their communities by providing meals to children and partnering to provide emergency food distribution (like backpack programs and food bags) at meal sites. Despite these efforts, some families cannot afford enough food to adequately feed their families. This outreach toolkit provides resources to help families apply for the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP). Schools can encourage families to apply for SNAP benefits while informing them about the availability of school meals and providing updates on applying for free and reduced-price (F/RP) school meals.
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How should a responsible government deal with the threat of military invasion? This question is not one that many British governments have had to consider. Yet for a 12-month period after May 1940 it was one that exercised those in power. Their discussions emphasised the need for decisive leadership and clear instruction. However they also showed just how difficult these were to achieve when facing a threat which had previously been inconceivable. Planning for Invasion The threat of invasion had been discussed in government since October 1939. It was not until spring 1940, however, that it was treated as a serious possibility. The disastrous Norwegian campaign of April 1940 focused attention. And the Nazis’ rapid advance into Western Europe after 10 May pushed the matter to the very top of the government’s agenda. It was for this reason that the ‘Invasion of Great Britain’ was discussed on 19 occasions during the first three weeks of Winston Churchill’s premiership. The withdrawal from Dunkirk served to underline the perilous situation that Britain faced. Although the evacuation of troops was a success, large amounts of equipment had been lost and military leaders feared that Hitler would seek to exploit the confusion caused. Plans were hastily drawn up to meet the imminent threat of invasion. A Home Defence Executive was established, men were encouraged to join the recently-formed Local Defence Volunteers (better-known as the Home Guard), road signs were removed, and large parts of the South East were designated as Defence Areas. The Need for Instructions One of the greatest difficulties facing the government was the need to explain the situation to the public. This was the responsibility of the Ministry of Information’s ‘Emergency Planning Committee’. Formed on 22 May 1940, five days before the first troops left northern France, it called for swift action to counter public apprehension. The War Cabinet agreed, and invited the Ministry to prepare a publicity campaign. It was asked to include a series of instructions explaining the steps that should be taken in the event of an invasion. The Ministry of Information did not attempt to do this alone. Instead it worked with the Home Defence Executive of the War Office and the Home Office-led Ministry of Home Security in an effort to ensure a consistent message across government. The main outcome of their discussions was a leaflet with the unimaginative title ‘If the Germans Invade Great Britain’. It included a mixture of practical instructions and generic advice. It was stressed, for instance, that ‘In the event of an invasion … you must remain where you are. The order is “STAY PUT”’. This was the first of seven ‘rules’ which also included warnings against rumour, the need to keep watch, and advice for constructing road blocks. Differences of Opinion The collaboration between the Home Security, Home Defence and the Ministry of Information was not without its difficulties. The civil authorities’ main aim was to stop ‘responsible people’ from ‘running away’ unnecessarily and were unwilling to countenance any form of civilian resistance. The military wanted to ensure that Defence Areas were kept clear for troops and privately hoped ‘inessential’ civilians would be evacuated. The Ministry of Information, by contrast, wanted to ‘rouse the public’ by including an instruction for anyone behind enemy lines to: ‘Do everything in your power to render [the German troops’] position difficult. Be clever. Be brave’. Such were the differences in approach that the original draft was deemed ‘entirely unsuitable for publication’ by its primary author! These differences spilled over into the War Cabinet. Ministers were well-aware that their French counterparts had been unable to stop a flood of refugees from leaving Paris, and that this had made it more difficult for French forces to operate during the battle of France. Yet it was feared that the appearance of support for active resistance would encourage reprisals and could not be justified under international law. Thus while it was thought that advice about road blocks and the defence of factories could be retained in a shortened form, the instruction to ‘harass the enemy’ was deemed ‘unsuitable for incorporation in a document of this character’. It was replaced with the less evocative clause: ‘Think before you act. But think always of your country before you think of yourself’. ‘If the Invader Comes’ The revised text bore the hallmarks of compromise. Its tone oscillated between confident assertions that any invading force would be ‘driven out’ and dire warnings that ‘If you run away … you will be machine gunned from the air’. Many questions also remained unanswered. How, for example, did you make a car ‘useless to anyone except yourself’ when removing the ignition key was not enough? What did it mean for ‘Managers and workmen [to] organise some system by which a sudden attack can be resisted’? And when would ‘more detailed instructions’ arrive? None of these questions were answered before the leaflet was released under the title If the Invader Comes on 18 June 1940. Fifteen million copies of the leaflet – one for every household – were distributed during the next three days. This effort was supported by a publicity campaign. Poster-sized versions of the leaflet were sent to local authorities, Winston Churchill was persuaded to broadcast a version of his ‘Finest Hour’ speech on the BBC, the Minister of Information gave a press conference on the theme of ‘Fortress Britain’, and General Sir Hugh Elles (Commander in Chief of Civil Defence) broadcast a plea to ‘get the pamphlet into your system’. The press also got involved. For instance, the Daily Express urged readers to ‘Do what you are told’, while the Daily Mirror took the uncompromising line that anyone found ‘refugee-ing about the roads … deserves to be shot’. Most other newspapers reprinted the seven rules in full. The Public’s Response The public’s reaction was more complicated. Anecdotal reports from the Ministry of Information’s Home Intelligence division suggested that the leaflet was generally well received. Despite being deemed a ‘little too wordy’ in Tunbridge Wells, it was described as ‘clearly written [and] easily understood’ in Newcastle-upon-Tyne and thought to be ‘a good idea’ by many in London. But an opinion poll undertaken using a representative sample found ‘evidence of the fact that the leaflet has not been taken seriously’. It estimated that 60% of the public had read the leaflet but that 20 %t had ‘not bothered’ as they saw ‘the threat of invasion as a joke’. A non-official report by Mass Observation was even more critical. It thought that the tone was ‘out of touch with common sense’ and treated the public as ‘blithering idiots’. This mixed response did not come as a complete surprise. It had been recognised before publication that the instruction to ‘Stay Put’ was liable to be misunderstood, and it was less than a week before the Ministry of Information pushed for ‘more categorical orders, reasons and instructions’. Military sources conceded that many questions had been left unanswered and that the British public wanted to be told what was occurring. It was agreed that a second leaflet was needed to clarify that people should ‘[Stay put] unless given orders to the contrary’. ‘Stay Where You Are’ Officials within the Ministry of Information sought to use this opportunity to stress the publicity value of resistance. They argued that any order would fail unless it gave civilians ‘some prospect of being able to defend themselves’. However neither the Ministry of Home Security nor the Home Defence Executive were willing to amend their stances. The result was that all three departments again pursued their own approach, providing alternative drafts of a leaflet called Stay Where You Are for the War Cabinet. The former diplomat Harold Nicholson, who wrote one version, complained that it was ‘absurd to expect people to stay in their homes without telling them what to do’. His senior colleagues in the Ministry of Information eventually decided that their only option was to surrender responsibility for the leaflet to the Home Office. Fifteen million copies of Stay Where You Are were distributed at the very end of July 1940 at a cost of £13,433. The focus remained on the need to ‘Stay Put’ but the tone was more active than before. So it was stressed that the public should ‘not attempt to join in the fight’ but noted that: ‘You have the right of every man and woman to do what you can to protect yourself, your family, and your home’. Such instructions was soon criticised for being ‘so indefinite as to be of little value’. ‘Beating the Invader’ Britain was not invaded in the summer of 1940. However this did not signal an end of the debate over how best to communicate the threat. Indeed the subject came back onto agenda in January 1941 as part of a thorough review of the government’s civil defence arrangements. The Ministry of Information were again asked to produce a leaflet which would ‘interpret and amplify’ If the Invader Comes and Stay Where You Are. The result was 15 short paragraphs that offered practical advice in a question-and-answer format. Car-owners were for the first time told to put their vehicles out of action by ‘Remov[ing the] distributer head and leads and empty[ing] the tank’. The final leaflet was distributed in late April 1940 with the optimistic title Beating the Invader. Given what had come before, it is fitting that the delay was due to Winston Churchill’s dislike of the term ‘Stay Put’ and a disagreement with the War Office. It is similarly fitting that the leaflet was almost abandoned when concurrent attempts to ‘rouse the public’ through new posters and press advertisements was deemed to have failed. All of those involved believed that the government needed to show decisive leadership and offer clear instructions. Yet the experience of invasion publicity in the Second World War shows just how difficult it was to achieve these ends when facing a threat that many had hoped to avoid. You can find out more about the history of the Ministry of Information at http://www.moidigital.ac.uk Angus Calder, The People’s War: Britain 1939-1945 (London: Pimlico, 1992) Ian McLaine, Ministry of Morale: Home Front Morale and the Ministry of Information in World War II (London: Allen & Unwin, 1979) Keep tabs on the past. Sign up for our email alerts.
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What's Special About 16 to 1? April 20, 2011 Gold traded over $1,500 a troy ounce yesterday and is doing so again this morning. There is something compelling about a nice round number. It makes calculating in your head much easier. Markets often seem drawn to them. Silver is not yet at a nice round figure at $44.77, but naturally the mind wants to round it up to $50. Another round number that collectors are drawn to is the historical 16 ounces of silver to 1 ounce of gold ratio that was established by Treasury Secretary Alexander Hamilton in 1792 when the Mint was founded. There is some danger that this figure is treated as some sort of revealed historical truth. It isn’t. It was simply the result of an analysis performed by Hamilton of the relative values of silver and gold that then prevailed in the marketplace. It was a fluctuating number and that caused all sorts of problems in the early years of the Mint. He in fact got it a bit wrong. It was really 15.75 to 1 when he made his calculations. Because silver was undervalued, the new U.S. silver coins tended to be shipped abroad to be melted. The silver dollar coinage was suspended after the 1803 coinage. By the 1830s the gold in U.S. coins was undervalued. An ounce in U.S. gold coins was worth roughly 17 ounces of silver on the open market but it could only buy 16 ounces if simply exchanged for U.S. coins, so U.S. gold coins were shipped abroad to be melted. These numbers don’t sound like much, but the early United States was condemned to constant coin shortages because of this ongoing melting of one set of coins or the other. When gold was discovered in California in 1848, silver once again appreciated in value. When the Comstock Lode started producing huge quantities of silver just before the Civil War, gold once again appreciated. Silver in fact became so common in the 1870s that forced production of Morgan silver dollars could not use up the available supply. Germany went off its silver standard in 1873 for gold. The U.S. officially followed in 1900 when it adopted the gold standard. In 1933 silver was about 143 to 1 in the depths of the Depression. So what is the true ratio? The answer is whatever the market says it is on the day you ask the question. Today the ratio is 33.5 to 1. Could the market say 16 to 1 again? It is possible that the markets could return to the old ratio. It reached 17 to 1 in 1980 at the top of that market. However, what the market decrees one day can change the next. That’s been the history since Hamilton tried to set the ratio. Something to add? Notice an error? Comment on this blog. About the Author
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Critical Reasoning questions on the GMAT® , often have questions that have some stats. The most important thing to remember is that stats-based questions have stats-based answers or answers that require an interpretation of the stats. So answer options that give explanations that do not have a statistical implication can easily be ruled out. Let us look at the question below. Economist: On average, the emergency treatment for an elderly person for injuries resulting from a fall is $11,000. A new therapeutic program can significantly reduce an elderly person’s chance of falling. Though obviously desirable for many reasons, this therapeutic program costs $12,500 and thus cannot be justified. Which of the following, if true, most seriously undermines the conclusion of the argument? (A) Among the elderly people who had followed the programs for only a few months, the number of serious falls reported was higher than it was for people who followed the program for its recommended length of one year. (B) Falls resulting in serious injures are less common among elderly people living in nursing home than they are among elderly people who live alone at home. (C) A frequent result of injuries sustained in falls is long-term pain, medication for which is not counted among average per person costs of emergency treatment for elderly people’s injuries from such falls. (D) The new therapeutic program focuses on therapies other than medication, since over-medication can cause disorientation and hence increase the likelihood that an elderly person will have a serious fall. (E) A significant portion of the cost of the new therapeutic program is represented by regular visits by health care professionals, the costs of which tend to increase more rapidly than do those of other elements in the program. The conclusion is clearly based on a stat — the cost of the new program is more than the cost of emergency treatment. This can be weakened only by an option that invalidates this stat or shows that it is erroneous. The trap options are always seemingly correct. Option (D) for example argues that the new program is superior and tends to attract test-takers to it, but the last line of the passage actually admits that the new program might be superior — though obviously desirable for many reasons — but still cannot be justified on costs grounds. So the correct option should show that the new therapeutic program will in fact be cheaper than the existing emergency treatments (over the shorter or longer-term). The only option that does this is C, which shows that the cost of the new therapeutic program that r- it ignores the cost of and will be higher over the longer-term. Option E also compares the costs of the two programs but only to show that the new program’s cost is likely to increase over time, as a result strengthening and not weakening the argument. When we speak of stats questions, it need not only mean questions with numbers in them; it can also mean questions which involve the increase or decrease in a particular metric — per capita income, ratio of women enrolling in a particular program or occupancy rates in hotels Demographers doing research for an international economics newsletter claim that the average per capita income in the country of Kuptala is substantially lower than that in the country of Bahlton. They also claim, however, that whereas poverty is relatively rare in Kuptala, over half the population of Bahlton lives in extreme poverty. At least one of the demographers’ claims must, therefore, be wrong. The argument above is most vulnerable to which of the following criticisms? (A) It rejects an empirical claim about the average per capita incomes in the two countries without making any attempt to discredit that claim by offering additional economic evidence. (B) It treats the vague term “poverty” as though it had a precise and universally accepted meaning. (C) It overlooks the possibility that the number of people in the two countries who live in poverty could be the same even though the percentages of the two populations that live in poverty differ markedly. (D) It fails to show that wealth and poverty have the same social significance in Kuptala as in Bahlton. (E) It does not consider the possibility that incomes in Kuptala, unlike those in Bahlton, might all be very close to the country’s average per capita income. The above question is comparing the metric, average per capita income, of two countries Kuptala (K) and Bahlton (B), with the former having a very low per capita income compared to the latter. Despite this, unlike K, B has a high rate of poverty. The argument concludes that both the stats cannot be correct at the same time. For anyone comfortable with statistics, this would be a very straightforward question that does not even require answer options. The average of a set is not always representative of all the members in a set due to the presence of outliers. For example, in a particular b-school, a few students securing very high salaries can push the average salary of a batch upwards but there might be many students with a salary lower than the average. Whereas in an other school, the average salary might be lower but all students might have salaries in the same range with most students being close to the average. Even in this question, the same can be true, average is higher in K but many people might not be close to the average, which is what option E states. Most test-takers tend to view these questions as regular CR questions and end up choosing option B; B is incorrect since while the term “poverty” might have different definitions from the one used in the passage, the same definition is used in the case of both K & B. Others are tempted to choose C since it sounds mathematical without necessarily understanding what it is saying. C says that the number of people living in poverty in both countries can be the same despite the percentages being different. That the percentages are different is stated in passage — K has a very low percentage, lets say 1%, and B it is mentioned has almost 50%. That the numbers might be same is besides the point (50% of 10000 and 1% of 500000 are the same). The question is asking for an explanation for the per-capita income and poverty rate both being high at the same time. In the next post we shall have a look at a few more stats questions that involve clearly understanding the terms defined in the passage.
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Have your gums been looking a little swollen and red? Do they ever bleed while you’re flossing? Do you find it hard to remember the last time that you flossed? You’re likely suffering from gingivitis, the mildest form of periodontal disease (a.k.a., gum disease). Although gingivitis is quite common, that doesn’t mean you shouldn’t take it seriously. If left untreated, it can progress to periodontitis or even tooth loss. So, what causes gingivitis, and what can you do to treat the condition before it worsens? What Causes Gingivitis? The cause of gingivitis is typically pretty simple: poor oral hygiene. If you neglect your brushing and flossing routine or forgo dental appointments, your teeth and gums will reflect these choices. Plaque, an invisible, sticky film, will begin to build up on your teeth. Although plaque is present in every mouth, daily brushing and flossing remove it. If you allow it to form and fester, it will harden into tartar, which is more difficult to remove. In fact, tartar can only be removed through professional intervention. When plaque and tartar are allowed to remain on the teeth, they irritate the gums and cause inflammation. This is why you may notice that your gums are swollen, red, or bleeding. Other symptoms of gingivitis include bad breath that doesn’t go away after brushing, sensitivity to hot or cold foods and drinks, and tenderness or pain when you chew food. If you notice that you have any symptoms of gingivitis, it’s important to schedule an appointment with your dentist quickly so that you can prevent the problem from escalating into periodontitis. Although anyone can develop gingivitis, some people are more likely to develop it than others. According to the Mayo Clinic, the following characteristics increase your risk: - Failing to maintain good oral hygiene - Smoking or chewing tobacco - Having dry mouth - Being older in age - Consuming a poor diet - Having poorly fitted dental restorations - Having crooked teeth - Suffering from decreased immunity (may be caused by leukemia, HIV/AIDS, cancer treatment, etc.) - Taking certain drugs (including phenytoin, some calcium channel blockers, etc.) - Experiencing hormonal changes (which may be caused by pregnancy, a menstrual cycle, taking birth control pills, etc.) - Having a family history of periodontitis - Experiencing some medical conditions, including certain viral and fungal infections Treating and Preventing Gingivitis Now that you understand what causes gingivitis, you’re likely wondering about treatment options. Typically the treatment is to simply do what you should have been doing all along: taking excellent care of your oral health. Brush your teeth at least twice a day using a soft-bristled brush, and floss thoroughly at least once per day. Your dental hygienist can provide helpful tips and insights regarding how to brush and floss properly. In addition, visit your dentist every six months for a check-up and professional cleaning. In some cases, other treatments may be necessary as well, such as the following: - Scaling and root planing, which removes plaque and tartar from your teeth above and below the gumline - Dental restoration to fix or remove a crown, filling, or bridge that’s causing problems - Antimicrobial mouth rinse may be prescribed to reduce harmful bacteria in the mouth In addition, healthy lifestyle habits can prevent gingivitis. So, avoid tobacco products, limit your sugar intake, and control your blood sugar if you have diabetes. For more personalized advice, consult your dental team. If you’re looking for an experienced, reliable, and friendly dentist near Springfield, Missouri, contact Wilkinson Dental. Dr. Wilkinson and his team will give you the personalized treatment you deserve using state-of-the-art technology. For exceptional and comprehensive dental care, schedule your first appointment today by calling 417-708-0556 or requesting an appointment online. We look forward to hearing from you!
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Throughout the Middle Ages, Christians wrote about Islam and the life of Muhammad. These stories, ranging from the humorous to the vitriolic, both informed and warned audiences about what was regarded as a schismatic form of Christianity. Medieval Latin Lives of Muhammad covers nearly five centuries of Christian writings on the prophet, including accounts from the farthest-flung reaches of medieval Europe, the Iberian Peninsula, and the Byzantine Empire. Over time, authors portrayed Muhammad in many guises, among them: Theophanes’s influential ninth-century chronicle describing the prophet as the heretical leader of a Jewish conspiracy; Embrico of Mainz’s eleventh-century depiction of Muhammad as a former slave who is manipulated by a magician into performing unholy deeds; and Walter of Compiègne’s twelfth-century presentation of the founder of Islam as a likable but tricky serf ambitiously seeking upward social mobility. The prose, verse, and epistolary texts in Medieval Latin Lives of Muhammad help trace the persistence of old clichés as well as the evolution of new attitudes toward Islam and its prophet in Western culture. This volume brings together a highly varied and fascinating set of Latin narratives and polemics never before translated into English.
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Solving Subtraction Number Stories- In Space Lesson 2 of 19 Objective: Students will be able to solve subtraction word problems using objects. Problem of the Day I start each math lesson with a Problem of the Day. I use the procedures outlined here on Problem of the Day Procedures. Today's Problem of the Day: Jamie has 6 pretzels. Max has 3 pretzels. How many pretzels do they have all together? I set this problem up with some structure to help the students organize their thinking. I give a blank number sentence frame to remind the students how to write their answer as an equation. If you do not have a SMART Board, you can use the PDF and have the students draw pictures or use manipulatives. Even though today's lesson is on subtraction, I start with an addition problem since we are just starting our subtraction unit. Since we do this whole group, I have one students come up and do this problem. I have the student create the number sentence. I remind students to check their work when they are finished and have the class tell if they agree or disagree by showing a thumbs up or thumbs down. Presentation of Lesson I start this lesson by handing out a Space Mat to each student and having them take it back to their seat. This mat is available to in color and black and white. I use the same mats for introducing addition and subtraction, so I print them in color, put them in plastic sleeves and collect them at the end of the lesson addition unit to save for this lesson. I put one copy on the document camera and project it on the SMART board so that I can model for all of the students to see. I also give each student a train of 10 counting cubes. I have the cubes connected into trains ahead of time so that they are counted out and easy for the students to carry back to their seats. I tell students that when they get back to their seats they need to take the cubes apart, lay them beside their paper and then put their hands on their head. Today I am going to tell you some stories. Each story ends with a question. We are going to use the cubes to answer the question at the end of each story. Stories like this that include a math problem are called word problems. While I tell you the story, use the cubes to show what is happening in the story. These are different than the word problems we have been working on because this time we are going to be taking something away in each problem. See example here. I say the following word problems aloud. As I say them, I model on my mat using the cubes and have the students model the problem on their mats. I ask for a student to orally give me the answer by raising a quiet hand. We do not write down anything during today's lesson. I want the students to focus on listening to the problem and using the cubes to find the answer. The process is just as important as whether the students get the correct answer. The students need to use several of the mathematical practices to do this. They need to make sense of the problem and engage in finding the answer (MP1). They need to use the cubes to model the problem (MP4), and they need to use the cubes as math tools (MP5). At this level, cubes and other manipulatives are math tools that students need to learn to use appropriately to solve problems. Two rocket ships are on the moon. One flies away. How many rocket ships are left on the moon? There are seven aliens flying in space. Two land on their planet. How many aliens are still flying in space? Five astronauts are walking on the moon. Two get into the spaceship. How many astronauts are left on the moon? Ten aliens are having a party. Five go home. How many aliens are still at the party? Four rocket ships are in space. One rocket ship lands. How many rocket ships are still in space? Six astronauts are collecting moon rocks. Four go back to the spaceship. How many astronauts are still collecting moon rocks? When we are finished, I ask each student to put their cubes back together into a train. They need to count and make sure that they have 10. They then need to make a pile of papers and cube trains in the middle of their table. I select one student to collect the papers and another student to collect the cube trains. When students are finished I call one representative from each table to come back and get the center for their table. All students start their center at the same time today. The centers for this week are: - Addition Word Problems (I used a Lakeshore Read and Solve Word Problems Center. You can also use these Addition Word Problem Cards that I made.) - Easter Egg Addition (Available free from Teachers Pay Teachers) - Goldfish Graphing (Available free from Teachers Pay Teachers) - Piggy Bank Addition Mat (Available free from Mrs. Ricca's Kindergarten) - Sweater Math Match-Up (Available free from Teachers Pay Teachers) I quickly circulate to make sure students are engaged and do not have any questions about how to complete the centers. Because of the trouble during our addition unit, I decided not to introduce any subtraction centers this early in the subtraction unit. I pull 3 groups (5-10 minutes depending on need). We do an activity similar to the whole group activity. I have the students use bears and fruit counters instead of cubes to show that we can use a variety of manipulatives to represent the information in a number story. Prior to clean up, I check in with the other tables to see how the centers are going. My students have been struggling with getting cleaned up quickly and quietly after centers. Lately I have been using counting down from 20 slowly instead of a clean up song. Counting backwards is as critical as counting up. Students need to be able to know the number that comes before, as well as after, any given number (w/i 10, w/i 20, etc.). Counting back is a critical strategy for subtraction. The students like to count backwards with me as they clean up and I can lengthen or reduce the clean up time based on how students are doing and how much time we have. To close, I put the space mat on the document camera a project it on the SMART Board and have that student show an subtraction word problem and explain their work. I mention positive things noticed during centers as well as something that needs to be better next time. I review what we did during our whole group lesson. "Today we learned about solving problems that come from a story. These are called word problems. Tomorrow we will be continuing to work on word problems."
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"[Lot of 4] America [and] Afrika [and] Asia [and] Europa mit Politischer Begranzung der Einzelnen Staaten", Stieler, Adolph Period: 1845-53 (dated) Publication: Stieler's Hand Atlas Color: Hand Color These matching maps of the continents are filled with detail and were engraved by F. von Stuplnagel. A. America, dated 1853 (11.9 x 16.0"). This map of the western hemisphere shows some interesting state and territory boundaries in the United States, including large territories of Neu Mexico, Yutah Gebiet, and Oregon with the center of the United States simply labeled Prairien Savannen. B. Afrika, dated 1845 (14.2 x 11.3"). This map of Africa is color-coded to identify the Portuguese, Spanish, French, British, Danish and Dutch colonial possessions. An inset map shows the northern coastline of Algier in closer detail. C. Asia, dated 1853 (14.1 x 11.8"). This map is color-coded to identify the Mohammedan States, Buddhist States, and European colonies. D. Europa mit Politischer Begranzung der Einzelnen Staaten, dated 1852 (16.2 x 12.3"). This map of Europe shows the majority of central and eastern Europe as part of Prussia and Austria. Contemporary outline color on bright sheets with light foxing and minor soiling.
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The Benefits of Water Fluoridation? This short video presents four inconvenient facts about the purported miraculous benefits of water fluoridation. Fact 1: If fluoridated water has a benefit, it is a topical one (there is no need to actually swallow it). Fact 2: Despite 60+ years of research, there is not a single randomized controlled trial, let alone a blinded study, demonstrating fluoridation’s benefits. Fact 3: The largest national surveys of dental health in the U.S., Australia and New Zealand have found no significant difference in tooth decay (as measured by DMFT) between children living their whole lives in fluoridated vs. non-fluoridated areas. Fact 4: Comprehensive data from the World Health Organization shows that western countries with no water fluoridation programs have experienced the same reduction in tooth decay over the past 40 years as countries with mass fluoridation programs such as the United States.
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Section: Perl Programmers Reference Guide (3pm) IO::Poll - Object interface to system poll call use IO::Poll qw(POLLRDNORM POLLWRNORM POLLIN POLLHUP); $poll = IO::Poll->new(); $poll->mask($input_handle => POLLIN); $poll->mask($output_handle => POLLOUT); $ev = $poll->events($input); is a simple interface to the system level poll routine. - mask ( IO [, EVENT_MASK ] ) If EVENT_MASK is given, then, if EVENT_MASK is non-zero, IO is added to the list of file descriptors and the next call to poll will check for any event specified in EVENT_MASK. If EVENT_MASK is zero then IO will be removed from the list of file descriptors. If EVENT_MASK is not given then the return value will be the current event mask value for IO. - poll ( [ TIMEOUT ] ) Call the system level poll routine. If TIMEOUT is not specified then the call will block. Returns the number of handles which had events happen, or -1 on error. - events ( IO ) Returns the event mask which represents the events that happened on IO during the last call to "poll". - remove ( IO ) Remove IO from the list of file descriptors for the next poll. - handles( [ EVENT_MASK ] ) Returns a list of handles. If EVENT_MASK is not given then a list of all handles known will be returned. If EVENT_MASK is given then a list of handles will be returned which had one of the events specified by EVENT_MASK happen during the last call ti "poll" (2), IO::Handle, IO::Select Graham Barr. Currently maintained by the Perl Porters. Please report all bugs to <email@example.com Copyright (c) 1997-8 Graham Barr <firstname.lastname@example.org >. All rights reserved. This program is free software; you can redistribute it and/or modify it under the same terms as Perl itself.
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JPP: The Java Pre-Processor The Java Pre-Processor, or JPP for short, is a parsing preprocessor for the Java programming language. Unlike its namesake (the C/C++ Pre-Processor, cpp), JPP provides functionality above and beyond simple textual substitution. JPP's capabilities include code beautification, code standard conformance checking, class and interface specification and testing, and documentation The Java Pre-Processor, referred to as JPP henceforth, is a parsing preprocessor for the Java 1.X programming language. This document will describe the design, development, and use of JPP. JPP is primarily used as either a front-end for a Java compiler like javac, espresso, or guavac, or as a verification and validation tool as part of a configuration management system. We will describe both possibilities here as well as provide a number of examples of innovative alternative The default JPP configuration corresponds to the Infospheres Java Coding Standard (this document). Any questions as to the details of code standards, layout, beautification, and verification are addressed in that document. This document only focuses on the tool JPP. All aspects of JPP are user configurable. Configuration is accomplished through the use of Java properties and command-line switches. Briefly, JPP provides the following functionality: Code Beautification. JPP can process any legal Java code and reorganize it in an ordered, aesthetic manner. The rules used in the reformatting of code are user configurable. JPP is used as a code beautifier to clean up downloaded or otherwise adopted code before performing a code review. It is also used in preparation for gaining and understanding of a codebase before modifying and maintaining it. Finally, JPP can be used to process code from multiple developers/teams regularly to enforce local coding standards. Code Evaluation. JPP can also be used to take an existing piece of code and ``grade'' it. Such a code evaluation comes in several forms: Code Standard Conformance Checking. JPP is configured to a specific code standard. Code standards give rules on how code is syntactically arranged, field naming policies, feature access rules, etc. JPP can evaluate how well a piece of code conforms to its current code standard. Such an evaluation comes in the form of a short or long report which can be automatically mailed to the appropriate parties and/or logged for review. Code Complexity Analysis. JPP knows several standard code complexity algorithms. JPP can evaluate Java classes, interfaces, and even whole packages and provide complexity measures. These metrics can help guide a designer and developer toward more readable, understandable, and maintainable code. Metrics are also provided as short or long reports. Documentation Analysis. JPP can evaluate the thoroughness of code documentation. JPP knows what a ``real'' comment is and performs information theoretical complexity measures (per-feature and per-entity entropy) of comments to determine their completeness and usefulness. JPP will comment on your comments! Object-Oriented Design Principles. JPP understands a core set of object-oriented design principles: the Laws of Demeter, class/interface/inheritance dependency graph analysis, JavaBean patterns, and component specification to name a few. JPP can evaluate Java code and provide suggestions as to how to improve design based upon these principles. Class and Interface Specification. JPP's specification constructs are inspired by Meyer's Design by Contract. The primary constructs used to specify a contract for a component are method preconditions and postconditions, and class invariants. JPP can enforce and/or encourage the specification of contracts on the methods of classes and interfaces, and can test for the validity of such clauses in subtyping relationships. Class and Interface Testing. In addition to the aforementioned contract specifications on methods, JPP supports the specification of loop invariants and variants. All five of these constructs (the three specification clauses and the two loop clauses) can be transformed by JPP into actual embedded test harness code, inserted into a class's methods at the appropriate points. The insertion of the test code at compile time, and the enabling and disabling of test code at run-time, is completely under the control of the developer. Documentation Generation. JPP can also transform Java code into HTML, XML, or LaTeX for direct code documentation and reference. The resulting document is properly formatted for pretty-printing, has the appropriate embedded links for feature cross-referencing, and external language-specific links can be embedded in the code with special directives to the preprocessor. Return to Home Last modified: Sun Jun 10 03:18:48 PDT 2001
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I always love planting a good vegetable garden. There’s just something about that fresh produce that can’t be touched by any other source. But my gardens are never just about the vegetables. I include flowers as well. Are you making sure to include wildflowers in your garden? Wildflowers, especially of native varieties, are wonderful for your garden. They grow better than other plants as they’re adapted to the climate. Many attract bees and other pollinators, and can be beneficial to native wildlife. Select the right varieties, and they’re also beautiful. That’s true even here in southern California, where most people don’t think of the native plants as beautiful. There are some great ones for gardens. The California poppy is perhaps the best known. There’s a quite lovely larkspur that is native to the part I live in right now that produces stunning, deep purple blooms. I learned about that one when it volunteered itself in the backyard last year. Wildflowers may not be beautiful year round, which is why not all gardeners like them. If you want them to keep growing year after year, you have to let at least some of the flowers go to seed, which may not be the most attractive time for the plant either. But if you do this, you won’t have to keep planting them year after year. Some of the seeds should come up on their own. Do clear out the dry plants after they’ve gone to seed and add them to your compost pile. Letting the seeds go on their own does mean a more random, natural look to your garden. That’s one of the things I love about it, but that is difficult for others to appreciate. If you want your flower garden to look a bit more organized, you may need to harvest the seeds yourself and plant them where you’d prefer that they grow. Wildflower seeds shouldn’t be too hard to find. Look at local garden centers and find out which wildflowers are native to your area. You may also have to check with your Homeowner’s Association if you’re planting them where others can see, as some associations are really picky about what you can grow. Choose well, plant them in the right kind of soil, and you should have some lovely native flowers to enjoy from your garden in the months to come. A good mix of species will add wonderful colors to your garden.
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The Hwasong-15 (U.S. designation: KN-22) is an intercontinental ballistic missile under development by North Korea. It is the largest, most powerful missile North Korea has tested to date, and appears capable of ranging the entire continental United States. Hwasong-15 at a Glance Originated from: North Korea Possessed by: North Korea Alternate Names: KN-22 Class: Intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) Basing: Road-mobile transporter erector with detachable launch table Length: 21-22.5 m Diameter: 2.0-2.4 m Propulsion: Two-stage liquid fuel Range: 8,500-13,000 km Status: In development In service: N/A North Korea flight tested the Hwasong-15 for the first time at 3:17 am (Japan Standard Time) on November 28, 2017 from a launch location approximately 30 km north of Pyongyang. The missile flew for 53 minutes, reaching an altitude of around 4,500 km before descending and landing within Japan’s Exclusive Economic Zone. The missile traveled a distance of 960 km from its launch point.1 Based on the energy required for such a high loft, one analyst has estimated that it could have travelled 13,000 km if flown on a range maximizing trajectory, putting the entire continental United States within range.2 It remains unclear, however, whether the Hwasong-15 was outfitted with a realistically weighted payload. If the missile was flown with a light or no payload, its range may be less when equipped with an actual nuclear warhead. While it is also unclear when the Hwasong-15’s development began, it shares many technical characteristics with both the Hwasong-14 ICBM and Hwasong-12 IRBM, particularly in their shared propulsion systems. The fact that all three of these designs were tested for the first time in 2017 suggests concurrent development over the past 2-3 years. The U.S. intelligence community was aware of the Hwasong-15 prior to its maiden launch in November, according to reports, and may furthermore observed launch preparations for up to three days prior to the test. 3 |November 29, 2017||1||Flight time: 53 min; distance traveled: 950 km; apogee: 4,475 km.| There are differing assessments as to whether the missile’s payload survived reentry. The Diplomat reported that an assessment by the CIA and NASIC indicated that the “reentry vehicle exhibited satisfactory performance during the November 29 flight test.”4 Other U.S. officials have reported that the missile broke up upon reentry.5 North Korea’s official statement on the Hwasong-15 flight test claimed that the missile can carry a “super-large heavy warhead which is capable of striking the whole mainland of the U.S.” It also noted that the missile had “greater advantages in its tactical and technological specifications and technical characteristics than [the] Hwasong-14,” referring to the ICBM North Korea tested twice in July 2017. Initial estimates suggest the Hwasong-15 measures around 21.5 meters in length with a diameter of approximately 2 meters. This is notably larger than its immediate predecessor, the Hwasong-14.6 Some analysts have also noted the missile’s more spacious payload area. The space could potentially allow for the delivery of a larger warhead, multiple warheads, or penetration aids should North Korea develop or acquire such technology. 7 Also noteworthy is the Hwasong-15’s distinctive engine configuration. The missile appears to employ two bundled Hwasong-14 engines in its first stage.8 These engines are most likely domestic variants of the RD-250 engine, which is used in Russia’s R-36 family of ICBMs and Ukraine’s Tsyklon space launch vehicles. The absence of any external Vernier thrusters indicates the engine is gimballed, meaning the rocket’s two nozzles can rotate along two axes to control its flight path.9 This represents an improvement in terms of capability, as gimbled engines reduce the amount of thrust lost to maneuvering in boost phase, thus increasing the system’s overall range. The configuration of the second stage remains unclear. It may employ the same RD-250-type engine as the first stage, or a different type entirely. The transporter erector (T/E) truck that carries the missile, believed to be the same Chinese WS51200 logging truck used for the Hwasong-14, has been modified with an additional ninth axle to accommodate the missile’s larger size.10 The erector also has a different arm configuration. Whereas the Hwasong-14 uses a single central heave arm, the Hwasong-15 uses two heave arms on either side of the erector.11 It is difficult to confirm how many of these vehicles North Korea has at its disposal, but some estimate the number to be no more than six.12 This would greatly limit the size of missile salvo North Korea could muster during a conflict.
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Parabolic flights were originally instigated to train astronauts in weightlessness (zero gravity). Now they are used primarily for scientific experiments in weightlessness (microgravity) and for testing space technologies. Please enter the characters from the image above. All fields marked with * are mandatory. Back to article DLR respects the confidentiality of your details and will not pass them on to third parties.
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Home mechanical ventilation (HMV) is widely used in conditions associated with chronic ventilatory insufficiency such as amyotrophic lateral sclerosis (ALS), congenital muscular dystrophy and spinal cord injury (SCI) (1-4). It has been demonstrated to improve sleep-related symptoms, morbidity and mortality of the ventilator-assisted individuals (VAIs) (2,5,6). The reported prevalence (per 100,000 population) of HMV use varies depending on countries and ranges from 6.6 in Europe to 12.9 in Canada (1,4,7,8). In South East Asia (SEA), the pattern of use is likely to differ according to available resource and local advocacy. The prevalence of HMV is not known but there is likely a growing demand for HMV support. A recent single-centre cohort study in Malaysia showed an increased use of HMV in children over the past decade (9). In Singapore, the Home Ventilation and Respiratory Support Service (HVRSS) at Tan Tock Seng Hospital (TTSH) was set-up in 2009. The initial aim was to provide home care and support for individuals with cervical SCI who require long-term ventilation and would otherwise have remained in hospital. The service was later expanded to include care for individuals with advanced neuromuscular weakness and other causes of hypercapnic ventilatory failure. The multidisciplinary HVRSS comprises of doctors with special interest in HMV (anaesthetist, respiratory and family physicians), nurse clinicians, respiratory therapist and medical social workers. HMV poses significant care and financial burden to affected individuals, family and the health system. There is increasing need to demonstrate the demand for such support, the clinical efficacy and outcomes to health authorities for appropriate allocation of resources and continuous funding support. To date, there has not been any prior publication on the use of similar service and survival outcomes in Singapore or in the SEA. We aim to describe the pattern of use of our service, examine the survival outcomes and identify important prognostic factors of our cohort. The HVRSS recruitment criteria and service The HVRSS is the only national adult multidisciplinary service in Singapore. We receive referrals from within the institution or externally. We assess all individuals whom the primary physician (usually neurologist or intensivist) think may benefit from HMV. The primary criteria for recruitment into the HVRSS include hypercapnic respiratory failure or progressive neuromuscular disease with respiratory or sleep-related symptoms. Other criteria include preserved ability to interact or communicate and patient’s consent. In addition, favourable social circumstances such as having at least a full-time carer and a discharge destination (preferably home) are essential as there are very limited facilities for long term institutionalised care in Singapore. Primary uncomplicated sleep disordered breathing (SDB) cases are excluded due to resource constraint and are looked after by individual doctors interested in sleep medicine. The HVRSS receives pilot funding from the Ministry of Health and all VAIs are subjected to means testing to determine the eligibility and proportion of funding assistance for equipment purchase. Routinely, ambulatory VAIs are followed up every 3–6 monthly at the outpatient clinic. Non-ambulatory VAIs or those receiving invasive mechanical ventilation (IMV) are reviewed every 2 months (and have tracheostomy changed at home). Phone consult service is available during office hours and ad hoc home visits can be arranged where necessary. Where appropriate, the HVRSS prescribes and titrates mechanical ventilation and mechanical insufflation-exsufflation (MIE) devices and provides caregiver training (including basic ventilator troubleshoot, emergency tracheostomy care, feeding instruction etc.) to facilitate transition to home. HVRSS also provides care coordination with various other allied health services including physiotherapy, occupational therapy and nutritionist. In addition, all referrals receive emotional support by our medical social workers and the service collaborates closely with palliative care services to provide end-of-life support. We conducted a retrospective observational cohort study. All individuals who were referred for consideration of HMV over a 7-year period from 1/1/2009 to 31/12/2015 were identified. The individuals who required and accepted long term HMV were included for analysis. HMV was defined as mechanical ventilation, administered non-invasively or invasively (via tracheostomy), at home or in long term residential care. Electronic medical record review was carried out. We collected baseline demographics and social data such as age, gender, ethnicity, type and distance of residence to our centre, marital status, per capita household income and number and type of carer(s). The primary indications for HMV, smoking status, important comorbidities (diabetes mellitus, hypertension, hyperlipidaemia, congestive cardiac failure, ischaemic heart disease, malignant disease, stroke and airway diseases) and baseline physiology including spirometry and blood gas results were also recorded. In addition, we obtained data on HMV prescription details (e.g., interface, setting and adherence), use of supplemental oxygen and percutaneous gastroenterostomy nutrition. Survival was determined from the date of HMV initiation to the date of death or 1/09/2017, whichever occurred earlier. The date and cause of death were determined from hospital-maintained records. For descriptive analysis, the cohort was divided into 4 clinical categories based on expected natural progression of illness and care requirement: (I) ALS; (II) other neuromuscular and chest wall diseases (NMCW); (III) SCI; and (IV) complex intensive care unit (ICU). Complex ICU group is a subset of VAIs that were mainly receiving prolonged mechanical ventilation or failure-to-wean with no prospect of leaving the monitored care area. For the analysis of prognostic factors, due to different trajectory of illness and to improve statistical power, we considered ALS and all non-ALS VAIs separately. Continuous data was described using median [interquartile range (IQR)] or mean (standard deviation) where appropriate. Categorical data was described using proportion or percentage. Survival estimates were displayed using Kaplan-Meier survival curves and compared by log-rank test. To study the factors influencing survival, demographic, physical and ventilator setting variables were dichotomised when possible using clinically meaningful cut offs. Cox proportional analysis was used to determine hazard ratio (HR) and 95% confidence interval (CI) of these factors. Predictive factors with P values of <0.10 on univariate analysis (along with age and gender) were further examined in a forward stepwise analysis with removal and entry P values of 0.10 and 0.05 and significant predictors with P values <0.05 were reported. Statistical analysis was performed using STATA 14.2 software (StataCorp, Texas, USA). Statistical significance was taken at P value <0.05. Ethical approval was granted by the National Healthcare Group Domain Specific Review Board (reference no 2017/00471). The referrals for HMV increased exponentially year-on-year since the service started (Figure 1). A total of 155 individuals were referred; most of these were local referrals from the TTSH ICU and adjacent National Neuroscience Institute. A smaller proportion were referrals from other institutions, private hospitals or self-referrals. There were 112 individuals who proceeded to HMV; most (68%) VAIs were decided for HMV during an acute hospital admission and two thirds of these were recruited in the ICU. Main diagnoses were ALS, congenital myopathy and SCI. The study flow and detailed diagnoses of the VAIs are illustrated in Figure 2. Baseline demographics and physical characteristics The median age of the VAIs ranged from 47–70 years and body mass index ranged from 17.3–27.5 kg/m2 across the groups. There was male gender predominance (50–93%). Among all the VAIs, almost all (95%) lived within 15 km from our centre and in their own home. The VAIs had at least one full-time carer [70% were hired foreign domestic helpers (FDH) from nearby countries] and were mostly ethnic Chinese (83%) and married (69%). Just under half (47% VAIs) had monthly per capita household income of <$1,000/month (an entry criterion for financial assistance in our centre). Co-morbidities such as cardiovascular disease, malignant disease, stroke and airway diseases were common, especially in the complex ICU group. At the initiation of HMV, the VAIs had moderately severe ventilatory impairment. Median (IQR) FVC was 38 [24–65] %predicted and partial pressure of carbon dioxide (PaCO2) was 52 [45–66] mmHg for all VAIs. Therapy prescription and usage Seventy-four (66%) individuals were prescribed non-invasive ventilation (NIV). Fifteen VAIs subsequently transitioned to IMV. These VAIs were mainly suffering from ALS (n=9) and all were relatively young (<70 years of age). The transition from NIV to IMV was performed electively following extensive counselling of the potential complications including lock-in state. For the ALS VAIs on IMV at the outset, all were tracheostomised in the ICU prior to our involvement. Most (67%) VAIs were supported with pressure-cycled ventilation; median (IQR) applied inspiratory, expiratory pressures and set-rate were 15 [12–18], 5 [4–6] cmH2O and 15 [12–16] breaths per minute respectively. Half of the VAIs reported daily HMV use of >12 hours. Twenty-eight (25%) VAIs received additional supplemental oxygen during HMV. Nutrition via gastrostomy was common (63% of VAIs). For the ALS group, 31 of the 48 VAIs were also prescribed MIE device for secretion management. The baseline demographics, physiological characteristics, co-morbidities and therapy details of the VAIs are described in Table 1. Follow up and survival outcomes There were 64 deaths over a median (IQR) follow-up period of 2.56 (1.86–3.69) years. No cases were lost to follow-up. The median (95% CI) survival (in ascending order) were 1.8 (0.6–5.7), 2.6 (0.8–4.8), 4.2 (2.1–7.6) and 6.7 (4.5–10.7) years for ALS, complex ICU, SCI and NMCW groups respectively (Figure 3). The three most common reported causes of death were death from primary disease (n=22), pneumonia (n=15) and sudden death (n=10) (data was available in 83% VAIs). Following further review of the unexpected deaths: 2 were presumed cardiac in nature (ventricular arrhythmias), 2 were likely due to aspiration, 1 was due to a fall and 5 were unknown, of which there was 1 case of possible ventilator malfunction. In ALS group, Chinese ethnicity, NIV-transitioned-to-IMV and FVC >50%predicted were favourable prognostic factors with HR (95% CI) of 0.41 (0.18–0.95), 0.23 (0.07–0.78) and 0.24 (0.06–1.00) respectively. Poor prognostic factors were use of NIV interface only (HR 2.33, 95% CI: 1.06–5.11) and increased time between symptom onset and HMV initiation (HR 1.01, 95% CI: 1.00–1.02). Daily use of above 12 hours was associated with a trend towards worse survival (HR 1.94, 95% CI: 0.90–4.18). In multivariate analysis, NIV-transitioned-to-IMV (HR 0.24, 95% CI: 0.07–0.81) was the only independent factor associated with better survival (Table 2). Riluzole and enteral nutrition use were not significant prognostic factors. In non-ALS VAIs, older age (HR 1.37, 95% CI: 1.12–1.69 per decade increment) was associated with reduced survival. Factors that showed trend towards increased hazard of death were domestic helper as primary carer (HR 2.00, 95% CI: 0.94–4.25), co-morbid cardiovascular disease (HR 2.15, 95% CI: 0.92–5.07) and cancer diagnosis (HR 2.22, 95% CI: 0.98–5.01). Living distance further from hospital (HR 0.93, 95% CI: 0.86–1.01) was possibly associated with better survival outcome. In a multivariate model, older age (HR 1.40, 95% CI: 1.14–1.73) and cardiovascular disease (HR 2.61, 95% CI: 1.09–6.27) remained important negative prognostic factors (Table 2). Subgroup without HMV Forty-three individuals did not proceed to long term HMV. The reasons for no HMV are listed in Figure 2. Most of the individuals who declined or were not tolerant of NIV were ALS (n=9). Many individuals with spinal cord injuries were either successfully weaned off ventilator (n=7) or only required MIE (n=5). Comparing survival by log-rank analysis, in ALS, individuals who had a trial of NIV but decided not for HMV had significantly poorer survival (P<0.01) (Figure 4). To our knowledge, this is the first multi-ethnic Asian study on the use and survival outcome of HMV. We demonstrated that there is an increasing demand for a multidisciplinary home ventilation service to support VAIs with severe functional and physiological impairment. The baseline characteristics and survival varied according to disease categories. The worst survival was among the ALS group while the NMCW VAIs had the best survival. In ALS, transition from NIV to IMV were independently associated with better survival. Among the non-ALS VAIs, older age and those with cardiovascular disease had less favourable outcome. The referrals to HVRSS had increased over the years. We think that this is due to increased awareness of HMV and the perceived better care by a dedicated service, which allows for pooling of expertise and resources. The NMCW group were the longest HMV users whereas many in the SCI group referred were eventually weaned from ventilatory support and did not require long term HMV. Our VAIs were generally middle-aged and older except for the NMCW group, similar to findings in other cohorts (10,11). Almost half of the families were from lower income groups. There was heavy reliance on hired FDH for nursing care and support at home (in part due to limited access to professional skilled carers), this has contributed to additional financial burden. It is known that chronic illness is associated with poverty (12). Although selected by the VAIs (who would have considered language issue), FDH represent a challenge for caregiver training due to communication barrier and turnover where caregiver training needs to be repeated. The survival of VAIs in our cohort is comparable to published studies (10,11,13). The poor survival in the ALS cohort was expected given the progressive nature of the illness. In our study, we demonstrated that the individuals who received HMV survived longer than those who did not, consistent with the trial result by Bourke et al. (14). However, the actual cohort of ALS without HMV is not fully captured as some individuals may have declined to see us. The median survival of SCI VAIs appears to be shorted when compared to study by Watt et al. (15). This may be explained by the relatively older age at injury in our cohort, which is factor associated with strong hazard of death (15). The complex ICU group had very similar survival to ALS group, which reflects that these individuals had severely reduced physiologic reserve and multiple co-morbidities (including malignant disease). While some of these individuals may not be typically considered for HMV, in Singapore, societal view on filial piety along with complex healthcare financing (16) with government subsidy but also often a sizeable out-of-pocket cash and/or insurance pay out often negate a paternalistic approach. Ethically, we find it difficult to withdraw ventilator support in individuals who remain lucid (albeit minimally communicative in some) and expressed wish to continue living. Therefore, HMV became the only alternative to ICU stay; our involvement allowed selected individuals to spend time in their own home, provided they accepted the risks and took responsibility for their own care. Many chose to do so because of the perceived increased autonomy and quality of life (authors’ experience). Approximately a third of the deaths in our study were certified due to primary disease, similar to a study from North America (4). This group is likely due to progressive ventilatory failure and with ‘expected’ deterioration and death occurred at home. Of note, sudden or unexpected death was common, this is an interesting finding and we opined that the VAIs and family should be counselled of this risk. In ALS, Chinese ethnicity was associated with reduced hazard of death. Genetic polymorphism and different mutation may account for observed ethnicity difference in outcome (17). Chinese ethnicity had been shown to be associated with milder disease and may explain the difference in outcome when compared with other ethnicity groups (18,19). However, the effect was not seen on multivariate analysis. We did not see poor prognostic factors such as older age at presentation and lower BMI described previously (10,13,18). The effect of age on survival was probably confounded by the increased proportion of conversion of NIV to IMV among younger VAIs, which was an independent positive prognostic factor in our cohort and previously demonstrated in a large observational study in Denmark (13). The ALS VAIs who had better lung function were associated with better outcomes, similar to previous study findings (10,20). On the other hand, delay between symptom onset and HMV initiation and higher dependence on HMV appeared to be associated with poorer survival on univariate analysis. Majority of the ALS VAIs had bulbar phenotype when they presented to our service, which suggested that HMV may have been initiated later than previous studies and may explain the lack of prognostic consequence of this phenotype (21). In non-ALS cases, the reliance on domestic helper may be a marker of increased severity of illness and care need. The effect of age on survival is probably due to increased survival among young congenital muscular dystrophy and relatively increased co-morbidities in older individuals with more severe illnesses. This finding is consistent with previous studies (10,11). Cardiovascular diseases were associated with older age and were negative prognostic factors. Due to the retrospective nature of the study, there were missing data in few variables, especially in FVC. Spirometry is routinely ordered for all HVRSS new cases, but in our experience, many patients were unable to achieve acceptable and repeatable spirometry and in some cases, spirometry was impossible due to tracheostomy. Another limitation is that compliance data was self- or carer-reported as device download data was very limited and therefore prone to reporting bias. We also recognised that concomitant SDB is common among the VAIs, as demonstrated in published cohort (10). Although sleep-related symptom is one of the recruitment criteria, we do not routinely performed polysomnography due to lack of capacity to manage VAIs with complex care need in the laboratory and long wait time. Nationally, HVRSS is the only adult service available for HMV support and therefore our study is reasonably representative for Singapore. However, our sample size is relatively small when compared to other published cohorts; important prognostic factors with smaller effect may not be apparent on multivariate analysis. A further limitation of this study is that we did not collect data on patient and caregiver satisfaction. Quality of life appeared to be reasonable for the VAIs who suffer from relatively slow progressive neuromuscular disease based on a recent survey by co-authors (22) but this may not be generalisable to rapidly progressive disease such as ALS. In conclusion, the HVRSS supports a heterogenous group of VAIs with varying baseline demographics, social set-up, physiological characteristics and choice of therapy. There is an exponential increase in utilisation of our service since its inception. Despite being a relatively new service, comparable survival outcomes can be achieved by our model of care. ALS had the worst survival whereas NMCW had the best outcomes with Complex ICU and SCI groups in between. The result of this study is important for healthcare resource planning and when counselling for HMV. Future direction would be to create a national registry for HMV use to allow for interval monitoring of service delivery and regular survey on patient experience. The authors would like to express gratitude towards the Centre of Research and Innovation Office at TTSH for rendering advice on study design and statistical analysis, HVRSS team members (including but not exclusive to) Ms Janet Chua Pei Lu, Ms Anura Tamar Peters and Ms Tao Sun for their tireless service and Associate Professor John Arputhan Abisheganaden (Respiratory and Critical Care Medicine, Head of Department) and Associate Professor Thomas Lew Wing Kit (TTSH Chairman Medical Board) for the continuous support and success of the programme. Conflicts of Interest: The authors have no conflicts of interest to declare. Ethical Statement: Ethical approval was granted by the National Healthcare Group Domain Specific Review Board (reference no 2017/00471). - Simonds AK. Home mechanical ventilation: An overview. Ann Am Thorac Soc 2016;13:2035-44. [Crossref] [PubMed] - Bach JR, Ishikawa Y, Kim H. Prevention of pulmonary morbidity for patients with Duchenne muscular dystrophy. Chest 1997;112:1024-8. [Crossref] [PubMed] - Martí S, Pallero M, Ferrer J, et al. Predictors of mortality in chest wall disease treated with noninvasive home mechanical ventilation. Respir Med 2010;104:1843-9. [Crossref] [PubMed] - King AC. Long-Term Home Mechanical Ventilation in the United States. Respir Care 2012;57:921-30. [Crossref] [PubMed] - Ellis ER, Grunstein RR, Chan S, et al. Noninvasive ventilatory support during sleep improves respiratory failure in kyphoscoliosis. Chest 1988;94:811-5. [Crossref] [PubMed] - Berlowitz DJ, Howard ME, Fiore JF, et al. Identifying who will benefit from non-invasive ventilation in amyotrophic lateral sclerosis/motor neurone disease in a clinical Cohort. J Neurol Neurosurg Psychiatry 2016;87:280-6. [Crossref] [PubMed] - Lloyd-Owen SJ, Donaldson GC, Ambrosino N, et al. Patterns of home mechanical ventilation use in Europe: results from the Eurovent survey. Eur Respir J 2005;25:1025-31. [Crossref] [PubMed] - Chatwin M, Tan HL, Bush A, et al. Long Term Non-Invasive Ventilation in Children: Impact on Survival and Transition to Adult Care. PLoS One 2015;10:e0125839. [Crossref] [PubMed] - Nathan AM, Loo HY, de Bruyne JA, et al. Thirteen years of invasive and noninvasive home ventilation for children in a developing country: A retrospective study. Pediatr Pulmonol 2017;52:500-7. [Crossref] [PubMed] - Tan GP, McArdle N, Dhaliwal SS, et al. Patterns of use, survival and prognostic factors in patients receiving home mechanical ventilation in Western Australia: A single centre historical cohort study. Chron Respir Dis 2018;15:356-64. [Crossref] [PubMed] - Laub M, Midgren B. Survival of patients on home mechanical ventilation: A nationwide prospective study. Respir Med 2007;101:1074-8. [Crossref] [PubMed] - Walker C. Chronic illness and consumer inequality : the impact of health costs on people with chronic illnesses in rural and regional Australia. Aust Health Rev 2007;31:203-10. [Crossref] [PubMed] - Dreyer P, Lorenzen CK, Schou L, et al. Survival in ALS with home mechanical ventilation non-invasively and invasively: A 15-year cohort study in west Denmark. Amyotroph Lateral Scler Frontotemporal Degener 2014;15:62-7. [Crossref] [PubMed] - Bourke SC, Tomlinson M, Williams TL, et al. Effects of non-invasive ventilation on survival and quality of life in patients with amyotrophic lateral sclerosis: a randomised controlled trial. Lancet Neurol 2006;5:140-7. [Crossref] [PubMed] - Watt JW, Wiredu E, Silva P, et al. Survival after short- or long-term ventilation after acute spinal cord injury: a single-centre 25-year retrospective study. Spinal Cord 2011;49:404-10. [Crossref] [PubMed] - Ministry of Health. Singapore’s healthcare financing system [Internet]. Singapore: Ministry of Health. Available online: https://www.moh.gov.sg/docs/librariesprovider5/resources-statistics/educational-resources/3menglish_final.PDF - Marangi G, Traynor BJ. Genetic causes of amyotrophic lateral sclerosis: New genetic analysis methodologies entailing new opportunities and challenges. Brain Res 2015;1607:75-93. [Crossref] [PubMed] - Chen L, Zhang B, Chen R, et al. Natural history and clinical features of sporadic amyotrophic lateral sclerosis in China. J Neurol Neurosurg Psychiatry 2015;86:1075-81. [Crossref] [PubMed] - Liu X, Yang L, Tang L, et al. DCTN1 gene analysis in Chinese patients with sporadic amyotrophic lateral sclerosis. PLoS One 2017;12:e0182572. [Crossref] [PubMed] - Fallat RJ, Jewitt B, Bass M, et al. Spirometry in amyotrophic lateral sclerosis. Arch Neurol 1979;36:74-80. [Crossref] [PubMed] - Calvo A, Moglia C, Lunetta C, et al. Factors predicting survival in ALS: a multicenter Italian study. J Neurol 2017;264:54-63. [Crossref] [PubMed] - Wong WM, Tan AK, Koh GC. Health-related Quality of Life of Home Ventilated Patients (HoMe V) from a Tertiary Hospital in Singapore. Ann Acad Med Singapore 2017;46:399-403. [PubMed]
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Hoplia beetles chewing on blueberry flower buds Editor’s note: This article is from the archives of the MSU Crop Advisory Team Alerts. Check the label of any pesticide referenced to ensure your use is included. The warm weather over the past few weeks has brought out one of the earliest scarab beetles we find in Michigan blueberry fields. This species is a Hoplia flower beetle (Hoplia trifasciata) and the adults feed on young buds and can also feed on flowers. Hot spots have been reported in Holland and West Olive, but they have been seen in a few other regions further south. In 2007, the beetles were active during bloom, but our recent sunny hot days have warmed the soil and brought them out early. They prefer flower buds and leave ragged feeding on the buds and on the flowers from their feeding. We have also trapped these beetles in the white traps used for monitoring fruitworms. These beetles have marks on each elytra (wing covering) and are a little hairy. This distinguishes them from rose chafer or Japanese beetle which also emerge later. Hoplia beetles may be tan or grey and they are usually here for just a short time, especially in hot weather. It is not known how much economic damage they can do, but the number of flowers or buds affected is usually a very small percentage of the total number. We also do not know whether damaged buds or flowers can still set fruit. There is no well-studied threshold for this beetle in blueberry. As a rough threshold, if more than 2 percent of flower buds are eaten completely off, you should consider control. This is based on 2 percent of a typical yield being worth more than the cost of an application. In fields of concern, sample a representative 10 bushes spread throughout the field and sample ten flower buds on each bush to give 100 buds sampled. If more than two of these buds are eaten and beetles are still active, consider an application of one of the insecticides that work well against Japanese beetle. Be aware that there are no insecticides registered for use in blueberry for Hoplia flower beetle that have this beetle on the label. Also be aware that we are approaching blueberry bloom and any application of insecticide with long residual activity runs the risk of causing harm to bees. A week from bloom, avoid broad spectrum insecticides. Spray insecticides only if this pest is causing economic levels of damage. Hoplia beetles feeding on blueberry flowers Dr. Isaacs’s work is funded in part by MSU‘s AgBioResearch.
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Write a program in assembly language to multiply two decimal numbers 23 and 9 and store the answer in some memory location. Also write this program in machine language. Lost your password? Please enter your email address. You will receive a link and will create a new password via email.
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Latest photos on AncientFaces No one from the askitas community has shared photos. Here are new photos on AncientFaces: Askitas Surname History The family history of the Askitas last name is maintained by the AncientFaces community. Join the community by adding to to this genealogy of the Askitas: - Askitas family history - Askitas country of origin, nationality, & ethnicity - Askitas last name meaning & etymology - Askitas spelling & pronunciation - genealogy and family tree Askitas Country of Origin, Nationality, & Ethnicity No one has submitted information on askitas country of origin, nationality, or ethnicity. Add to this section No content has been submitted about the Askitas country of origin. The following is speculative information about Askitas. You can submit your information by clicking Edit. The nationality of Askitas is often difficult to determine because countries change over time, making the nation of origin indeterminate. The original ethnicity of Askitas may be in dispute as result of whether the name came in to being naturally and independently in different locales; e.g. in the case of surnames that are based on professions, which can come into being in multiple places independently (such as the last name "Miller" which referred to the profession of working in a mill). Askitas Meaning & Etymology No one has submitted information on askitas meaning and etymology. Add to this section No content has been submitted about the meaning of Askitas. The following is speculative information about Askitas. You can submit your information by clicking Edit. The meaning of Askitas come may come from a profession, such as the name "Gardener" which was given to people of that profession. Some of these trade-based family names may be a profession in another language. This is why it is essential to research the nationality of a name, and the languages used by its family members. Many western names like Askitas come from religious texts such as the Quran, the Bible, the Bhagavadgītā, and so forth. Commonly these family names relate to a religious phrase such as "Lamb of God". Askitas Pronunciation & Spelling Variations No one has added information on askitas spellings or pronunciations. Add to this section No content has been submitted about alternate spellings of Askitas. The following is speculative information about Askitas. You can submit your information by clicking Edit. Knowing misspellings and alternate spellings of the Askitas surname are important to understanding the etymology of the name. Last names like Askitas transform in spelling and pronunciation as they travel across tribes, family unions, and eras over the years. In the past, when few people knew how to write, names such as Askitas were written down based on how they were heard by a scribe when people's names were recorded in government records. This could have resulted in misspellings of Askitas. Last names similar to AskitasAskitis Askitopoulos Askitou Askittino Askitton Askittou Askiwaze Askiwosik Askjar Askje Askjeld Askjeldsdatter Askjeldsdtr Askjeldsen Askjeldsson Askjell Askjelldotter Askjellerud Askjellsdatter Askjellsdotter askitas Family Tree Here are a few of the askitas genealogies shared by AncientFaces users. Click here to see more askitases
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Frequently Asked Questions about Gifted Education | download this page How are children identified as gifted in the state of New Mexico? New Mexico has guidelines that determine the need for services beyond the regular classroom curriculum. Students must be assessed in intellectual ability and qualify in one other area: academic achievement, creativity, and/or critical thinking. The specific regulations that dictate eligibility can be found on the Public Education Department website at: http://www.ped.state.nm.us/Humanities/Gifted/index.html , then click on the Technical Assistance Manual for Gifted Education in New Mexico and go to pages 123-124. My child’s three-year re-evaluation is coming. Does my child need to have a new IQ test? No, once the student’s intellectual ability, Intelligence Quotient (IQ), is determined, no further testing is needed in that area. Typically the re-evaluation looks at informal assessments which determine growth in the goal areas of the student’s IEP as well as future goal areas. Why do students who are gifted need services? Whether or not a student needs services is a determination that is made by the IEP team after the student has been evaluated and met the established criteria. Many gifted students demonstrate need because they are not challenged by the curriculum that is offered at their grade level. The IEP team determines what services are needed, where they will be delivered and by What are the requirements for the use of the Alternative Protocols? Alternative protocols are appropriate tools for the identification and evaluation process. They are often implemented with students who have been determined to have socioeconomic disadvantages, disabilities, cultural differences, or language barriers that would interfere with their ability to perform on individually administered tests. Currently two alternative protocols are often used: the DISCOVER assessment and the Frasier Talent Assessment Profile (FTAP). How long should it take for my child to be identified and receive services for gifted The Special Education regulations that speak to the length of time that should transpire between referral, testing, identification and the beginning of service should be “reasonable.” The specifics of that timeline may be spelled out in the district policies. Whatever policies the district implements as a timeline for the determination of eligibility should be uniform for all referrals to special education. Why address the social/emotional needs of students who are gifted? Child development is often not a level process for many children. For children who are gifted, the difference between their intellectual ability and their emotional development may be significant. If the student is demonstrating difficulty that may be attributed to his or her social/emotional needs, those needs should be assessed and addressed. The IEP team may request a psychological evaluation, and write IEP goals and objectives that will address the need. At what age should my child be tested? The regulations state that a continuum of services must be available for Kindergarten through 12th grade. When your child should be referred and possibly tested is a determination made by the school and the parent. Is a student who is gifted a straight “A” student? Not necessarily. There are gifted students whose academic achievement crosses all areas (language arts, mathematics, social studies, and science). There are many who may excel in only one or two areas. There are students that are gifted and have qualified as a result of non-academic achievements and abilities. These students may not have any particular scholastic aptitude, but use their intellectual ability in other ways. They may display exceptional abilities in the visual or performing arts or have critical thinking skills that they demonstrate through problem solving opportunities. Another type of student who qualifies for gifted services may also have a disability that interferes with performance in certain curricular areas. What’s the difference between a high achiever and being gifted? Generally speaking, students who are high achievers are typically good students, who work hard, do what is expected of them, are attentive to their teachers, and like school. Again, generally speaking, gifted students can sometimes be more of a challenge to teachers. They may question what is being offered and show less inclination to do what is asked of them. They may display different styles when approaching tasks or assignments. They may know answers, but not know the steps to get them. What is the least restrictive environment for a student who is gifted? A continuum of placements is required in each district. This means that services may be provided solely in the regular education classroom with appropriate aids and services, short-duration pull-out programs, resource rooms for specialized supports, or in highly differentiated environments, such as alternate classrooms for specific subjects, or in a full day self-contained classroom. The individual student needs must dictate how, where and by whom the services are provided. There is research that supports the idea that the students who are gifted need to be grouped for contact with others of like ability during a portion of their time in school. Grouping provides an opportunity for gifted students to share ideas and interests that may be different or more in-depth than their general education classmates. When students need more accelerated learning opportunities, they may spend more time in environments with similarly skilled students. What kinds of services are available for students who are gifted? The services that a gifted student needs will be a determination of the IEP team as they write the IEP. Some of the most common ways to serve gifted students are compacting and telescoping curriculum, pull-out programs that address academic strengths, enrichment, acceleration, grade-skipping, mentorship, and concurrent enrollment. In some cases, acceleration means content acceleration, which brings more complex material to the student at his or her current grade level. In other cases, acceleration means student acceleration, which brings the student to the material by shifting placement. Is there any funding to serve gifted students? Gifted students in New Mexico are under the special education umbrella and are funded according to their level of service. The only difference between funding for students with disabilities and funding for students who are gifted is that a portion of the funds for students with disabilities comes from the federal government. As with all special education students, gifted students are funded first as regular education students and then additional funds are provided depending on the level of service that is required to meet their identified needs. The total add-on funding allocated to the district is the same for all students who have been identified for special education services. How many Gifted Advisory Committees do we need to have in our district? Where can I find the statute? The statute requires a minimum of one gifted advisory committee per district that offers gifted programs. There is also a provision to allow for as many committees as there are high schools in the district. The committee membership should be made up of parents, community members, students, and school staff members. Membership should reflect the cultural diversity of students served. Here’s the statute location: NMSA 22-13-6.1. Gifted children; determination. Are there requirements for Case Managers of gifted students? Although regular education teachers can be case managers for students who are receiving services as gifted, specialized skills and knowledge are needed to select and provide appropriate services for gifted students. Can teachers of the gifted teach other subjects? The caseload of the teacher determines how much time is allotted to these students or to other classes. If a teacher works as a 1.0 FTE (full-time equivalent) in special education, gifted services, he or she should not be teaching students other than those who have been identified as gifted. A teacher may teach any area in which he or she meets licensure criteria. If, for example, a teacher works as a .5 FTE for special education, gifted services, he or she can also work a .5 FTE in regular education. It is expected that half of his or her time will be spent in each area. How can I find the latest Gifted Education Teacher Competencies and Endorsement requirements? The information is found in the New Mexico Register/Volume XXI, Number 2, January 29, 2010 and can be accessed at http://www.nmcpr.state.nm.us/nmregister/xxi/xxi02/6.64.18.pdf . Submit other questions for posting on this site to: firstname.lastname@example.org
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Let's say you throw a ball vertically with an initial velocity of v0 at time t0. As the ball rises, it slows down due to earth's gravitational pull, eventually reaching a peak distance from the ground, which we will call h1. At that point, the direction of the ball reverses and it falls back down towards the ground. Finally, the ball strikes the ground at time t1. Let's say that at that point, the ball undergoes an inelastic collision with the ground, loses energy, and rebounds at velocity v2 climbing to a height of h2, which is exactly half of h1. On the second bounce at time t2, the ball loses more energy so that it only climbs to a height of h3, which is half of h2. The ball continues bouncing losing half its kinetic energy every bounce, and as time progresses, the time between bounces gets smaller and smaller. A simulation of a bouncing ball is illustrated in Figure 1. After around eleven bounces, the height of each bounce is so small you can't see it on the graph anymore. But even then, the ball is still bouncing. The reader is left to ponder: how can we know when the ball stops bouncing? How many times does the ball bounce before it finally comes to rest? Or maybe, that isn't the right question, since it would seem as though the ball can rebound to half its height infinitely many times. But if the ball bounces infinitely many times, doesn't that mean that the ball should never stop bouncing? In this paper, we will explore this subject in depth, and determine when, if ever, the ball stops bouncing by using mathematics. Developing a Mathematical Model To begin, I will try to give an intuitive review of the physics equations of motion which apply to the ball. Since the ball can go either of two directions, up or down, we will need to apply physics equations of motion for a 1-dimensional universe. So let's quickly derive the basic physics equations of motion for the ball using integral calculus. In this problem, we will assume that the Earth applies a constant force to the ball despite the distance of the ball from the Earth. This assumption is accurate enough for our analysis since it is impossible for a human being to throw a ball high enough so that the force of gravity between the ball and the earth changes a significant amount. In physics, the letter g is a constant which signifies the acceleration caused by the earth on a dropped object, which is approximately 9.8 m/s2. We will also ignore the affects of air resistance on the ball. Using Leibniz differential calculus notation, the velocity and acceleration due to gravity of a falling object are defined using the following equations: Equation 1a states that the acceleration due to Earth's gravitational pull (-g) is the rate of change of velocity (v). Manipulating the equation, we can solve for the velocity as a function of time. Equation 1b simply states that velocity (v) is the rate of change of the height (h) of an object. Using Equation 2, we can solve for an expression of the height of the object as a function of time. Equations 2 and 3 give the velocity and position of any object with constant acceleration moving in one-dimensional space. The values vs and hs are constants produced by the integration, which represent the velocity and height of the object at time ts. Now that we have equations which relate the height and velocity of the ball, we can use them to analyze the motion of the ball as it is affected by the Earth's gravity. We will begin by analyzing a single bounce of the ball. In Figure 2, we see what we will call a 'bounce cycle' spanning from time tn‑1 to tn. At time tn‑1, the ball undergoes an inelastic collision with the ground, causing the ball to reverse direction and lose kinetic energy. Half-way through the bounce cycle, the velocity decreases to zero, and at that point, the ball is at the maximum height hn. This height is related to the maximum height of the previous bounce cycle by the constant r, which is the rebound coefficient defined by r = hn/hn‑1 (we will assume 0 ≤ r < 1). At the end of the cycle, the ball is traveling at a speed of ‑vn as it once again collides with the ground at time tn, at which point the next bounce cycle begins. The ball will reach its maximum height hn at time tmax,n = (tn‑1 + tn)/2. We can find out at what time the ball reaches its maximum (tmax,n) by solving for the time at which the velocity of the ball is zero using Equation 2 with ts = tn‑1and vs = vn. Next, we can then find the ball's maximum height at time tmax,n using Equations 3 and 4 with ts = tn‑1, hs = 0, and vs = vn. We now have expressions for the duration (Equation 4) and maximum height (Equation 5) of each bounce cycle; however, we prefer to have expressions which state them in terms of the initial velocity v0. To do so, we first need to solve for the coefficient of restitution. The coefficient of restitution is the ratio of the magnitude of the ball's velocities immediately before and after impact with the ground. Or in general terms, the coefficient of restitution is vn/vn‑1. This is not to be confused with r, which we defined earlier to be the rebound coefficient hn/hn‑1; although, they're related, and we can use r to solve for the coefficient of restitution. To do so, we will set hn = r hn-1 using Equation (5), then solve for vn/vn‑1. The coefficient of restitution for our ball is therefore the square root of the rebound coefficient r. Using Equation 6, we can find the relation for any rebound velocity vn to the initial velocity v0. Using this result, we can state the rebound velocity, maximum height, and bounce cycle duration for any one of the bounces in terms of the initial velocity of the ball, v0. By plugging Equation 7 into Equations 4 and 5, we find: Now that we have an expression for the duration of the bounce cycle, we can begin to add the times up one by one, starting at time t0. We can calculate the total time until the nth bounce by adding up the first n bounce cycle times. Combining Equations 8 and 10, we come up with the following geometric series. As long as 0 ≤ r < 1, the geometric series in Equation 11 converges to a specific time tfinal, at which time the ball is no longer bouncing. The implications of these results are quite profound. Through mathematics, we have shown that after the ball bounces an infinite number of times, it will finally come to a stop at time tfinal. Another way of solving for tfinal is by performing a 2nd‑degree polynomial fit using any three peak heights and times as data points. Using the first three peaks, we build up the following matrix. Converting Equation 13 to reduced row echelon form results in the following polynomial 2nd‑degree polynomial fit: This polynomial factors quite nicely into the following expression: As a result, we end up with an equation for a scaled and delayed parabola. By plugging in various values of tn from Equation 11 into Equation 15, we verify that the results match the expected values of hn found in Equation 9. Also, it can be easily seen that the value of the function is zero when t is the same value of tfinal we found in Equation 12. Figure 3 shows the results of inscribing h(t) onto the waveform of the bouncing ball, showing that it passes directly through all maximum points for all the bounce cycles. Using both Equations 12 and 15, we can know precisely the time at which a ball with rebound coefficient r and initial upward velocity v0 will come to a complete stop. For example, if we were to throw a ball with a rebound coefficient r = ½ upward with initial velocity v0 = 10 m/s, the ball will finally come to rest in 6.97 seconds. These results provide a disproof of Zeno's paradox, which states that it shouldn't be possible for a runner to complete a race, because he would have to travel half-way to the finish line infinitely many times. Using the example of the bouncing ball, we have shown that it is mathematically possible for someone to watch a ball bounce to half its height an infinite number of times and live to tell about it.
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A telling characteristic of Expressionist painting is its colourful, unconventional look. It has been said that the Impressionists ‘saw’ and the Expressionists ‘felt’. Painters now dared to express their own, highly subjective, feelings on canvas. Looking to African and Oceanic art for ideas, and Post-Impressionism for techniques, these artists developed a new visual language: colour, distortion and abstraction, through which they created a rapport with the viewer. These works struck a chord with contemporary art collectors. See preview The 25 images and 54 pages in this e-book offer concise information, teaching ideas and the opportunity for fresh and creative thinking about the subject. On purchase click the download link on the order form sent to your email address to receive your ebook.
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Countries at the Crossroads You are here Accountability and Public Voice(0 = WORST, 7 = BEST) Civil Liberties(0 = WORST, 7 = BEST) Rule of Law(0 = WORST, 7 = BEST) Anti-Corruption and Transparency(0 = WORST, 7 = BEST) Like many of its African counterparts, the Mauritanian regime is a hybrid, combining democratic and authoritarian traits. On the one hand, Mauritania embarked upon a path of political liberalization in 1991, after 31 years of single-party and military rule. The 1991 constitution provided for a pluralist political regime and for the official recognition of universal human rights. For the first time since the year of independence (1960), the country has held an uninterrupted cycle of multiparty elections at the municipal, legislative, and presidential levels. Independent newspapers have flourished, allowing for an unprecedented degree of public criticism of the government. New actors (i.e., local and transnational nongovernmental organizations [NGOs]) have entered the political field. In addition, the state's violent repression of non-Arabic-speaking minorities (Haalpulaar, Sooninke, and Wolof), which peaked in the 1989 - 1990 period, has been receding since the mid-1990s. In 2004, under pressure from international organizations, the Mauritanian government and civil society groups approved a "National Plan of Action for Human Rights," which the United Nations Development Program describes as "the most comprehensive document on the human rights situation in Mauritania to date." On the other hand, beyond these formal democratic reforms lies another reality. Ancien regime elites have maintained their privileged positions at the top of the state and have co-opted many opposition activists. They have successfully perpetuated authoritarian practices and skillfully manipulated the liberalization reforms. For instance, although elections have been organized on a regular basis, the regime has never put itself at risk: The incumbent president, who came to power through a coup in 1984, won all three presidential elections since 1992 in a process generally seen as unfair. Illustrative of such a process, in the most recent presidential election, in November 2003, security forces arrested the president's most serious opponent on the day before the election and again two days after. The government also cracked down on alleged Islamist leaders and organizations, while simultaneously harassing, arresting, and jailing opposition leaders and disbanding opposition parties. For their part, the presidential party and its smaller allies controlled 100 percent of the seats in the National Assembly in 1992, 99 percent in 1996, and 87 percent in 2001. The public administration is highly politicized; the distribution of public offices and the management of public resources are influenced by loyalty to the regime and connections to powerful networks. Despite the civilian nature of the new constitution, the political (and financial) influence of top military and security personnel exceeds that of elected representatives and of most members of the cabinet. American and NATO support to the Mauritanian military, a consequence of Mauritania's allegiance to the "War on Terror," runs the risk of consolidating this regime and its allies in the security apparatus. As the regime refuses to undertake substantive democratic reforms, it is more likely to witness radical forms of opposition. A failed coup occurred in June 2003, led by military officers who were frustrated by the government's foreign policy (rapprochement with the United States and Israel) and by its domestic military policy (perceived favoritism and discrimination based on regional identities). Two other coup attempts allegedly occurred in August and September of 2004. In 1991, Mauritania adopted a constitution that provides for a pluralist political system. This led to an uninterrupted cycle of elections at the presidential, legislative, and municipal levels. In general, however, these elections have not been conducted fairly and freely. The only exceptions to this were the 2001 municipal and legislative elections. As the November 2003 presidential election approached, authorities pledged to replicate the conditions of the October 2001 legislative and municipal elections, including state funding for political parties on the basis of their representation in municipal councils; the guarantee of fair media coverage; the establishment of a new computerized voters' list; and a new "unfalsifiable" identity card. However, as in the previous elections, the government refused to create an independent electoral commission to organize and supervise the presidential election; it continued to rely upon the interior ministry to perform these functions. Opposition parties claimed that the presidency's formal and informal control over the public administration, and more specifically the interior ministry, prevented the organization of a fair election. In addition, foreign observers were not invited. As election day approached, unfair state interference increased. The main opposition candidate, Mohamed Khouna Ould Haidallah (who had been head of state until he was ousted in a coup by the current president), was specifically targeted. Security forces searched his house and those of his collaborators. Surprisingly, the chair of President Maaouya Ould Sid'Ahmed Taya's campaign staff - not an official representative of the state - showed the media a document allegedly found in Ould Haidallah's house that contained a plan to stage a coup. Security forces arrested Ould Haidallah's two sons a few days prior to the election. On election eve, Ould Haidallah and members of his organization were arrested. Ould Haidallah was released on the same day, possibly because the election would have been cancelled otherwise. But he was arrested again two days after the election, with 14 members of his campaign staff. Authorities accused him of plotting a coup and of receiving money from a foreign (i.e., Libyan) source. In addition to the arrests of the main candidate, newspapers reported that on election day, opposition parties' representatives at the voting sites were denied access to the voter list by interior ministry officials, were denied their right to compare each voter's identity card with the voter list, and had their mobile phones taken away. President Ould Taya won the election, for the third consecutive time, with 67 percent of the vote. His main opponent, Ould Haidallah, obtained 18.7 percent. The relatively fair campaigning opportunities of the 2001 legislative and municipal elections have not been replicated. These results confirmed the iron law of Mauritanian politics: Coups have been the only form of rotation of power at the top of the state since Mauritania became independent. A month after the election, the criminal court gave Ould Haidallah and his staff members a suspended sentence of five years and stripped them of their civic and political rights, which means that they cannot run in elections. Ould Haidallah's lawyers called upon the Supreme Court to annul the elections and, later on, to reexamine the accusations of the coup attempt and the deprivation of their client's political and civil rights; both demands were rejected. In April 2004, Mauritania held elections for one-third of the Senate seats. The ruling party and one of its small allies won 15 seats and the opposition won 3 seats. The opposition denounced the administration's biased monitoring of the election, claiming for example that undue pressure was put on opposition municipal councilors to vote for the ruling party's candidate. More generally, as a Mauritanian legal expert explains, the 1991 constitution sanctions "the preeminence of the Head of State." In effect, in theory and in practice, the state is highly centralized in the hands of the president, leaving the legislative and the judicial branches in a condition of political subordination. The president appoints and dismisses the government, and he can dissolve the National Assembly. In addition, he appoints three of the six judges to the Constitutional Council (including the court's president), whose task is, among other things, to validate electoral results (including the results of presidential elections); there is no oversight of these appointments. Also, the presidency is not subject to a term limit (Article 28). The power of the presidency is strengthened in practice by the fact that the president's party - the Parti republicain, democratique et social (PRDS) - has always had control of the National Assembly and the Senate. The highest proportion of seats the opposition has ever had in the National Assembly is 13.5 percent (11 seats out of 81), following the 2001 election. It won only one seat in 1996 and boycotted the 1992 legislative elections. Opposition political organizations are regularly the target of unfair interference by the state. Over the past five years, the government disbanded some of the most popular opposition parties: Action pour le changement (AC) in January 2002; Union des forces democratiques/ere nouvelle in October 2000; and At-tali'a in 1999. Opposition leaders have also been targeted: Ch'bih Ould Melainine (Front Populaire) was arrested in April 2001 and sentenced to five years in prison; he was eventually granted a presidential pardon. Ahmed Ould Daddah (Union des forces democratiques/ere nouvelle, before it was dismantled by the government) was arrested five times between 1998 and 2000. State harassment of political opposition and the lack of political openness may lead political actors to opt increasingly for more violent forms of change, as illustrated by the failed coup of June 2003 and two alleged coup attempts in August - September 2004. However, opposition parties also have some responsibility for the ruling party's and incumbent president's permanent rule, as they have fought intense struggles among themselves, based partly on personal and factional rivalries and partly on ideological differences. The official centralization of power parallels unofficial forms of domination. Informal political relations connect the presidency to local rural leaders, powerful businessmen, and public servants. These patron-client relations provide a strong political base of support for the president and can help secure votes before, and irrespective of, electoral campaigns. This suggests that a narrow analytical focus on elections and electoral campaigning opportunities is not sufficient to understanding why a rotation of power through elections has not occurred since 1991. The politicization of public institutions also weakens Mauritanian democracy. Appointments to, and management of, public offices are neither meritocratic nor transparent. Rather, they form a mechanism that rewards political loyalty to the regime and punishes political opposition. As one observer argues, the selection of public servants is determined less by formal education and diploma and much more by one's proximity to the top decision-making circle and by the president's informal policy of balancing among the different regions, tribes, and ethnic groups. No civic associations can operate without a formal interior ministry authorization, which can be denied or removed at any time. Past refusals to authorize NGOs were justified by these organizations' strong stand on issues such as slavery and human rights. In general, civic groups do not exert substantive influence on state policies and legislation. It must be said that the Mauritanian political system is not constituted only of formal organizations, such as NGOs and political parties. Political influence upon state policies emanates in large part from informal webs of networks and factions. These are based on various forms of loyalty, ranging from one's home region, lineage group, or religious brotherhood to childhood friendships. Some of these networks have survived for several years while others have changed and reformed at a fast pace. Privately owned newspapers have flourished since 1992, before which only the state-owned daily was authorized. Yet, state censorship of independent media is frequent, not to mention the less quantifiable self-censorship. The state owns the only printing facility (Imprimerie nationale) in the country, and the ministry of the interior is entitled by Article 11 of the Law on the Press to censor any publication that "threatens the principles of Islam or the credibility of the State, or that threatens the general interest as well as public order and security." Newspapers, most of which are weeklies, must submit each issue to the ministry of the interior, which then authorizes or prohibits publication based on Article 11. (Two of the three daily newspapers are state-owned [in French and Arabic] and the third is relatively close to the government's position.) Article 11 has been used to censor the press when newspaper articles talk about (in no specific order) the Western Sahara dispute (in which Mauritania is officially neutral), Islamist organizations, corruption by public officials and/or big businesses, slavery, and bilateral relations with Israel. In October 2003, the government forbade publication of one issue of each of four newspapers because they included a pro-opposition advertisement. In May 2004, a journalist of L'Eveil-Hebdo was questioned by police forces after he had published an article that described daily police acts of intimidation and brutality against members of the local population. In September 2004, the government shut down the newspaper Al Jamahir; no official reason was given other than that the shutdown was "in conformity with Article 11," although the fact that this newspaper is said to be ideologically and financially close to Libya, which the government accused of supporting coup plotters, could be an explanation. The state has never authorized the creation of national independent television and radio stations. However, both international shortwave radio stations and international television channels broadcast by satellite enjoy a wide audience in Mauritania. The boundaries of state censorship now seem to extend to opinions expressed on these foreign channels. For instance, on November 23, 2003, a Mauritanian professor at the University of Nouakchott was arrested because he had criticized the American invasion of Iraq on Al-Jazeera. In theory, Article 13 of the Mauritanian constitution protects citizens from torture and from inhumane treatment in prisons. Article 91 proscribes arbitrary detention, and detention without trial cannot exceed 72 hours, with the exception of detention for crimes against the security of the state, in which case detention may last up to 30 days. A mediator of the republic (similar to an ombudsman) was established in 1993, both to investigate abuse of citizens by representatives of the public administration and to make recommendations to settle these differends (disputes). However, this legal framework does not match the empirical reality. When citizens seek to defend themselves they most often resort to informal mechanisms based on tribal, ethnic, and family-based connections. In the aftermath of the failed coup attempt of June 8, 2003, about 130 members of the military were arrested, as well as members of their families. On August 9, 2004, about 50 people, including military officers, religious leaders, and civilians, were arrested after the government allegedly uncovered another coup plot. About a dozen more military officers and civilians were arrested at the end of September 2004, including two leaders of the 2003 coup attempt. They were officially accused of "attempting to destroy and to change the constitutional order with the use of weapons . . . and to use armed groups to threaten the state." Throughout these waves of arrests, defense lawyers have denounced several violations of the law. They asserted that the prisoners were illegally denied access to their family members and lawyers and that the duration of detention without trial exceeded the legal limit. Human Rights Watch echoed these denunciations and stated that the "lack of access to the military officers that are in detention raises serious concerns about their treatment, given past reports of inhuman conditions of detention in Mauritania." The government has never authorized formal investigations of allegations of torture. The only measure it has taken recently was to let some foreign journalists talk to a selected number of prisoners. However, this took place in the presence of their guards, thereby making it difficult to determine the extent to which torture is practiced in Mauritanian jails. Official punishment of perpetrators is even less frequent. Prison conditions depend on the detainee's status and political connections. Families are often expected to provide for prisoners' basic needs. Without such connections and family support, a prisoner's living conditions can be execrable. Limits on length of detention without trial are arbitrarily implemented, with the exception of high-profile prisoners, who enjoy strong media exposure and legal support. Formal institutions are generally inadequate for protecting citizens against state and non-state abuses. Even the office of the mediator of the republic is powerless, given its lack of independence from the executive branch: The president appoints the mediator, its budget is drawn from the president's office, and its annual report is presented to the president only. Also, only deputies and mayors (elected representatives) can lodge a complaint with the mediator. Consequently, people often resort to informal networks of personal connections to express their grievances and to defend themselves when their rights are violated by state authorities. Most people are forced to plead for a personal favor in cases in which they should simply be able to secure a legal right. No political assassination was reported in 2003 - 2004. However, up to this day, the state-sponsored killings of hundreds of Haalpulaar, Wolof, and Sooninke citizens and soldiers between 1989 and 1991 have never been investigated. The Amnesty Law of 1993 protects state officials involved in these human rights violations. Slavery is both a highly controversial and complex issue. Historically, all four ethnic groups of Mauritania shared a relatively similar hierarchy based on social status, with groups such as religious scholars, warriors, artisans, freed slaves, and slaves. Although today these statuses no longer refer to actual professional occupations, generally speaking, high status continues to generate prestige and favoritism, and low-ranking people such as "freed slaves" face exclusion and discrimination. The government and opposition groups are involved in a fierce battle over the issue of slavery. The government argues that only the after-effects of slavery remain, not slavery itself; after the official abolishment of slavery in 1980, a June 2003 law forbid trafficking in persons and the new labor code outlaws forced labor. The government also argues that poverty-reduction policies targeting vulnerable populations are addressing the after-effects of slavery, although the official discourse never explicitly mentions any of the low-ranking social groups. For their part, opposition parties and NGOs argue that slavery still persists among the Bidhan(Arabic-speaking communities), specifically outside the urban centers. They argue that the 1980 law has two major weaknesses: it does not specify any sanction for those who violate the law, and it provides for compensation only for former masters, not for former slaves. The government's arrest of activists (in 1998) and journalists (in 2005) and the disbanding of the AC in 2002, all on the basis of these parties' anti-slavery discourse and actions, reinforces the belief that slavery in some form has not completely disappeared. Most analysts agree that the 1980 law in itself did not change anything. Within the Arabic-speaking community, many Haratin (a contested social status that means "freed slaves") continue to be heavily dependent economically, socially, and politically on their social superiors. Studies suggest that changes are taking place, mostly due to socioeconomic transformations (urbanization, industrialization, and the rapid growth of the army following the Saharan war). The Haratin's dependency has been challenged in urban centers, and sometimes ended altogether. Even in such cases, however, the Haratin's extreme poverty persists. As one of Mauritania's most reputable social scientists observes, the adoption of an anti-slavery legal framework is not "sufficient to abolish the status [of "former slaves" or "slaves"], which is inscribed in a complex web of economic, ideological and symbolic relations." The constitution ordains the equality of all citizens but does not offer any specific guideline in cases of racial or ethnic discrimination. The Law of the Public Administration stipulates that there cannot be any discrimination against civil servants on the basis of their opinion, gender, or race (Article 15). In practice, however, citizens who feel they have been the subject of racial or ethnic discrimination in employment or occupation are left with few legal tools. No claims of racial discrimination have been filed so far, suggesting that individuals who feel that they are treated unfairly prefer to resort to personal and informal connections; unfortunately, not all citizens have access to such connections. State resources and appointments in the public service are informally distributed along tribal and ethnic lines. However, these appointments generally benefit individual public servants and rarely the community to which they belong. The State Secretary for Women's Condition is the main office through which the state seeks to promote women's rights in the country; international organizations - mainly UN branches - and local NGOs advise and put pressure on the office. For instance, in 2004 a local organization obtained the support of the imams of Nouakchott in their campaign against sexual harassment. In July 2001, the National Assembly adopted the personal status code, which put forward some legal improvements regarding women's rights. Husbands can no longer forbid their wives to study or to work outside the house, and wives can refuse polygamous weddings. But the personal status code confirms the husband's unilateral right to repudiate his wife, as authorized by Sharia. Marriage at an early age is common among Mauritanian women: In 2003, 23 percent of women between the ages of 20 and 29 were married before the age of 15. The state's capacity and willingness to prevent and punish discrimination against women is relatively weak. For instance, a UN report has documented the persistence of different forms of violence against women, including genital mutilation. Women's rights, as well as their socioeconomic and political conditions, are largely dependent on their ethnic, caste, and geographical (rural/urban) background. In the 2001 legislative election, three women were elected to the National Assembly, accounting for 3.7 percent of the total number of elected representatives. As of 2004, only three women were among the 54 members of the Senate. Women account for only 6.6 percent of the top positions in the public administration. Hopefully the increasing rate of female school enrollment as well as the recent adoption of a compulsory education law (for boys and girls) will improve this situation, although this will also require that civil service appointments become transparent and merit based. People with disabilities who wish to improve their living conditions and status in society cannot count on strong state support. They are usually cared for by their families, to the extent possible given the extreme poverty of most of the population. A special office of the Direction des affaires sociales (social affairs division) is in charge of providing educational and professional help to people with disabilities. The government asserts that its Social Affairs Secretary has "re-educated and provided [disabled people] with equipment" and that "300 physically handicapped children have been placed in elementary schools and 58 deaf or blind children are receiving special education. 218 handicapped adults are benefiting from a community-based reintegration project." A group of local organizations formed the National Association for Disabled People in 1999 in an attempt to lobby for much greater changes. With the help of international organizations, people with disabilities recently called upon the state to adopt a legal framework and adopt measures that would protect their rights and promote their interests more substantially. Between 1989 and 1991, state officials directly and indirectly encouraged the assassination and expulsion from the national territory of citizens from the Haalpulaar, Sooninke, and Wolof ethnic minorities. Since then, gross violations have decreased in scope and number. However, less quantifiable (and recordable) forms of exclusion continue. For instance, individuals from these minorities are rarely appointed to strategic positions in the political and security apparatus. Tribal and regional identities within the Bidhan community can also be the source of discrimination. For instance, given that most of the alleged coup plotters in 2003 came from eastern Mauritania, many citizens from these regions were arrested or have lost their jobs, especially those at the top of the state administration and in the military. The freedom of cultural expression of ethnic minorities has slowly improved since the aftermath of the 1989 - 1991 state-sponsored violence. The state has authorized the creation of associations that promote the Haalpulaar, Sooninke, and Wolof cultures. However, Arabic remains the only official language, whereas Haalpulaar, Sooninke, and Wolof are only national languages. Arabic and French are now the only two languages of public education, following the 1999 educational reform that abolished a special educational program in the Haalpulaar, Sooninke, and Wolof languages. Mauritania is officially an Islamic republic. The state allows the few non-Muslims (Western expatriates and West African workers and refugees) to practice their religions. Since 1994, the government has increasingly controlled and repressed political activities that it defined as Islamist. This process has accelerated since the spring of 2003, when the government arrested high-profile Islamic figures while shutting down numerous Islamic associations. In June 2003 the council of ministers adopted a draft law that turned mosques into public facilities, thereby allowing the state to monitor sermons, control the mosques' sources of funding, and define imams' rules of conduct. The constitution guarantees citizens' right of association. However, this right is often violated in practice, as the state regularly interferes with the activities and even the existence of political parties, NGOs, and various associations, as illustrated by the numerous arrests and dismantling of opposition organizations and associations. Human Rights Watch claims that the arrests of religious leaders, opposition politicians, and social activists "have been justified in terms of the need to suppress terrorism, but appear rather to be designed to silence those who are critical of the government." In addition, new parties and organizations have been denied official authorization. For instance, in October 2003, the government refused to authorize the creation of an Observatory for Democracy and Transparency, as requested by a group of citizens. In April 2004, the government refused to authorize a party created by supporters of Ould Haidallah, the Party of the Democratic Convergence. In May 2004, however, it authorized another party, Assawab, which also included supporters of Ould Haidallah. Although Mauritanians are allowed to join trade unions, two of the three main unions complain that the new labor code adopted in May 2004 further restrains their rights and activities. Since the establishment of the 1991 constitution, Mauritanians are not compelled by the state to belong to any association. However, indirect incentives to join the ruling party do exist, given that the management and distribution of public resources are permeated by political clientelism. In 2004, the streets of Nouakchott were relatively calm, and no major protests took place. However, police forces have severely repressed demonstrations in recent years, particularly when demonstrators protested against the Israeli government's handling of the second Intifada, against Mauritania's diplomatic relations with Israel, and against the war in Iraq. The Mauritanian judicial system combines Western and Islamic (Malikite rite) legal traditions. The constitution guarantees the independence of the judiciary in theory (Article 89). An organic law also protects judges from undue influence (Law 94-012). However, the constitution as well as informal political practices point to the domination of the president over the justice system. The constitution enables the president to appoint three of the six members of the constitutional council, including its chair, whose voice predominates in case of a split vote. One of the constitutional council's tasks is to validate electoral results, including those of the presidential election. The president also appoints all five members of the high Islamic council, which advises the president on matters of Islamic law. The president presides over the Conseil superieur de la magistrature (superior council of magistrates), whose tasks include the nomination of judges. In effect, the same politicization that prevails in the civil service also applies to the judiciary, both in terms of nominations and in terms of its inner working. As an independent newspaper argued, Mauritanian judges "in most cases do not respect the procedures and legal texts they are supposed to implement." In cases involving politically sensitive issues, the informal dominance of the presidency over the work of prosecutors and judges generally prevails, as the recent arrests of and charges against opponents suggest. In cases of lower political intensity, financial influences and political connections reduce the impartiality of the justice system. Attempts by the executive to influence the judiciary can also be seen in the recent dispute about the Mauritanian Bar. In June 2002, a lawyer close to the opposition, Mahfoudh Ould Bettah, claimed he had been elected as the batonnier (chair) of the Mauritanian Bar. The government, however, declared that it recognized the victory of another candidate, who happened to be a member of the presidential party. Since then, the latter has served as chair of the Bar. However, the international Union of Arab Lawyers gave strong support to Ould Bettah by stating that they would only recognize his victory and that only he can represent Mauritania at the Union's meetings. More generally, the contrast between the almost complete absence of legal investigation and condemnations of high-ranking civil servants, ruling party officials, and security and military personnel and the increasingly high number of arrests and condemnations of members of the political opposition and activists underscores the politicization of the judiciary. Leading international organizations have highlighted the lack of adequate training of judges and of the personnel of the ministry of justice and have funded programs to tackle that problem. However, formal legal training will have limited effects if informal political obstacles continue to block the real application of the law. Better training cannot eliminate political motivation. A legal reform was passed in 1999 that, among other things, provides for better financial and legal support for poor citizens charged with an offense. No information on the actual effectiveness of this legal assistance is available. The constitution considers citizens innocent until proved otherwise. The political power of the military began to rise when Mauritania fought the war in the Western Sahara in 1975. At the onset of the war, Mauritania had 2,000 troops; it had 18,000 troops three years later when it withdrew from the conflict. Between 1978 and 1991, Mauritania was governed by various military juntas. The current president, Colonel Ould Taya, came to power in 1984 after he staged a coup against Ould Haidallah. Although the 1991 constitution provides for a civil form of government, in reality the military still is a key pillar of the regime. Its loyalty is secured through the distribution of significant political and economic advantages to top officers. Security matters are the reserved domains of the military, as well as the internal affairs of the army. However, the failed coup of June 2003 and the alleged coup attempts of 2004 suggest growing frustration among segments of the military and breaches in its loyalty to the regime. Article 15 of the constitution ensures the right to own property. The Law on Land Tenure, adopted in 1983, guarantees the private ownership of land. However, it does add that the state can evict citizens, with compensation, when "economic and social development needs" apply. Communities that, in accordance with their communal customs, oppose the individualization and marketing of land must create cooperatives and officially register as associations. In practice, however, many conflicts over property rights occur. In rural areas, de facto extortion of land by powerful agents with connections to high-ranking civil servants is frequent. In the Senegal River region - homeland of the Haalpulaar, Sooninke, and Wolof ethnic minorities - the implementation of the 1983 land tenure reform was seen by many in these minorities as a means to dispossess them of their land. This led to growing frustration, which eventually resulted in the state-sponsored killings and eviction of thousands of citizens between 1989 and 1991. Conflicts between Haratin and Bidhan masters also broke out in rural areas when the former claimed land ownership on the basis that they are the ones actually working the land. In urban centers, shantytowns have mushroomed, most often without any official delimitation of properties, and are the frequent targets of violent and sudden eviction by state officials. Some improvements took place recently: The Programme de developpement urbain, launched in 2002, aimed to delimit land occupation in one of Nouakchott's poorest neighborhoods, thereby providing the inhabitants with security of ownership. In recent years, official state intervention in the economy has receded, as illustrated by the privatization of some state-owned enterprises. State intervention has also been more clearly defined through the adoption of an investment code (2002), a simplification of the tax system, and the elimination of many bureaucratic regulations in the economy. However, less state intervention does not mean better state intervention. Political clientelism, or the weak separation of public office from the personal and political interests of state officials, is widespread and nurtures corruption. The management of public resources, whether those generated from within or those channeled through international development aid, is strongly influenced by these political and private imperatives. The education system is also affected: high school and university exam results and grades are often said to be highly dependent on the student's personal connections. As a consequence, state intervention in the economy, and in social affairs more generally (including the fight against poverty), has failed to serve the public interest. Public access to government information is both limited and unreliable. Even public institutions, such as the different commissions of the National Assembly, the Senate, and the Cour des comptes (comptroller and auditor general), face great difficulties in gaining access to government information and monitoring the policy-making process. According to the IMF, the Mauritanian government argued that "instituting a financial disclosure law for high government officials [is] impractical . . . in a society where family and tribal links are predominant - thus making it possible for those officials to place their assets in the name of their relative tribesmen." The government instead pledged to adopt and implement a code of ethics for public servants. Private economic actors (individuals and firms) enjoy great economic freedom, so much so that they form an oligopoly with close family, clan, and personal ties to the presidency. They control most sectors of the market economy, such as transport, banking, food-import, and construction, and they have little regard for the public good. The government rarely cracks down on corruption at the highest levels of the state. Illustrative of this fact is the relative incapacity of the country's auditing body, the Cour des comptes, to fulfill its role. It has launched only two known investigations since its creation in 1993, one of which examined malpractices in the ministry of rural development and environment in February 2004. Its lack of independence from the president, who appoints the Cour's chair, contributes to its relative weakness. The accountability of tax collection is also hampered by weak human and material capacity. An IMF report pointed out, in diplomatic language, the possibility of "inadequate supervision by the revenue-collecting agencies" and that "revenue collection agencies are not obliged to provide annual reports to the legislature on their activities." A government document promises that an audit of the tax collecting agency will soon be implemented. The IMF also noted that the budget-making process is weak. It states that "no annual accounts have been produced for over 30 years," which makes it difficult to determine how the annual budget is spent. In addition, parliamentarians have neither the necessary training nor adequate access to information to provide oversight of the budget-making process. In theory, the mediator of the republic, the penal code (Article 124 and 128), and the constitutional right of expression should provide a safe legal environment for citizens who denounce cases of corruption. However, in reality the reliability of this framework is undermined by the institutional and empirical weakness of the mediator (see "Civil Liberties") and the judicial system's lack of independence. For their part, political activists and independent newspapers that attempt to publish detailed investigations of cases of corruption are subject to state censorship (see "Accountability and Public Voice"). In one case, four newspapers were brought to court after each had published articles on the corrupt practices of an ex-minister and leading figure in the presidential party. The president made a much-publicized speech in July 2004 in which he stated that a major reform of the administration and of the management of public resources would soon be adopted. This reform would grant greater power to the agencies in charge of monitoring the management of public resources and would provide for a tougher legal framework to supervise the public service. The approval of a General Framework of Good Governance by the government, civil society organizations, and international organizations in February 2004 points in the same direction. The major test for the regime consists in the effective implementation of public administration reforms and the democratization of state - society relations. - In order to end controversies about the existence of slavery in the country and in accordance with the existing law, the judicial system must proceed in a transparent and effective way when citizens report cases of slavery, trafficking of persons, and forced labor. - State harassment of opposition political parties and opposition movements in general, and against organizations labeled as Islamic in particular, should cease. - The government, with support from UN agencies and NGOs, should sustain and consolidate its new program of improving female enrollment at the secondary-school level. Measures would include improved educational facilities and resources, especially in rural areas; financial support for teenage girls' families; awareness programs for parents and teachers; and enforcement of the compulsory education law for both boys and girls. - The constitution should limit the number of terms a president can serve. - Elections should be monitored by a fully independent agency to enhance the legitimacy of electoral results (and of the elections' winners). The relatively good conditions of the 2001 legislative and municipal elections should be replicated in future electoral contests, including for the presidential election. - Limitations should be placed on the central state's power in rural areas, where the representatives of the interior ministry and of the defense ministry currently enjoy unchecked powers. Central government representatives should be at least partly accountable to local elected councils. - Although the need to achieve a certain balance among the different regional groups is valid, effective control mechanisms are nonetheless needed to prevent the over-politicization of the public service. Appointments in the civil service should be based on merit. - Article 11 of the Law on the Press should be abolished. Independent Mauritanian broadcast stations should be authorized. - In the spirit of the presidential speech of July 2004, an effective mechanism must be set in place to investigate and condemn cases of private appropriation of public resources. This could be done by making the mediator of the republic fully independent of the presidency, by allowing all citizens (not just elected representatives) to lodge a complaint with the mediator and by providing the mediator with more human and material resources. - In accordance with the above recommendation, Article 11 of the Law of the Press should be abandoned so as to allow media to investigate and publicize cases of corruption and state abuses more generally. - The personnel of educational institutions should be given the means to resist undue pressures on their work in order to enhance the value of students' diplomas, as well as the overall quality of the civil service. This would include better salaries, better working conditions (including a lower student-teacher ratio and better class facilities), and the creation of an independent body to investigate illegal pressures by parents and by administrative superiors on teachers. - In order to improve the management and control of public resources, internal and external auditing bodies (Inspection generale des finances and Cour des comptes) should be granted full independence from the presidency and must be protected against informal influences. They should be provided with the human and material means to undertake their mission. - The constitutional independence of the judiciary must be applied in practice to provide for a universal and effective respect for the rule of law. - Formal and informal reserved domains for the military and security agencies violate the civilian spirit of the 1991 constitution. The military must be effectively monitored and bounded by transparent and autonomous civilian forms of control. - The government must implement transparent and effective procedures to prevent the arbitrary seizure of land in rural areas. Similarly, the sudden expulsion of poor urban squatters must be replaced with transparent mechanisms of property attribution. - The Mauritanian state should both officially acknowledge and investigate the 1989 - 1991 human rights violations against citizens of Haalpulaar, Sooninke, and Wolof origins. This is the precondition for a real process of national unification. - The government must authorize independent investigations of detention conditions and of allegations of torture and illegal arrests by state forces. This would simply confirm already existing constitutional rights. "Status Report No. 19" (New York: United Nations Development Programme [UNDP], Human Rights Strengthening Programme [HURIS], 25 May 2004), http://www.undp.org/governance/docshurist/statusrep19.doc. Hindou Mint Ainina, "La politique de censure des partis de l'opposition se consolide et le theme tabou de l'esclavage est au devant de la scene politique," Annuaire de l'Afrique du nord 2000 - 2001 39 (2001): 355. The author characterizes these elections as "surprisingly transparent." Ordinance on Political Parties (modified, February 2001), Article 20. Decree 028-2000 (19 March 2000) provided for the new identity card. See also "La carte infalsifiable, symbole de la 'transparence' des elections," Agence France Presse (AFP), 3 November 2003. "Derniers preparatifs," Le Calame 417, 5 November 2003. On the Ould Haidallah affair, see "Campagne electorale: le domicile de Ould Haidalla perquisitionne!" L'Eveil-quotidien 506, 5 November 2003; "Chronique de l'election de tous les dangers," Le Calame 418, 12 November 2003. "Chronique de l'election de tous les dangers," Le Calame 418, 12 November 2003; "Rapport preliminaire relatif aux operations du scrutin presidentiel du 07-11-03 en Mauritanie," L'Eveil-hebdo 508, 18 November 2003, 6. La Cour supreme mauritanienne confirme le verdict contre Ould Haidalla, AFP, 20 April 2004. See "Senatoriales d'avril 2004: Interview du secretaire general de l'UFP," L'Eveil-hebdo, 20 April 2004; "Le PRDS (au pouvoir) remporte le second tour des senatoriales," AFP, 17 April 2004; "L'opposition denonce la sequestration de conseillers apres les senatoriales," Le Soleil [Dakar], 20 April 2004. Djibril Ly, "L'Etat de droit dans la constitution mauritanienne du 20 juillet 1991," Revue mauritanienne de Droit et d'economie 9 (1993): 50. Hindou Mint Ainina, "La politique de censure . . . ," 352. Ibid., 346. See Zekeria Ould Ahmed Salem, "L'opposition dans l'imaginaire mauritanien: de la fronde au consensus mou," Le Calame 278, 20 - 26 April 2000, 8 - 9. Abdel Weddoud Ould Cheikh, "Cherche elite, desesperement: evolution du systeme educatif et (de)formation des 'elites' dans la societe mauritanienne," Nomadic Peoples 2.1 (1998): 235 - 51. "Mauritania: Annual Report 2004" (Paris: Reporters sans frontieres [RSF], 2005), http://www.rsf.org. "Mauritania Alert" (Legon, Ghana: Media Foundation of West Africa [MFWA], 18 June 2004), http://www.mfwaonline.org/en/updates/archives.php. "Interdiction d'un hebdomadaire pro-libyen en Mauritanie,"AFP, 12 September, 2004. "Nouvelle affaire du putsch: retour a la case depart," Le Calame, 435, 14 April 2004; "Enquete sur la nouvelle affaire du putsch: le chainon perdu," Le Calame, 437, 28 April 2004. Prosecutor of the Republic, cited in "Le procureur de la republique lors d'un point de presse," Horizons, 23 September 2004; see also "Revelations: Ould Hannena entre les mains de la justice," Le Calame, 27 October 2004 and "Revelations sur la tentative de coup d'Etat manquee," Agence mauritanienne d'information, 27 August 2004. "Presumees tentatives de putsch: reactions et prises de positions," L'Eveil-hebdo, 12 October 2004. "Mauritania: Harassment of Opposition Undermines Free and Fair Elections: Open Letter to President Taya" (New York: Human Rights Watch [HRW], 3 September 2003), http://www.hrw.org/press/2003/09/mauritania090303.htm. E. Ann McDougall, Meskerem Brhane, and Urs Peter Ruf, "Legacies of Slavery, Promises of Democracy: Mauritania in the 21st Century," in Malinda S. Smith, ed., Globalizing Africa (Trenton, N.J.: Africa World Press, 2003), note 7. The best works in English on the condition of Haratin are those of Meskerem Brhane, "Narratives of the Past, Politics of the Present: Identity, Subordination and the Haratines of Mauritania," Ph.D. diss. (University of Chicago, 1997), and Urs Peter Ruf, Ending Slavery: Hierarchy, Dependency and Gender in Central Mauritania (Bielefeld: Transcript Verlag, Roswitha Gost, Sigrid Noke, 1999). Abdel Weddoud Ould Cheikh, "L'evolution de l'esclavage dans la societe maure," in Edmond Bernus et al., eds., Nomades et commandants (Paris: Karthala, 1993), 192. See one such case, reported in "Probleme d'esclavage ou de justice?" Le Calame, 427, 18 February 2004. The English word "tribe" is not used here as a synonym of "ethnicity." It is used as a translation of qabila (plural qaba'il), which refers to a lineage group that claims a common descent within the larger Arabic-speaking (or Bidhan) "ethnic" group. The Bidhan ethnic group is made up of numerous tribes (qaba'il). Indicateurs de genre en Mauritanie, (Calverton, Md., and Nouakchott, Groupe de Suivi Genre/Secretariat d'Etat a la Condition Feminine, 2003), 49, http://www.unfpa.mr/docs/pdf/Indicateurs_Genre.pdf. See the criticisms expressed in "Programme d'appui a la mise en oeuvre du Programme national de Bonne Gouvernance" (UNDP, MAU/03/001, March 2003), 6, 17. Rapport sur le progres dans la mise en oeuvre des objectifs de developpement du millenaire en Mauritanie (Nouakchott: United Nations Development Group, December 2002), 16, http://www.un.mr/Pnud/publication/RAPPORT%20MDGs%202002.pdf. Rapport sur le progres . . . (United Nations Development Group), 16. "State Party Report" (New York: United Nations, Committee for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, CERD/C/330/Add.1, 26 October 1998), paragraphs 138 - 39. "Rapport Final, Atelier national de renforcement des capacites des OSC et lancement du reseau informel des ONG en Mauritanie" (UNDP, 7 - 8 April 2004), 20. See "Le conseil des ministres approuve une loi sur les mosquees," Agence Mauritanienne d'Information [AMI], 30 June 2003; "La Mauritanie adopte un projet de loi sur les mosquees," AFP, 30 June, 2003. "Mauritania: Harassment of Opposition Undermines Free and Fair Elections" (HRW, 3 September 2003), http://www.hrw.org/press/2003/09/mauritania090303.htm. "Observatoire pour la democratie et la transparence: le pouvoir durcit sa position," Nouakchott-Info, 12 October 2003. "Revision du code du travail: timides reamenagements," Le Calame, 437, 28 April 2004, 1 - 4; "Reforme du code du travail: la CLTM exprime son opposition," Le Calame, 19 May 2004; "Code du travail: la grogne des syndicats," L'Authentique, 15 June 2004. "Conseil superieur de la magistrature: en attendant que justice..."L'Independant, 57, 15 August 1999, 3. For the latest event on that issue, see "Barreau: l'UAA tranche en faveur de Me Bettah," Nouakchott Info, 692, 8 December 2004. For instance, see "Seminaire de formation au profit des magistrats et greffiers," Horizons, 26 July 2004. Philippe Marchesin, Tribus, ethnies et pouvoir en Mauritanie (Paris: Karthala, 1992), 153. Zekeria Ould Ahmed Salem, "La democratisation en Mauritanie: une 'illusio' postcoloniale ?" Politique africaine, 75, October 1999, 140- - 41. For instance, "Nepotisme et favoritisme," L'Eveil-hebdo, 539, 6 July 2004, 5. See, for instance, the criticisms expressed in "Programme d'appui . . ." (UNDP), 5. As reported in "Report on the Observance of Standards and Codes - Fiscal Transparency Module" (Washington, DC: International Monetary Fund [IMF], Country Report No. 02/268, December 2002); and in "Groupe Technique Thematique, 'Gestion Ressources Publiques,' Rapport Provisoire" (Nouakchott: Islamic Republic of Mauritania, February 2004), 7; "Country Financial Accountability Assessment," World Bank and the Islamic Republic of Mauritania, Report No. 27065, Volume 1, November 2003), 46 - 47; "Programme d'appui . . ." (UNDP), 63. "Article IV Consultation" (IMF, Country Report No. 03/314, October 2003), paragraph 42, 20. "Project Performance Assessment Report" (World Bank, Report No. 29615, 1 July 2004), 25. "La Cour des Comptes epingle des fonctionnaires du MDRE: la fin de l'impunite?" Le Calame, 426, 11 February 2004, 1 - 3; "Affaire du MDRE: faux lampistes," Le Calame, 428, 25 February 2004. "Report on the Observance of Standards and Codes" (IMF, Country report 02/268), 13 - 14. Ibid., 7 - 8, 14. "Gestion Ressources Publiques" (Islamic Republic of Mauritania), 8. "Report on the Observance of Standards and Codes" (IMF, Country report 02/268), 8, 11. "Programme d'appui . . ." (UNDP); "Country . . . Assessment" (World Bank and the Islamic Republic of Mauritania). Ould Taya, speech in Kiffa, 15 July 2004, transcribed in AMI, 15 July 2004.
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Mama’s Bayou by Dianne de Las Casas, illustrated by Holly Stone-Barker Take a sound-filled tour through the bayou as the animals that live there prepare to sleep. Using the repeated phrase of “Mama’s by you on the bayou” the book moves from animal to animal offering the sounds they make. Crickets chirp, frogs slurp, snakes hiss, mosquitoes (skeeters) buzz, and more. Every few pages, there is a double-spread given over just to the accumulated noises of the animals. These small breaks in the pattern of the book keep it from being too rhythmic and also give readers a place to pause and consider the noises of the night. De Las Casas has written a book that is a lullaby directly from the bayou to you. Her use of repetition is nicely done. Also the cumulative nature of the animal noises makes for a fun read. Stone-Barker’s illustrations are done in cut paper collages. The papers have dimension and texture, offering a depth that is exciting. She also uses deep colors of night very successfully. A lovely way to celebrate the sounds of the night whether listening to the mosquitoes in the bayou or all the way north in Wisconsin. We do have fewer crocodiles though. Appropriate for ages 2-4. Reviewed from copy received from Pelican Publishers.
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At The Children’s School we try to give children a strong sense of place and community, and what better way to participate in local traditions than by exploring delicious things to eat? If you enjoyed the photos from our visit to the sugarhouse on Heckscher Farm, we recommend two picture books that will deepen your child’s understanding of maple sugaring, a staple of New England foodways. Sugar Snow is an adaptation of a story in Laura Ingalls Wilder’s Little House in the Big Woods. Doris Ellinger’s colorful illustrations evoke the original drawings by Garth Williams and give a sense of what life was like in 1871 for a little girl living in a log cabin in the Wisconsin woods. When a soft, wet snow falls, Pa tells 4-year-old Laura that it’s “sugar snow.” She tastes a few flakes on his sleeve and is disappointed until Pa explains that it’s the kind of snow that makes maple trees produce sap. After Pa visits Laura’s grandparents to help harvest the sap, he comes back with a bucket of maple syrup and maple sugar cakes, and the Ingalls family has a celebration that helps them forget the cold. The details of pioneer life, as Laura remembers them, are sure to inspire fascination and questions; luckily there’s a whole series of these picture books to delve into. Sugarbush Spring, by Marsha Wilson Chall, is a richly illustrated account of an old-fashioned sugaring season in Minnesota, when horses pulled the wagon full of sap pails and a little girl could help her grandfather pick which trees were mature enough to be tapped by measuring their trunks with her arms. Even the horses understand what the expedition is about and nuzzle the girl’s hands for a taste of sugar. After the trees have been tapped, the whole family settles into the sugarhouse to help cook down and bottle the sap. They stay up late into the night, passing the hours by making popcorn, roasting marshmallows and playing board games. There’s plenty of nostalgia in Chall’s description of the sugarhouse, with its “maple steam” and the “cotton-candy sweet” smell, but she makes clear that the sugaring process involved hard work, precision and an element of suspense: the bottles must be perfectly clean, the sap boils at exactly 219 degrees, and the quality—determined by color—will vary every year depending on the weather. The grandfather’s attunement to seasonal changes comes through in his evocative descriptions: a Maple Sugar Moon, “snow that’s too wet for angel making” and “sugarbush spring.” On the last page, his grandchildren, sticky with sugar, look forward to the next sugaring season, “when once again we can fill our arms with trees.” These two delightful books depict a pre-industrial version of maple sugaring that is sure to fascinate children. The best part is that they can visit our neighbors at Heckscher Farm to experience the process in real life; the SMNC is even throwing a maple sugar festival this weekend to celebrate this year’s harvest. Here’s to adding a little sweetness to your bedtime reading!
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June 7, 2022: Fort Cochin I started the day by taking an Uber 45 minutes to Fort Cochin, the oldest part of the city (Cochin was the official name of the city until 1996 and is still used often). The West Coast of India has been a major shipping center for millennia. While nobody really knows how Kochi came to be, it was first documented as a port in 1341. In 1498, the Portuguese arrived in India and soon established a foothold on the subcontinent in Kochi by helping the local king defeat his rival. The Portuguese were given permission to build a fort which turned into the most important trading port in the region and the main center of European activity in India. In 1663, the Portuguese were overthrown by the Dutch who remained until 1773. They were then briefly overthrown by Mysore before the British took over in 1814. Today, the Europeans have all left Cochin, but their influence on the city´s architecture and institutions remains. My first stop in Fort Cochin was the Dutch palace called the Mattacherry Palace. Built in 1545 by the Portuguese as a present for the local king (known as a maharajah). It underwent a major renovation by the Dutch East India Company. The East India Company had so much influence over the monarchy that they were the authority that crowned the maharajah. Today, the palace contains a museum about the life and history of the royal family as well as an impressive display of religious murals. A few blocks away is the strangely named neighborhood of Jew Town. It turns out that Jews have been in Kerala for nearly 2,000 years. After the Second Temple in Jerusalem was destroyed by the Romans in the year 70 AD, the Jews spread all over the world in what is known as the Diaspora. Some Jews were sailing in the Arabian Sea and got shipwrecked in Cranganore just north of Kochi in the year 72. Over time, they created a Jewish kingdom. At some point they settled in Kochi too. In either 379 or 1069 (the date is still hotly debated), the maharajah of Kochi gave the Jews land rights and the right to develop their own community. The Jewish community remained isolated from the rest of the Jewish world until the Europeans arrived. During the Dutch period, more Jews arrived from Europe to escape persecution, as the Dutch were tolerant of the Jews. This is actually how Jews spread to many other parts of the world including Recife, Brazil and New York . Those Jews, known as Paradesi, founded the largest and most important synagogue in Kochi in 1568. After the formation of the State of Israel, most Jews left Kochi and all except the Paradesi Synagogue closed. Today, just a handful of Jews remain. While there were no Jews present at the time of my visit, the synagogue is active. It is also a very popular tourist attraction with Indian tourists. I asked the caretaker about the copper plates. He says that they still exist and are safely stored in bank vault. As I walked towards the center of Fort Kochi, I passed by a Syrian Orthodox church, mosque and Jain temple which speaks to the pluralism and tolerance of Kerala. There are even markets for beef. This stands in contrast to some of the bad news of Hindu extremism coming out from other parts of India. The center of Fort Kochi contains two of the most important churches in all of India. The first, Santa Cruz Cathedral, is the largest church in town and the seat of the Diocese of Kochi. The interior was beautifully painted and included a large replica of Da Vinci´s The Last Supper hanging above the altar. A few blocks away was the St. Francis Church, the oldest European-established church in India. I use the term European-established because Christianity has actually been in India since the very start. St. Thomas, disciple of Jesus, established 7 churches in India including one that I visited in Chennai. The first of these churches was established in the year 52 AD- 26 years before the shipwrecked Jews arrived in Kochi! St Francis was built by the Portuguese in 1503, the very year the Portuguese were given permission to build their fort. The church is also famous for being the temporary resting place of legendary explorer Vasco de Gama who died of malaria on his third voyage to India in 1524. His remains were moved to a grand tomb in Lisbon 15 years later. From the church, I walked past all the beautiful colonial houses shaded by enormous tropical trees. Eventually I reached Vasco de Gama Square, the main center of tourism in the city. I would think that the square would be packed on weekend, but during the midweek it was quiet and peaceful. There is a small beach and trash-riddled port. However, the main attractions are the traditional Chinese fishing nets. While I originally thought this was a tourism gimmick, it turns out that the Chinese fishing nets are still in use all over Kerala. While I could have spent more time exploring the cute town, I instead decided to catch a ferry across the harbor to…the Hyatt. There, I got to see the end of the final wedding event, a series of games played by the couple. This event was very small (by the standards of this wedding), but they still had an enormous buffet. Additionally, I got to spend 15 minutes chatting with Arisht. For the afternoon, I met up with my MBA friend Alex who also attended the wedding. We took an Uber to the Kerala Folklore Museum. This historic house has been turned into a museum of statues and art traditional artwork. The entire collection was collected by a single man! The first floor was littered in ancient wooden statues and artifacts. The second floor, much smaller contained artifacts for sale- they apparently have more items than they can properly display. I ended buying a couple artifacts including a 150-year old wooden mask! For dinner, Alex and I went to the local mall to eat at a famous seafood restaurant called Paragon. It was funny that, despite having been in Kerala for 4 days now, we have not had any local food. The famous fish dishes were all spectacular and worthy of their hype around India. We then went to bed early. June 8, 2022: Alleppey Backwaters The single most hyped attraction in all of Kerala is the Backwaters, a series of brackish waterways both natural and manmade that extend all along the southern half of the state. The most popular place to go is the town of Alappuzha (colloquially known as Alleppey), 60 kilometers south of Kochi. To get there, I organized a tour from a company in Fort Kochi with my business school classmate Manu. After getting picked up from our respective hotels, the car took us down the coast. This took us past numerous palm-tree lined small towns. I was surprised by the number of large churches. After 90 minutes in the car, we reached the Alleppey town center where we boarded our boat. While many Indian families take large houseboats around on multi-day excursions, we opted for the cheaper motorized canoe. The canoe had a roof and some very comfortable lounge chairs that could almost be called day beds. The backwater trips seem to be big business as we passed by hundreds of empty houseboats that are probably all occupied on the weekend and in-season. As we left the busy city, we were immediately greeted by the calm rural life of the canals. Men commuting to work, family members heading to see each other, workmen delivering jugs of bottled water. After passing through a big natural lake, we pulled into a tiny manmade canal. Here we passed by homes and even a Hindu temple which was blasting religious chants. The canals were raised up a few meters above the surrounding rice fields which made for spectacular views. We cruised for about 2 hours before stopping for lunch on a tiny island. There, we ate the local specialty of grilled fish plus the thali meal served in traditional South Indian style on a banana leaf. The other families dining at the restaurant were surprised to see foreigners here. We then headed back to Alleppey to board our car back to Kochi. While beautiful, 3 hours was probably the perfect amount of time. Anymore and we would have been bored without more friends. Back in Kochi I had a quiet evening and another dinner at Paragon before my late-night flight to Pune. Kochi is a well-rounded destination- it has history, culture, and nature. The two highlights are Fort Cochin and the backwaters. I think both are essential for a complete visit. One day in each is sufficient. I understand why Fort Cochi is such a big tourist attraction for Indians. They get a taste of European architecture, culture and history intertwined with their own Indian history. And unlike the British, the Portuguese and Dutch seemed to have had a generally positive synergistic relationship with the locals. While Kerala is not the typical “India” that tourists expect to see, I think it is a great destination for first timers. The cities are relatively clean, the people speak English, and the people are more open-minded due to the religious pluralism. Additionally, Kerala gives travelers a glimpse into the incredible diversity of India that is relatively unknown to the rest of the world. Had I had more time in Kochi, I would have liked to venture to Munnar in Western Ghats mountains and see the hill stations and tea plantations.
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What was the heliocentric theory? The heliocentric theory argues that the is the central body of the and perhaps of the universe. Everything else (planets and their satellites, asteroids, , etc.) revolves around it. The first evidence of the theory is found in the writings of ancient Greece. Greek philosopher-scientists deduced by the sixth century B.C. that is round (nearly spherical) from observations that during of the, Earth's shadow on the Moon is always a circle of about the same radius wherever the Moon is on the sky. Only a round body can always cast such a shadow. The prevailing theory of the universe at that time was a geocentric (Earth-centered) one, in which all celestial bodies were believed to revolve around Earth. This was seen as a more plausible theory than the heliocentric one because to a casual observer, all celestial bodies seem to move around a motionless Earth at the center of the universe. Over 200 years later Aristarchus of Samos (310-230 B.C.) attempted to measure the distance of the Sun from Earth in units of Earth-Moon distance by measuring intervals of the Moon. Observing the new Moon to the first quarter and the first quarter to full Moon, then using and several assumptions, Aristarchus used the difference of the intervals of time to calculate the Sun's distance from Earth. The smaller the difference between the intervals, the more distant the Sun. From this value he determined the Sun's distance and the relative sizes of Earth, the Moon (about 1/4 that of Earth), and of the Sun. Aristarchus concluded that the Sun was several times larger than Earth. Aristarchus thought it reasonable that the smaller Earth revolved around the larger Sun. Because the stars are all located on an enormous celestial (the entire sky) centered on the Sun, not Earth, Earth's yearly around the Sun shows up in observations of the stars. The stars most likely to show the effect of this yearly motion are those in Gemini. The two brightest stars in Gemini, Castor, and Pollux, are about 4.56° apart and are close to the ecliptic, the Sun's yearly path among the stars. In the heliocentric theory, the ecliptic is the projection of Earth's onto the sky. If one views the heliocentric model from the North Ecliptic Pole in Fig. 1 we see the Sun, the Earth (E) in several positions in its orbit, Castor (C), and Pollux (P) on the celestial sphere. If Castor and Pollux are fixed on the celestial sphere, then the distance CP between them is a fixed length. Because they are fixed objects, the distance CP in this case appears largest when closest, and smallest when most distant. This effect was not detected with even the best astronomical instruments during the time of the ancient Greeks. Johannes Kepler's (1571-1630) work enabled the heliocentric solar system model to accurately match and predict planetary positions on the zodiac for many centuries. After trying many geometric curves and solids in Copernicus's heliocentric model to match earlier observations of planetary positions, Kepler found that the model would match the observed planetary positions if the Sun is… Astronomers seem to have been of differing opinions on this aspect of the heliocentric theory. Thomas Wright (1711-86) and William Herschel (1738-1822) thought that the Sun was at or near the center of the Milky Way which most astronomers believed to comprise most or all of the universe. Herschel arrived at this conclusion by making star counts in different directions (parts of the sky) but he did…
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THE number of birds of prey illegally poisoned in Scotland has fallen to its lowest level since records began in 1989. RSPB Scotland today revealed that a total of seven birds of prey, including a golden eagle and two buzzards, were killed as result of deliberate poisoning last year - less than half the death toll of 17 birds in 2011. The total number of poisonings is the lowest number ever recorded by the RSPB in Scotland. Only four years ago, in 2009, a total of 45 birds were illegal poisoned North of the border. The wildlife conservation charity welcomed the decrease, but stressed that the illegal killing of raptors was still continuing at “wholly unacceptable levels” in some parts of Scotland. In addition to the seven confirmed incidents of illegal poisoning, there were a further 13 confirmed incidents of other forms of killing of birds of prey, including a golden eagle found shot in Dumfries and Galloway and another golden eagle killed by a trap in Angus. Two of the illegal poisoning cases were in the Borders, two in East Ayrshire and one each in Highland, Moray and Dumfries and Galloway. Stuart Housden, the director of RSPB Scotland, said: “We applaud the continued focus on tackling raptor persecution by the Scottish Government, but much remains to be done. We also welcome the decline in illegal poisoning. However if those who wish harm to our country’s birds of prey simply turn to other forms of persecution, such as shooting or trapping, then there is little to celebrate.” He continued: “The deaths of these golden eagles are particularly appalling, given that the golden eagle was recently voted the nation’s favourite species in the Scottish Natural Heritage poll for the Year of Natural Scotland. We call for a new look at how the full rigour of the law can be applied in cases of raptor persecution to act as a meaningful deterrent to those considering illegal activity of this type. These crimes have no place in 21st Century Scotland, and responsible land managers must make that clear to all partners.” Ian Thomson, RSPB Scotland’s Head of Investigations, stressed: “Again, most of these crimes were discovered purely by chance, by local residents, walkers or birdwatchers, in remote areas of countryside, so we thank the public for their continued vigilance” He added: “From the cases outlined in this report, it is clear that a significant number of individuals still flout the laws protecting our native birds of prey. We accept that legal predator control of foxes and crows, alongside appropriate habitat management can have conservation benefits for some ground nesting birds. But we need our moors to be managed sustainably, in ways that are not narrowly focussed on ever-increasing grouse bags, and this includes giving a home to the raptors which should occur on these moors. It is only when species like the hen harrier and golden eagle are breeding successfully and regularly in such areas that we can be confident that bird of prey persecution is truly declining.” An RSPB spokesman said: “The annual document also draws attention to suspected cases of illegal killing of birds of prey including the destruction of nests or eggs and the disappearance of a number of birds of prey fitted with satellite transmitters, part of scientific research to look at their movements and survival. “As in recent years, the majority of reported incidents or suspected incidents of illegal killing took place in areas managed for driven grouse shooting, particularly in the eastern and central Highlands and the southern Uplands of Scotland. Confirmed victims included thee buzzards, three goshawks, three golden eagles, a hen harrier, a peregrine, a tawny owl and a short-eared owl.” A spokesman for The Scottish Gamekeepers Association said: “The RSPB has clearly spent a lot of money in writing this report, which entitles them to put forward their own viewpoint. With this agenda in mind, it is important, that the public refer to the actual crimes, as published annually by the Scottish Government with information provided officially by the Police and SASA (Science and Advice for Scottish Agriculture) rather than speculative possible or suspected cases, which are clearly going to confuse.” He added: “All PAW (Partnership Against Wildlife Crime) partners, including ourselves, are fully behind the printing of the official statistics annually, based on actual legal cases, and see no reason why this should change. “While we have been encouraged by the progress made, with the official statistics stating a record of only three confirmed cases of illegal poisoning of birds of prey in 2012, reports such as this do little other than damage to on-going partnership efforts designed to reduce crimes against birds of prey. “As stated consistently, the SGA continues to advocate legal means to solving countryside conflicts. Because of this, the clarity and impartiality provided by law is important to us.”
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Revelations that the National Security Administration collects and stores information from U.S. internet and telephone companies has catapulted questions about privacy, security, and freedom into the national spotlight. But the NSA's PRISM program—which the Guardian says allows "direct access to the systems of Google, Facebook, Apple and other US internet giants"—also raises a more fundamental question: Where will all of that data go? The answer is most likely a range of data centers, which are massive facilities designed to store data without ever losing power. The NSA is currently finishing construction on its Utah Data Center, a new $1.2 billion storage facility near Salt Lake City. When it's finished, the data center will be able to hold and process five zettabytes of data, according to NPR. That simple fact raises many questions. For answers, we turned to the Internet and human experts. Never heard of a zettabyte? You're not alone. Many of us still think in terms of gigabytes and megabytes, which are the units most commonly found in our own personal computers. A gigabyte, for example, contains one billion bytes, or about seven minutes of HDTV video. (You can think of a byte as the amount of space needed to store one typed letter on a keyboard.) An average DVD holds somewhere in the ballpark of 4.7 gigabytes. One zettabyte (ZB), meanwhile, is 10 to the power of 21 bytes—or the amount of data that could fill 250 billion DVDs. So far, no storage system in the world contains this much data, but Cisco estimates that the collective Internet will start sending zettabyte-levels of data by 2015. What's that mean? You can think of it this way: In two years, the equivalent of more than five years' worth of video will be transmitted across the Internet every single second of every single day. In terms of scaling, "if the 11 [ounce] coffee on your desk equals one gigabyte, a zettabyte would have the same volume as the Great Wall of China," according to a graphic by Cisco. (The term zetta comes from the French number sept, which means seven. The seventh power of 1,000 is a zetta.) Why does the NSA need so much space? According to Wired magazine, the Utah Data Center will "intercept, decipher, analyze, and store vast swaths of the world's communications as they zap down from satellites and zip through the underground and undersea cables of international, foreign, and domestic networks." That's a lot of data—which requires a lot of storage. What about the environmental costs? All of that storage space requires a lot of electricity. The NSA's new center requires 65 megawatts of electricity per year, which is equivalent to the power for 65,000 homes. To cool all of that down, more than 1.5 million gallons of water will need to be pumped through the facility on a daily basis, according to the NPR report. Jon Koomey, an energy futurist and research fellow at Stanford University, explains that data centers around the world use a little more than one percent of the world's total electricity. "In the aggregate it's not a huge number," he says. "But individually, each of these data centers can use tens of megawatts, which are equivalent to a small city or industrial plant." That's why so many data centers are set up in places where electricity is cheaper, he says. "That's one reason why you see data centers springing up in places like the Northwest and North Carolina," he says. "Having cheap electricity is a key driver." And what about the climate? A dry, cool climate is also key. "A desert climate is quite helpful," Koomey says. "You can use the outside air when it's cold to cool the data center during the day." (Related: "National Snow and Ice Data Center Gets a Cool Makeover.") This helps lower overall electrical costs, he says. And, he notes, companies can use data centers to crunch numbers to help other parts of their business run more efficiently—which can actually save money. "When you step into the cloud and replace atoms with bytes, you don't have to manufacture chips anymore - and that means big savings," he says. So what happens when the NSA runs out of space? The new NSA facility in Utah could potentially hold the equivalent of data from about 300 billion iPhones. But what happens if the NSA runs out of room? It's likely it won't ... because the agency is also building another data farm at Fort Meade, Maryland. But if all of the zettabytes fill up, the agency will have to resort to using yottabytes. A yottabyte, naturally, is 1,000 zettabytes, or one septillion bytes. A yottabyte stored on terabytes would require a million data centers, which would fill Delaware and Rhode Island combined, reports Gizmodo. And if it runs out of yottabytes? Then there's a problem, in part because there's no official prefix after "yotta." Some have suggested the prefix bronto-, as in brontosaurus. An online petition in 2010 advocated for the prefix hella-, as in hella big. But nothing official has been determined. Which means the playing field is wide—or should we say yotta-size—open! Have a suggestion for the next prefix? Let us know in the comments. Follow Melody Kramer on Twitter.
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CAUSES AND RISK FACTORS FOR MENTAL ILLNESS IN ELDERLY IN INDIA India is going through a major demographic transition with the rapid swelling of the senior population. Low birth rates coupled with longer life expectancies push the population to an ageing one. According to census 2011, 8.6 % of India’s population is 60 years and above. Ageing process is not only affected by the physiological changes in the body but also by changes in the psychosocial conditions. Being mentally healthy not only means absence of any psychological condition but the optimum use of our cognitive functions and an optimistic thought process. In India, mental health issues in elderly population are mostly due to the following causes: - Urbanization and westernization play a major role in the increasing migration of the younger generation leading to weakening of the social structure and joint family system. As a result the older population is trapped in between the eroding traditional system and lack of social security systems in India. - Due to the changes in the social structure, older adults have to undergo major changes in their lifestyle and inability to accept and adjust to these changes is one of the important causes of the increasing prevalence of mental illness. - In the face of life stressors, individuals due to certain personality traits develop maladaptive emotional response which makes them prone to develop mental health issues. - Old age is characterized by multiple losses in terms of loss of physical and mental capacities, loss of loved ones, loss of authority and importance. So one has to learn to draw a very intricate balance between the physical, social and psychological resources. - Decline in the capacity of accept and adapt change makes unplanned life events difficult to handle. - Any physical illness leading to loss of mobility and dependency can lead to elderly depression. - Loss of loved ones, can lead to loneliness and isolation. Apart from the bereavement, such significant losses are sometimes followed by major life changes like change of residence, social roles. - At times, even the daily stressors like the activities of daily living can become stressful for the elderly which can lead to anxiety. Mental illness if not diagnosed at a manageable stage can have serious consequences.Some of the most common signs of mental illness in elderly are: - Withdrawal from social activities like meeting people, going on outings etc. - Insomnia or hypersomnia - Intense sense of guilt most of the time - Loss of interest in pleasurable things which they earlier liked doing. - Feelings of hopelessness and worthlessness - Increased confusions - Neglecting personal care (grooming, bathing, clothing) - Constant worry of the unknown future to such an extent that affect their daily functioning - Frequent complaints of pain in different parts of the body in the absence of any physiological problem. - Frequents incidents of irritation and agitation leading to anger outbursts. While there is increasing provenance of mental illness among older adults access to mental health services is very limited. Most of the elderly avoid going to a psychologist or geriatric specialist. A number of barriers like denial of problems, lack of awareness, limited services further worsen the condition. Combined efforts at individual level and social support system are required to address the mental health issues in elderly.
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It’s been a while since we’ve had a “Words New to Me…” post, but I’m reading Thomas Hardy and his vocabulary is enormous!! Here are some words new to me lately… - Madder – red color (in this case, related to stains from plants) - Apple-blooth – not sure. Linked with apple blossom perhaps as a lot of refs are to nature…? - Logy – dull, sluggish - Uz – reference to one of biblical Abraham’s sons (?) - Niaiserie – silly or foolish talk or behavior - Rozums – not sure, but was in reference to an intelligent person… Any ideas? - Pummy (something has been “churned into a pummy”) – dialect word for “pomace” which refers to solid remains of grapes and other fruit after pressing for juice or oil - Paltered – to act in an insincere way or to lie - Thermidorean – ref. to a coup d’état within the French Revolution against its leaders (late 1700’s). Uncertain how this connects to text though… - Ethiopic – refers to ancient language of Ethiopa - Antionomianism – one who rejects society-established morality in favor of biblical ideas - dapes inemptae – (Latin) homegrown produce or unbought feast (From Tess of the D’Urbervilles by Thomas Hardy – 1891.)
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1997 News of the Nation A year after the historic legislation was signed into law, the national welfare rolls have dropped by 1.5 million people to the lowest numbers in 27 years. Most of those who have left have been able to find jobs in the expanding economy, but experts warn that further reductions won't come so easily. Those who have already left the rolls were the most “employable” recipients; those who remain are more likely to be “unemployable” due to drug addiction, or physical or mental handicaps. Furthermore, although the economy is providing new jobs, there are fewer middle-income jobs available so “workfare” recipients are most likely to find lower-paying jobs. It is therefore not surprising that half the states failed to meet the target of having 75% of married welfare families either in job training or in jobs by October 1, 1997. States failing to attain the goals set forth in the bill passed in August 1996 may face penalties of as much as 5% of the funds granted to the state, though the Dept. of Health and Human Services has the option to waive these penalties on a case-by-case basis. The news for these new additions to the labor pool gets worse. Republican efforts to exempt welfare-to-work employees from the $5.15 minimum wage further exacerbates the wage problem and inflames the debate over whether welfare reform is actually helping anyone. While Republicans claim a reduced wage for welfare recipients will make them more attractive to potential employers, Democrats claim that welfare recipients are entitled to the same “living wage” as other Americans. The “working poor” are becoming ever-more apparent in the increased demands on food banks. Second Harvest, the nation's second-largest food bank, reports increased demands for food at half of its 183 centers. The government accounted for 13.5% of publicly distributed food in 1997, down from 22.2% in 1991. Private sources say the additional strain on their reserves cannot sustain the growing need as welfare reform requires people to take work—any work—even if it doesn't pay enough to put food on the table. —TMV
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What is Compliance & Record Management An internal auditor’s request for information on records management and documentation translates into fear and uncertainties for many departmental heads. You should not only achieve the retention over many years but also ensure that the information is adequately protected. Records Management and Compliance Definition of Records Management Records management entails documenting information and protecting it over the required period. With the technological advancements, it has become possible for businesses to obtain data for people with whom they may never transact! This may come in the form of job applications and marketing aides. You’re required to have a proper mechanism to collect, sort, store, and dispose these documents at the appropriate time. Some regulatory bodies will only focus on data related to employees and customers. However, some of the regulations such as the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) requires that you protect all the data that you interact with from any form of breach. For example, information collected by your marketers may appear unnecessary after the lead generation program but it’s a significant data risk for your business. Typical Retention Schedules: What are they? Various industries have different record retention schedules. For example, it’s a requirement that all information collected by banks be stored for 5 years. The most commonly used categories of data retention programs include 3 years, 5 years, 7 years, 10 years, or permanent retention schedules. How Data Retention Affects Your Organization The development of technologically advanced data collection methods has complicated the data retention and protection process. Unlike the old days where you could collect documents and store them in a guarded warehouse, today’s environment is highly digital! This requires that you invest in data storage programs and institute security against data breach. You should also ensure that you have proper tracking systems. This will help you to dispose of documents that have surpassed their retention limit easily. 5 Crucial Steps to Create a Records Management Policy You’re required to use ISO 15489 guidelines when preparing for this policy. Also, ensure that you devise measures to ensure compliance. The steps include: - Review the Assets and Storage Locations Ensure that you comprehend all the information that you store and the specific storage locations. This will help you to sort the data based on parameters necessary to enhance security against data breach. The records can be classified as: - Operational. This is the information that is essential for daily business operations. Include customer data, employee information, organization charts, tax information, data access and authorization, marketing information, human resource documents, and minutes for Board of Directors meetings. - Legal. This data revolves around the legal liabilities of a business. It includes articles of incorporation, lawsuits, third-party vendors’ information, consent forms, and insurance policy information. - Emergency. This involves all the information required in ensuring business continuity and resolving disasters. It includes emergency access authorization, facility blueprints, policies and procedures, security codes, and technical system documentation. - Financial. This information entails assets, liabilities, and financial history. It includes the investments details, payroll information, ledgers, and banking documents. - Based on Location. The information can be stored in the networks, servers, cloud storage, onsite and offsite locations, and backups. - Review Data Importance and Rate Risk It’s critical that all policies focus on crucial information whose interference would result in a discontinuity or financial loss. These questions are necessary during the review: - Is the information required for business continuity? - Will the loss of data lead to a monetary loss? - Is it costly to reconstruct the data? - How rapid should you recover information in case of loss? - Can the information be obtained from other sources? - Are the documents physical or digital? - Review the Risks to the Information When deciding the retention period, you should consider the long terms need of the information and the cost of recovery in case of a loss. These are the guiding questions: - Who is in charge of the data? - Do you have adequate controls such as encryption and firewalls? - What is the format for your information? - Is it possible to document all transactions? - Who can access the information? - How do you regulate/ authenticate control? - Monitoring Records Protection If you fail to monitor your information frequently, you’ll suffer from integrity noncompliance! - Are you frequently monitoring all software, servers, and networks for risks? - Are you updating your software? - Do terminated employees continue to access data? - Are you monitoring the external threats? - Are you reviewing your access? - Disposal of Records You should have a plan to dispose of your records. Ensure that you do not violate a regulatory requirement in the process. Ensure you have backups and a verified disposal agency to complete the process. Use of Technology in Records Management Use of automated tools helps you to organize all your data (both physical and digital neatly. It saves you on time and resources required for the audit process thus making it easier to comply with regulatory bodies. Ken Lynch is an enterprise software startup veteran, who has always been fascinated about what drives workers to work and how to make work more engaging. Ken founded Reciprocity to pursue just that. He has propelled Reciprocity’s success with this mission-based goal of engaging employees with the governance, risk, and compliance goals of their company in order to create more socially minded corporate citizens. Ken earned his BS in Computer Science and Electrical Engineering from MIT. Learn more at ReciprocityLabs.com.
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You may have noticed that black folklore seems to be entering a pop culture moment. Whether you’re a lifelong folklore devotee, or, er, perhaps just discovering the rich breadth of stories our mythologies have to offer, you’re going to want to be able to keep up with the conversations The Culture’s about to start having. Conversations that are bound to be spurred by projects like The Rock’s newly announced “John Henry and the Statesmen” from Netflix, the return of characters like Anansi and Mama-Ji on Starz’s “American Gods,” and the movement on biopics about people like Harriet Tubman — real life heroes who, for better or worse, have ascended into American folkloric status. Maybe you just found yourself going, “Mama-Ji who?” Don’t worry. There’s no shame here — just a thoroughly cultivated reading list that’ll get you up to speed on every kind of boo hag, br’er creature, obayifo, and tar baby there is. Because at Shondaland, you’re always part of the conversation. Hamilton’s expansive set of folktales is the perfect introduction to a staple of African trickster characters, slave folklore, and the tradition of oral storytelling that black Americans have long held close. Perhaps most importantly, Hamilton provides a straightforward, blunt explanation of the origin and importance of black folklore in America, noting that while you’re having fun reading these stories you must remember, “these were once a creative way for oppressed people to express their fears and hopes to one another… We must look look on the tales as a celebration of the human spirit.” It can be hard to get your hands on this essential volume from Hughes, and fellow Harlem Renaissance poet Bontemps — I had to “liberate” mine from my mother’s home, much like many of my first edition Hughes volumes. However, the content inside makes it worth whatever price you might find yourself paying for a copy. The men were semi-frequent collaborators over the years, and they both respected folklore as an important “branch of scholarship” worth preserving. Their collection is recorded mostly in dialect, and heavily emphasizes the importance the stories played in the survival of enslaved black people in the South and the Caribbean. In addition to adapted Aesop's fables, you’ll find sermons, gospel songs, ghost stories, and even old rhymes that evoke the songs and hand games you still might hear sung between black children on playgrounds to this day. Imagine if someone wrote down Tiffany Haddish’s hilarious swamp tour story for publication, but in the process “fixed” the grammar, phrasing, and added in some flourishes of their own for creative effect. The beats might remain the same — but it wouldn’t really be the story we've come to love. That’s the beauty of black oral storytelling; each story is unique to the person who tells it. Hurston understood that, and for that reason her anthropological collection of folk tales is truly something to behold. Unlike Hamilton who compiled her stories as retellings in her own voice, Hurston’s stories are all written down exactly as she heard them. Written in a variety of Southern black dialects, the stories range from a few paragraphs each to several pages, and cover a range of topics. And while reading in dialect can be challenging at first, and the repeated phrasing (which often happens in oral storytelling) takes a moment to adjust to, the tales of gullible "massas," adapted Grimms stories, God, the Devil, and even some 19th century "yo momma" jokes, are worth any slow start you might have. Compiled in the 1970s, this encyclopedia has been called a “landmark” addition to Black Americana. It is, indeed, thorough and packed with enough information that I considered it another collection worthy of “liberation” from my childhood home. It deals with much of the same content as Hughes and Bontemps’ effort, compiling everything from stories of iron man John Henry to recipes passed down through slave quarters and old spirituals. While I would be hesitant to recommend that this collection written by a white journalist be the only black folklore book on your shelf, it absolutely pairs well with any of the other collections suggested, and its specific additional focus on humor adds a new layer to the stories explored. Honestly, all of Lester’s folktale retellings — including his amazing John Henry picture book — should be on your shelf. The author, academic, and civil rights activist was a prolific writer of children’s books and chronicler of black folklore. This, Lester's first Br’er Rabbit book, is a retelling of the original stories (authored by Joel Chandler Harris, and based on the stories he collected from freed black Americans) with added modern allusions that update the tales while still keeping them grounded in their Southern roots. While technically a children’s book, the variety of stories and accompanying gorgeous illustrations make it a collection that will stay on your shelf well into adulthood. Once again, oral tradition was the driving force behind this collection of stories “rooted in African-American history.” Rather than retelling existing folktales, McKissack takes her inspiration from a wide range of sources, everything from paintings that depict the cruelty of slavery, to Yoruba beliefs, and crafts chilling stories meant to be told to children at the “dark thirty" — that half hour of twilight just before darkness and monsters emerge. “The Woman in the Snow,” a Montgomery Bus Boycott ghost story, has always been a favorite of mine (or it could just be that it scared me so much as a kid that I’ve never been able to shake it). The tale stands out for its careful balance of history and the supernatural, and calls to mind all the black folklore episodes of “Supernatural” I’ve dreamt up over the years. If you’re looking for a good scare during this spooky season, “The Dark Thirty,” is your jam. Two years after "The People Could Fly", Hamilton returned to black folklore with a collection of stories for black girls. Her retelling of the Creole fable, “The Talking Eggs” is a standout from my own childhood (along with Robert D. San Souci’s “The Talking Eggs” picture book, illustrated by Jerry Pinkney). “Macie and Boo Hag,” is the perfect bedtime tale for any child — it'll give a delightful fright while also instilling the importance of preserving tradition and storytelling. The "True Tales" section is, perhaps, what makes “Her Stories” most unique in its genre. Following in the tradition of women like Zora Neal Hurston, Hamilton ends her anthology with three "true" folk stories collected directly from black women themselves. As 110-year-old Lettice Boyer says, “I was here when Nat [Turner] rose up, when the stars fell down, when the war come in, when the Surrender was, when it was the earthquake, and I’m still here.” If that doesn’t make you want to read on, I’m not sure what will. This is, technically, a novel, but if you read Whitehead’s stunning "The Underground Railroad" then you know he excels at storytelling through tale tales, folk stories, and outright myths — weaving them together to create one of the most unique looks on American slavery in recent years. In 2009, did he same with John Henry— the legendary steel driving hero who was challenged to beat the work of a steam powered drilling engine, and did so, but at the cost of his own life. Splitting his time between Henry and a modern day journalist sent to cover a John Henry Day festival in Virginia, “John Henry Days” explores the ways the struggle of “man vs. machine” has evolved since the fateful day when technology bested the iron man of myth. Like so much of Whitehead’s work the narrative is, overall, a thoughtful meditation on race, mythology, and history in America, with a dash of satire and humor thrown in too. As the title of Virginia Hamilton’s first anthology suggests, the idea of flying has long been important in African American folklore. It was the best, most hopeful route out of slavery and towards freedom in the North. But until Gates’ and Tartar’s folklore tomb, I’d not scraped the surface of just how many “flying African” stories there are, or fully wrapped my head around their origins. The number of stories in this collection — ranging from the flying Africans, several Anansi trickster tales, to witches, and an attempt to grapple with the politics and origins of the tales included — and the detailed annotated notes included, make this the perfect collection for newbies and folklore enthusiasts alike.
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Abstract: Recutting Portraits of Roman Emperors: Problems in Interpretation and the Use of New Technology in Finding Possible Solutions As an expression of memoria damnata, sculptural portraits of the leaders of Rome and of their family members were recut into images of other individuals, usually imperial successors or other prominent personages. Such recutting was a practical way of conserving sculptural works in marble, an expensive commodity in the ancient world. In the last thirty years or so, scholars have become more cognizant of the fact that a number of portraits, not previously recognized as recut, were indeed reworked in some way. But even when there is general agreement that a sculpture has been refashioned, debate has continued not only as to whose portrait was recut but also which portrait types of that person had served for the original image. This lecture examines some of the problems in detecting recutting and how the new digital technology might be used to help us understand better the process of recutting marble portraits. More specifically, three-dimensional models of both recut and unrecut portraits can now be easily created by using a portable scanner recently developed for plastic surgery. This technology can offer new insights into how portraits were refashioned. For example, a three-dimensional image of a portrait suspected to have been recut can be projected inside another three-dimensional image of an unrecut portrait in order to determine how an image might have been refashioned. Also discussed are some of the limitations in the application of three-dimensional digital technology. Short bibliography and/or website on lecture topic: K. Galinsky, “Recarved Imperial Portraits: Nuances and Wider Context,” in Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 8 (2008) 1-25. E. Varner, Mutilation and Transformation: Damnatio Memoriae and Roman Imperial Portraiture (Leiden 2004).
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Break, Break, Break Break, Break, Break Sadness Quotes How we cite our quotes: As he sings in his boat on the bay! (8) The "sailor lad," too, seems totally oblivious of the speaker's sorrow – he's singing away like he doesn't have a care in the world, because he probably doesn't. But O for the touch of a vanish'd hand,And the sound of a voice that is still (11-12) The speaker breaks down and expresses his longing for the presence of his dead friend beginning with that moaning "O." The conjunction "But," with which he separates his own sad longing from the business of the "stately ships," suggests how out of sync his sorrow is with the busy activity of the rest of the world. But the tender grace of a day that is deadWill never come back to me. (15-16) The speaker realizes that time goes on, and he'll never be able to relive the days that he spent with his dead friend.
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About Blogs, Journals and Wikis A blog—a shorthand term that means web log—is a personal online journal that is frequently updated and intended for general public access and use. Most blogs also have some kind of commenting system, so that people can respond to and interact with one another. Blogs encourage students to clearly express their ideas and addresses the need to expand various aspects of social learning. Moreover, they are an effective means of gaining insight into students' activities and provide a way to share the knowledge and materials collected. In Blackboard Learn, blogs consist of two elements: - Blog entries: Text, images, links, multimedia, mashups, and attachments added by course members open for comments. - Comments: Remarks or responses to blog entries made by other course members, including the instructor. You can choose to allow students to participate in blogs in three ways: - Course Blogs: You can create a course blog and determine the topic you want addressed. All course members can add blog entries and comment on blog entries. - Individual Blogs: Each person can add entries only to their own blog. All other course members can view and add comments to it. - Group Blogs: If you enable the blogs tool for a group of users. Group members can add blog entries and make comments on blog entries, building upon one another. All course members can view group blogs, but non-group members can only add comments. You have full control over all blogs in your course and can edit and delete entries in any of the blog types. You can also delete user comments. Wikis allow course members to contribute and modify one or more pages of course related materials, providing a means of sharing and collaboration. Users can create and edit pages quickly, while tracking changes and additions, allowing for effective collaboration between multiple writers. You can create one or more wikis for all course members to contribute to and wikis for specific groups to use to collaborate. All course members can use the wikis tool to record information and serve as a repository for course information and knowledge. A course wiki is a vast source of information compiled by course members. Wikis can help build a community of collaboration and learning by increasing social interaction during the exchange of information. Students use a wiki to collaborate on shared content from different times and locations. They can view previous changes, comment on content or changes, include new content, and revise existing content. Similar to the discussion board, you act as a facilitator instead of the provider of all course content. Unlike a blog, which can be quite personal, wikis require intense collaboration, where information is linked to and built upon. Use Wikis to Assess Student Engagement You can grade student contributions to a wiki or use it solely for course content review. In either instance, a student can contribute multiple pages to a single wiki and make unlimited revisions to pages submitted by any course member. You can also enable the group wiki tool to help groups share and interact. You can view all changes to all pages in a wiki. You can view the changes at a high level, and you can drill down to see information about contributions by any individual. Journals are a personal space for students to communicate privately with you. Students can also use journals as a self-reflective tool to post their opinions, ideas, and concerns about the course, or discuss and analyze course related materials. You can create journal assignments that are broad and student-directed as your students reflect on the learning process and document changes in their perceptions and attitudes. Students can describe problems faced and how they solved them. Also, you can create instructor-directed journal entries that are more formal in nature and that narrow the focus by listing topics for discussion. Journals are ideal for individual projects. For example, in a creative writing course, the owner of each journal creates entries and an instructor comments. In this manner, a student can refine a section of a writing assignment over a period of time, using an instructor’s guidance and suggestions. A student can also comment on his or her entries to continue the conversation. You can choose to make journal entries public, allowing all course members to view all entries. For example, you may choose to make a journal public when asking for opinions on how to improve the evaluation process. Students can read what other students wrote and build upon those ideas. When used in the group area, members of a group can view and comment on each other’s entries for the group journal. The group, as a whole, can communicate with you and all members benefit from the comments. You can grade journal entries or use them solely for communication. In either instance, a student can make multiple entries for one journal topic.
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Nonconvulsive Electrotherapy: a Proof-of-concept Trial This study involves pilot testing of a modified version of a proven treatment for mental illness. The treatment, electroconvulsive therapy (ECT) is used to treat more than 100,000 Americans yearly. ECT is the most effective treatment for major depression, a disorder that affects approximately 5 to 8 percent of the adult US population yearly. It is also an effective treatment for mania and mixed mood states associated with bipolar disorder and schizoaffective disorder. The aim of ECT is to induce a seizure, which is thought to be responsible for both its therapeutic and its adverse cognitive effects. The proposed modification consists of reducing the ECT electrical stimulus dose below the amount necessary to induce seizures so that adverse cognitive effects, such as confusion and memory problems, are minimized. The investigators intend to determine whether ECT-related cognitive impairment can be reduced without diminishing the therapeutic effect of ECT. In addition to distressing patients, ECT-related cognitive impairment has significant public health consequences. These include increased morbidity and mortality among severely ill individuals who refuse ECT due to concern over its adverse cognitive effects as well as increased falls among the elderly receiving ECT. Elderly patients are far more likely to receive ECT and are also more vulnerable to ECT-related cognitive impairment. They often require hospitalization for ECT and a longer hospital stay with greater spacing of treatments to minimize adverse cognitive effects. The hypothesis driving this research is that electrical brain stimulation applied in the same manner as standard ECT, but at a lower dose, can have therapeutic effects and fewer adverse cognitive effects without inducing seizures. This hypothesis is based on the following: 1) the investigators clinical experience of patients who have improved with ECT despite having only one or no seizure, 2) animal studies showing that electrical brain stimulation can induce antidepressant like effects in animals without inducing seizures, 3) reports from the 1950s that "subconvulsive" and "nonconvulsive" electrotherapy was effective for some patients, and 4) the recent approval by the US Food and Drug Administration of the use of transcranial magnetic stimulation --a technique that uses a magnet to induce an electrical current in the brain without inducing seizures--for treatment of medication resistant major depression. The primary aim of the research is to conduct a proof of concept, open trial investigating the therapeutic efficacy and safety of nonconvulsive electrotherapy (NET). The investigators plan to enroll 16 subjects, which is the minimum number of subjects needed to show that the therapeutic effect of NET is better than would be expected of placebo. If the investigators show that the therapeutic effect of NET exceeds that expected of placebo and does not induce significant cognitive impairment, then the investigators will go on to propose a blind, randomized, controlled clinical trial that more definitively tests the investigators' hypothesis. The investigators would use the information gathered from the pilot trial to estimate the number of subjects needed to definitively test the efficacy and safety of NET. The secondary aim of the study is to find out whether NET affects blood levels of brain-derived neurotrophic factor (BDNF). BDNF is a substance that is important to the nervous system and may be related to how treatments like ECT or possibly NET improve symptoms. The investigators would draw a blood sample before and after NET treatment to assess this. Device: Nonconvulsive electrotherapy |Study Design:||Intervention Model: Single Group Assignment Masking: Open Label Primary Purpose: Treatment |Official Title:||Nonconvulsive Electrotherapy: a Proof-of-concept Trial| - Change in Score on the 17-item Hamilton Depression Rating Scale [ Time Frame: Baseline and at the end of the NET treatment course 2-4 weeks later, depending on the number of NET treatments ]Score range is 0 to 54 points. The higher the score, the more depressed symptoms. - Change in Score on Mini-mental State Exam [ Time Frame: Baseline and at the end of the NET treatment course 2-4 weeks later, depending on the number of NET treatments ]Score range is 0 to 30 points. The higher the score, the better the cognition. So a higher score means less cognitive impairment. - Change in Score on the Autobiographical Memory Inventory Short Form (AMI-S) [ Time Frame: Baseline and at the end of the NET treatment course 2-4 weeks later, depending on the number of NET treatments ]The Autobiographical Memory Inventory Short Form (AMI-S ) assesses effects on retrograde memory for autobiographical information including information related to a family member, recent travel, events of last New Year's eve, events of last birthday, employment information, and events of last non-psychiatric illness and its treatment. Subjects responded to specific questions regarding these topics before and after their course of NET treatment. Subjects were scored based on the percent of responses post-NET treatment that correctly matched their responses prior to NET treatment. The score range is 0 to 100%. The higher the percent, the less impaired is the autobiographical memory. - Change in Brain-derived Neurotrophic Factor (BDNF) Blood Level [ Time Frame: Baseline and at the end of the NET treatment course 2-4 weeks later, depending on the number of NET treatments ]Change in plasma level of BDNF in pg/ml pre and post NET treatment course. |Study Start Date:||May 2010| |Study Completion Date:||April 2014| |Primary Completion Date:||March 2014 (Final data collection date for primary outcome measure)| Experimental: Nonconvulsive electrotherapy Open label single arm study of nonconvulsive electrotherapy Device: Nonconvulsive electrotherapy An electrical stimulus will be given as in electroconvulsive therapy (ECT)using bifrontal electrode placement and a Thymatron System IV device; however, the device will be set at a lower energy level that is 12.5%(1/8) of the expected energy needed to induce a seizure rather than at an energy level that is at or above the seizure threshold. Other Name: Thymatron System IV device made by Somatics, LLC. Please refer to this study by its ClinicalTrials.gov identifier: NCT01065597 |United States, Maryland| |University of Maryland Medical Center| |Baltimore, Maryland, United States, 21201|
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An Implant Cardiac Defibrillator (ICD) is a pager-size device that is placed in the chest of a patient suffering from heartbeat ailments. Get Free Treatment Plan From Top Hospitals An Implant Cardiac Defibrillator (ICD) is a pager-size device that is placed in the chest of a patient suffering from heartbeat ailments. If the patient’s lower heart chambers (ventricles) go in a dangerous rhythm or stop beating due to cardiac arrest, the patient might need an ICD implant. It is also required by patients who have a fatally fast heartbeat (called ventricular tachycardia) or in the case of a chaotic heartbeat that might not allow the heart to supply enough blood to the other parts of the body (ventricular fibrillation). The device detects abnormal heartbeats and stops arrhythmias while continuously monitoring the heartbeat. It also helps in restoring a normal heart rhythm when necessary by delivering electrical pulses. This device is different from a pacemaker. It is the size of a pack of playing cards and contains a small box with a computer and a battery. The device is programmed to give a shock if the heart rate exceeds the given figure for more than a stipulated amount of time. If your heart rhythm becomes erratic, you may faint and wake up when the device has given a shock. A patient suffering from ventricular tachycardia will be an ideal candidate for a defibrillator surgery procedure. You will be a candidate for this surgery if you have survived a cardiac arrest or might have fainted due to a ventricular arrhythmia. You can also benefit from this procedure if you have: • A medical history of coronary artery disease • A heart attack that might have weakened your heart • A specific heart condition which involves an abnormality of the heart muscles. This includes enlarged (dilated cardiomyopathy) muscles or thickened (hypertrophic cardiomyopathy) muscles of the heart. • A genetic defect that makes your heart beat abnormally. This includes the QT syndrome, which causes ventricular fibrillation and can lead to death in youngsters without showing any signs or symptoms • Other rare conditions like Brugada syndrome or arrhythmogenic right ventricular dysplasia If you are facing any of the above problems, it might be time to consult our cardiac surgeons at the earliest and start the process for an ICD implant. In order to determine whether you are the right candidate for an ICD implantation procedure, your doctor will recommend a series of tests including: • ECG – The heart’s beating pattern will offer clues to the kind of irregular heartbeat you might be suffering from. • Echocardiography – This procedure allows the doctor to see your heart without making an incision. It composes images of your beating heart on the monitor so that the doctor can measure the thickness and size of the heart muscle. • Holter Monitoring – This device monitors your heartbeat for 24 hours and the findings help the doctor in the right prognosis. • Electrophysiology study (EPS) – The doctor will guide electrodes from the blood vessels to your heart in order to properly test the functioning of the heart’s electrical system. This helps doctors identify potential risks of heart rhythm problems. The procedure is usually done under local anaesthesia and lasts for about two hours. During the surgery, the surgeon will insert one or more flexible insulated wires into the veins near your collarbone. These are guided to your heart with the help of X-ray images. These wires have leads at the end that are secured to your heart and the other ends are attached to the device generator which is placed under the skin below your collarbone. Before the surgery is completed, the doctor will test to see if the ICD is working properly. This might require shocking your heart and thus, a general anaesthesia might be given. He will also program the device to work correctly based on your particular heart problem. Once the results are positive, the doctor will close the wound with sutures and apply a small dressing. You might have to stay in the hospital for a day or two after the surgery. The doctor will test the ICD to ensure the implantation has worked. You do not need to undergo another surgery to additionally test the implantation of ICD. You can’t drive for about a week after the procedure and need to take extra care of your mind and body. You can start taking short walks or any other mild physical activity to recover faster after the surgery. Normally, complete recovery takes about 12 weeks. A cardiac defibrillator implant procedure brings some risks to the patient but when weighed against the benefits, the complications are comparatively lower. Some of the commonly known risks of this surgery include: • Infection in the area where the device is implanted • Swelling, bruising or bleeding at the implanted site • In rare cases, bleeding around the heart which can be life-threatening • Blood leakage from the heart valve where the ICD lead is present • Severe damage to the veins where the ICD lead is placed • Allergic reactions to the medicines given during the procedure of ICD • Pneumothorax, lung collapse Due to the capabilities and advantages of an ICD implant procedure, it is increasingly becoming a standard treatment for patients who have suffered a cardiac arrest. It is also a great solution for patients who might be at a high risk of sudden cardiac arrest. Patients with an implant are at a lower risk of sudden death from cardiac arrest compared to those who only take medications to regulate their heartbeats. Normally, patients who have an ICD will have to keep it for their lifetime. The cost of ICD implant starts at Rs. 2.5 lakhs in India and it largely depends on the patient’s choice of hospital and doctors. There are many hospitals all over India that offer state-of-the-art treatment for ICD at extremely affordable costs. Since the defibrillator implant cost is low in India, many global patients choose to conduct their surgery in the India and return once they recover. If you have any further questions about the surgery or the pricing, please feel free to contact our doctors any time at +91-9999950957. India Health Help is a holistic medical tourism platform that offers to patients from around the world a chance to access some of best medical services in India. With access to the best hospitals, diagnostic centres, multi-speciality facilities and super-specialist medical expertise, we channel the right patient to the right medical solution for quick, effective and affordable recovery.
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The last time I looked at using an X-Carve for Printed Circuit Boards (PCBs), I created a demo board with EAGLE. Since then, I have learned more about using KiCad, the open source electronics CAD suite. While not a step-by-step tutorial, here is my rough KiCad to X-Carve PCB workflow. These are just the high-level steps, the tools necessary, and the settings I’ve discovered for each—so far. Here’s the Basic Steps: - KiCad: Draw Board - KiCad: Plot Gerbers - KiCad: Generate Drills - pcb2gcode: Generate G-code - Text Editor: Clean Up G-code Files - Camotics: Simulate G-code - ChiliPeppr: Send G-code and control X-Carve - X-Carve: Make the boards! The Board: Adapter for Microchip MRF24J40MA For some upcoming DIY home automation projects, I need wireless connectivity. Last week’s ESP8266 post was my first look at WiFi options. Next on my list is IEEE 802.15.4, or ZigBee, radios. For now, I’m working with a MRF24J40MA-I/RM Microchip IEEE 802.15.4 module, available on Mouser for ~$10. Since the module is meant to be surface mounted, I decided to make a breakout board to make prototyping easier. This simple breakout has a couple of pin headers, traces, a few “vias”, and an outline. These simple features make it a perfect board for testing a new KiCad to X-Carve PCB Workflow. Tools to go from KiCad to X-Carve PCB 1. [KiCad] Draw (or download) the PCB I’ve got the board file, so I didn’t need to do much in pcbnew. I did add an additional board outline on the Edge.Cuts layers. There are two key layers: Layer for Copper (Front) This layer includes the Traces, Pads, and a “trace” outline. Leaving an outline on the Copper Layer a physical visual indicator to the board’s edges and where the end mill would be cutting later. If you deselect or select layers in the PCB viewer, Pads are not included in the graphic viewer. However, when the Gerber file is created, they will be generated. Note, in my screenshots this layer is called Cuivre, French for Copper. Layer for Outline The Edge.Cuts layer contains a polygon for where the finished PCB will be cut out of the PCB blank. I wasn’t sure how to generate an outline of the copper layer in pcb2gcode, so this may be unnecessary. On the other hand, having this as a separate G-Code gives some flexibility. 2. [KiCad] Plot PCBs The first step towards using KiCad to Mill PCBs is generating Gerber files. This step generates two Gerbers: Copper Layer and the Outline Layer. Based on older terminology, KiCad calls this process “Plot” under the file menu. These are the settings I used to generate my Gerbers. Make sure you: - Verify the Output directory - Select Copper and Outline layer - Exclude PCB edge layer from other layers - Format: 4.6 unit mm - Deselect the 3 Gerber options Click the “Plot” button when ready. After plotting finishes, keep the window open. There is one more button to click. 3. [KiCad] Generate Drill File From the Plot Window, click “Generate Drill File” to open Drill options. Again here are the settings that I used in my setup. On this screen: - Double-check the output directory (should carry over) - Set units to millimeters - Zeros Format: Suppress leading zeros - Unselect both Drill File Options - Make Drill Origin Absolute - I think both inches and millimeters work, but I only tested a real carving with millimeters. - The Drill Map File Format is irrelevant. Once you click “Drill File”, the message area will be updated with the new drill file. Now you can close both the Drill and Plot windows. At the point you’ll have at least two gbr files and one drl file. KiCad includes a Gerber viewer named gerbview. Use this tool to see what the Gerber files look like, visually. gerbview: Unexpected Symbols Warning: this file has no D-Code definition It is perhaps an old RS274D file Therefore the size of items is undefined It will also appear gerbview is showing the drill file as blank! Uh-oh… There’s nothing wrong with your drill file. You just need to tell gerbview to load the file as an EXCELLON Drill File, available in the File Menu. Now that we are done with the Gerber and drill files, time to create the G-Code. 4. [pcb2gcode] Generating G-Code Here’s the good news. pcb2gcode generates the G-Code needed to drive a CNC like the X-carve. Here’s the bad news, if you aren’t running Linux it can be a bit of a pain to get it up and running. The GitHub README has information on Linux and Windows. But nothing about how to install for Mac. I’ll come back to that in a later post. For now, you’re going to need Windows or Linux for pcb2gcode. There are a ton of command line options for pcb2gcode. Until you get use to using the program, I highly recommend pcb2gcodeGUI. If you get pcb2gcode compiled and running, the GUI is no problem. Using pcb2gcodeGUI, here are the settings I used. You should be able to translate these into the command line settings if you can’t run the GUI. - Set the Front (Copper) Layer - Outline (Edge.PCB) - Drill File - Uncheck G64, if checked (more on that later) - Check Optimise - Check Zero-Start - Uncheck mirror-absolute These settings directly affect how the X-Carve will mill the traces (or the isolation paths around the traces.) Depending on your mills, or bits, you may need to tweak these settings. I left mine with the pcb2gcodeGUI defaults: - Z-drill is how far to drill down. Make sure this is at least as thick as your PCB material and slightly deeper. You want your drill to go all the way through to your waste material. - Set drill-front - [Optional] Set onedrill - [Important] Set nog81 X-Carve is based on an Arduino running the simple G-code interpreter grbl. It does not support the tool change command, so I decided to keep all of my holes the same size. The G-Code G81 is used to simplify G-code instructions. It is a way to repeat drilling on the z-axis, with single commands. Sadly, grbl does not support G81. Enabling “nog81” causes pcb2gcode to generate the necessary discrete commands. Without “nog81”, the X-Carve will just move on the X and Y axes without drilling any holes. The default pcb2gcodeGUI settings for the Outline needed significant changes. Here’s what I used, and I’m still not happy with them: - Cutter-diameter is the size of your end-mill. Make sure you are using an “end mill”. - Zcut is the thickness of your pcb material. This will probably be the same as your zcut from the drill section. - Cut-feed is how fast to move the tool. I slowed my down to 250 mm/min. I might go slower on my next board. - Cut-infeed sets how deep the mill cut on each pass. The default was 10mm, which meant, the outlook would be cut on a single pass. I changed to be a fraction of my end mill’s diameter. This means multiple passes, but longer lasting end mills. - Bridges are also known as tabs. This sets the width of the bridge. See my note below. - Zbridges determines the z-height when going over the section for a bridge. See my note below. - Bridgesnum is straight forward, how many tabs do you want when the outline is cut. Definitely a minimum of 2. I have a Dremel handy, so 4 doesn’t bother me. With pcb2gcode version 1.2.2, there is a bug in the z-bridges. However, a commit to the git repository has already been made, so it might be resolved. Will update once I have a chance to verify. Generate the G-Code. Click Start to call pcb2gcode, which generates the G-code. Take note of the information in the dialog. Save the provided full command line for future reference! You should now have three files with NGC extensions, full of G-Code. 5. [Text Editor] Cleaning G-Code Files Even though pcb2gcode does a good job of cleaning up G81 for grbl, there are still some left over commands that cause it to complain. For information on what these G-Codes mean, check out this G-Code Quick Reference Guide from LinuxCNC.org. What to remove from Drilling File Open up the drilling G-Code’s file. Remove the M6 command, since grbl doesn’t support tool changes. Also, remove the M0 command. Lastly, remove the M2 command near the end of the file. It’ll make moving on to the next G-code file easier. Remove G64 from each Milling File Both the Front/Copper and Outline files will have a G64 command. This G-Code does some fine tuning, but grbl doesn’t support it. Like the drilling files, remove the M2 command. Otherwise, grbl will need a reset when finished with the file, making re-homing difficult. By removing M2, you should be able just to reset the Z with each bit change. 6. [Camotics] View the G-Code The last step before warming up the X-Carve is running Camotics. This tool is an open source G-Code Viewer or simulator. It visualizes what milling/drilling will be done, and gives you an idea of the tool’s path. You can also load all 3 (or 4 if two-sided) files at once, to make sure everything appears to visually line up. 7. [ChiliPeppr] Send the G-Code Ready to make a board? Yeah, so am I! There’s a couple of options for sending the G-code file to an X-Carve. The default option is the online Easel software from Inventables. To me, this is a good “getting started” software and good for general purpose engraving. For direct control I prefer ChiliPeppr Hardware Fiddle. It is a web-based tool that does 3D visualization, provides direct control, and sends G-Code. You will need to install a small local client to provide the serial communication. There is a workspace specific to grbl: chilipeppr.com/grbl. Just drag and drop your files into Chilipeppr. Once there, use the “play” button to send your G-code. (In the future, I plan to dedicate a Raspberry Pi for this purpose.) 8. [X-Carve] Make the boards. Hopefully, you have limit switches, so you can home the X-Carve easily. I routinely home a CNC, zero the axes, move the bit to my 0,0 and record the location. If something fails and I need to start over, this gets me much closer to “my home” than trying to eyeball it. Here’s the board order, with bits that I used. For traces, I used a tapered PCB bit from Inventables. PCB blanks aren’t known for their flatness, so it took several passes to mill through the entire copper. On each pass, I dropped my Z between 0.1 and 0.5mm until all of the traces cleanly cut. Next I ran the drill file with my 1.0mm drill bit, included in the PCB Drilling Bits also from Inventables. Last is the outline. You could try to cut in a single pass and let the tabs stay, but I didn’t like loading my bit with that much material. Going from KiCad to X-Carve PCB This workflow is complicated, but functional. As I get more experience with both KiCad and my X-Carve, I will be providing updates. For now, any suggestions on how to improve the workflow?
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Know About The Hidden Dangers Associated With Asbestos Asbestos was once a popular material due to its unique properties, such as resistance to heat and fire, wear, chemicals, etc. People used to make a lot out of asbestos for a long time. It was discovered that asbestos was toxic 50 years ago. What is asbestos poisoning? Asbestos' durability has been used in many industries. This is both its advantage and disadvantage. Once asbestos is present, the human body cannot get rid of it. Asbestos can be part of any material as long as it remains in the material. Inhaling tiny asbestos fibers that look like needles is the most dangerous. It is important to get asbestos removal services. To hire asbestos removal professionals, you can visit www.sandowconstruction.com/asbestos-removal-services. Asbestos poisoning's primary symptoms, such as dry cough and tightness in your chest, or shortness of breathing are similar to symptoms of other less serious diseases. Unfortunately, asbestos poisoning has also quite a long latency period. It is not uncommon to discover the root cause of a patient's problems too late. These are the most commonly linked diseases to asbestos poisoning. Asbestosis patients' lungs are trying to remove asbestos fibers. They produce acid which damages the tissue and then hardens. The patient's breathing becomes difficult. Mesothelioma, a type of cancer that affects part of the outer lining of the lungs, is called "Mesothelioma". This disease is currently not curable. Exposure to asbestos poisoning can lead to mesothelioma. This is a significant difference from asbestosis. Asbestos-induced lung cancer was responsible for more than half of all asbestos poisoning deaths. If the patient is diagnosed correctly and begins treatment early, they are likely to live a long, active life.
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Are pets people too? That question drives one of the definitions of the term furkids. Furkids are basically animals — usually cats and most often dogs, that are treated very much like people. Certainly domesticated pets and humans have extensive, historically verifiable close bonds. Anyone who has lost a pet can attest to the pain and grief felt on such an occasion. Pets that become furkids though aren’t just treated as animals, but tend to have all the benefits (or possibly hazards) of human things too. In recent years, you may have noted the many celebrities who appear in public with pets, that are usually dressed to the nines with special clothing and often very expensive collars. These furkids are occupying a place that is not traditional for domestic pets by accompanying owners to red carpet events or just around town to all the places owners go. Sometimes, children don’t even get this kind of special treatment. Many things that pet owners would do for their furkids such as lavishing them with gifts, toys, expensive beds and clothing aren’t exactly harmful, provided such things are pet safe. Some people conclude though that attention given to furkids, especially in things like manicures for dogs or extra bows for cats aren’t really necessary. They do represent extras pets really don’t need, and some people argue financial excesses spent on pets would be better served benefiting charities that help save less cared for animals or that serve needy children. Some argue that creating furkids as opposed to just owning a pet represents mistaken priorities about the world. Others though, counter that they adore their pets and truly find them necessary. Moreover, most places are still “free countries” where people have the right to choose how to spend their money. Where pets being turned into furkids can be problematic most for the animals, is when they receive things they shouldn’t have or are so indulged they become behavioral problems. Television programs devoted to retraining dogs frequently feature this issue. People who view animals as kids may want to be loved by those animals, and don’t want to be considered harsh or mean. Unfortunately animal behavior is different than human behavior, and constantly caving to a cute puppy’s demands may convince the puppy that it is in charge of the house. This can be of detriment when the puppy grows up and still wants to rule the household and its owner. Others err by indulging their pets too much, as in the matter of giving treats. Overweight animals tend to live shorter lives and have greater medical problems as they age. Attending to the dog’s true needs, such as adequate food and exercise may create a happier and healthier dog than one that always gets a treat when it begs. As to clothing, beds, and fancy collars, these aren’t likely to harm pets. The main risk to these animals is creating pets with behavior problems that go from being somebody’s beloved kids to sitting in shelters because they can no longer be controlled. Vets suggest pet parents of furkids understand that animals can be very wonderful, inspiring strong emotional connections, but need to be understood as animals and treated accordingly. In the end, this may benefit both pets and their parents.
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To sign up to the Graham Hancock newsletter mailing list, please click here. A pair of balloon probes that floated in the atmosphere of Venus nearly 30 years ago may have run into a drizzle. This being Earth’s hellish sister planet – where surface pressure is akin to being 900 m underwater and average temperatures are hot enough to melt lead – the shower wasn’t made of friendly water but rather corrosive sulfuric acid. The finding comes from a re-analysis of data taken by the Vega 1 and 2 missions and may represent the first onsite detection of rain ever made outside of Earth. Back to Previous... Go to News Desk... Enjoy the newsdesk? Please tell others about it:Tweet Dedicated Servers and Cloud Servers by Gigenet. Invert Colour Scheme / Default
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PINGPing is the most important troubleshooting command and checks the connectivity with other computers. For example, your system’s IP address is 10.10.10.10 and your network server’s IP address is 10.10.10.1 and you can check the connection to the server by using the ping command in the following format. At DOS command prompt, type ping 10.10.10.1 and press Enter When you receive the response from the server then the connectivity is ok and if you get the error message like this means to get “Request time out” so that there is a problem in connecting to the server. IPCONFIGIPconfig is another important command in Windows. It shows the IP address of the computer and it shows the DNS, DHCP, Gateway addresses the network and subnet mask. At DOS prompt type ipconfig and press Enter to see the IP address of your computer. inconfig In DOS prompt / all and press Enter to display the detailed information. NSLOOKUPNSLOOKUP is a TCP / IP-based command and checks domain name aliases, DNS records, information on the operating system by query the Internet domain name server. You can correct the error with the DNS server on your network HOST NAMEHostname command shows you the name of the computer. At DOS prompt hostname and press Enter NETSTATNETSTAT utility shows a statistical protocols and the current established TCP / IP connections to the computer. NBTSTATNBTSTAT helps to resolve the NetBIOS name resolution problems. ARP displays and modifies IP Physical address translation table that is used by the ARP protocols. FINGERFinger command is used to retrieve information about a user on a network. TRACERTTracert command is used to determine the path of the remote system. This tool also provides the number of hops and the IP address of each hop. For example, if you see how many hops (routers) are involved to achieve, www.yahoo.com, and what the IP address of each hop is then to use the following command. At the command prompt, type tracert www.yahoo.com you a list of all the hops and their IP addresses to see. TRACE ROUTETraceroute is a very useful network debugging command and it is in the search for the server slows down the transmission on the Internet and it also shows the distance between the two systems are used. ROUTERoute command, you can manually make entries in the routing table. Hopefully, the above commands will help you diagnose the troubleshooting computer networking problems.
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The Green Disc – a great resource about innovative technologies for developing countries and small island states – is now available online. The site is meant to be a one-stop online location for researchers to post data and information about potential solutions to energy and environmental issues. "I'm excited we now have a central online location for all this critical material,” says Dr Thomas J. Goreau, a Jamaican marine scientist and biogeochemist who coordinated the effort. “It will be accessible to more policymakers, funding agencies, students, and the world-wide public... Technology innovators now have a way to get their message out to the world. Critical information can be disseminated in an improved, cost-efficient and environmentally-friendly way online, as a constantly growing encyclopedia of innovative solutions to the major problems facing humanity’s future." Topics include space-based solar power, tidal energy, using algae as biomass and much more. Anyone can access the Green Disc site, but registration is required. The Green Disc will also be distributed at the Rio+20 Conference on Sustainable Development later this year. Gaia Discovery publisher Mallika Naguran contributed an article about generating drinking water from the air to the first edition of the Green Disc.
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Fueling the brain? We love our hearts and eat foods to be heart healthy. But what about our brains? Contact information ( * required ) Neal Barnard, an adjunct associate professor of medicine at the George Washington University School of Medicine and Health Sciences, says how we eat can improve not just the function of our tickers, but also the longevity of our noggins, says The Washington Post. In his new book, "Power Foods for the Brain" ($27), and his PBS special, "Protect Your Memory," he outlines his nutrition plan to stave off Alzheimer's and dementia: Walnuts: vitamin E can be a brain booster, Barnard says, noting a Dutch study that showed that people with the most vitamin E in their diets cut their risk of Alzheimer's by 25 percent. The best sources are nuts and seeds. Blueberries: Fruit and veggies don't have cholesterol, Barnard says. And that's important for the brain because clogged-up arteries translate into reduced mental function. But he's particularly fond of this antioxidant-rich fruit that's been shown to help people with memory problems. Broccoli: Folate sounds like foliage, which is what it is, Barnard says. And in combination with vitamins B6 and B12, it can eliminate homocysteine -- a destructive molecule that messes with the heart and brain. Sweet potatoes: Wondering how to get your B6? Throw some of these root veggies into your basket. Barnard says they're a staple in the diet in Okinawa, a place where people have been found to have exceptional brain function. Wine: Too much vino can mess with memory, obviously. But a glass or two a night has been shown to cut Alzheimer's risk significantly. In theory, a red variety is the better choice, Barnard says, because the resveratrol it contains may be good for your heart. But when it comes to the brain, a glass of any alcohol appears to offer similar protection. Hearing loss memoir Author Katherine Bouton was 30 years old when she began to lose her hearing. It began with a partial decline in her left ear. In the subsequent 22 years, she lost nearly all hearing in both ears for no apparent reason, a physical mystery with deep psychological repercussions. In her new book "Shouting Won't Help," Bouton describes her experience -- from denial to a frantic search for the cause to learning to live "functionally deaf," as she describes herself. But as common as impaired hearing may be, it is often ignored. In some cases, the loss is so gradual that it is easy not to notice; in others, Bouton explains, people are too ashamed or embarrassed to wear a hearing aid. The book delves into the mechanics of hearing and the psychological impact of its failure. "(For) most people, hearing loss remains intensely personal," Bouton writes. "It is a hidden disability, one often borne in secret."
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U.S. Department of Transportation Federal Highway Administration 1200 New Jersey Avenue, SE Washington, DC 20590 Federal Highway Administration Research and Technology Coordinating, Developing, and Delivering Highway Transportation Innovations This magazine is an archived publication and may contain dated technical, contact, and link information. |Publication Number: Date: Autumn 1993| Issue No: Vol. 57 No. 2 Date: Autumn 1993 On October 3, 1993, the Federal Highway Administration (FHWA) celebrated 100 years of service to the country. General Roy Stone, the agency's first head, called the movement to improve the Nation's roads a "peaceful campaign of progress and reform." Today, the 68,800-kilometer (42,800-mile) Dwight D. Eisenhower System of Interstate and Defense Highways is the most visible result, but the peaceful campaign continues as the FHWA adapts to the intermodal demands of the 1990s. In the second half of the 19th century, the railroads dominated interstate travel, and the limited pre-railroad network of roads fell into neglect. In the 1880s, however, the growing popularity of a new mode of transportation, the "ordinary" bicycle -- the type with the large front wheel -- was the first sign of change. The speed and individual mobility afforded by the bicycle created a nationwide craze -- complete with bicycle clubs, clothes, races, and touring guides -- for what appeared to be the next important mode of transportation. With the introduction of the "safety" bicycle with two wheels of the same size and the pneumatic tire in the late 1880s, the craze became an economic, political, and social force in the United States. By 1890, over one million bicycles were being manufactured in the country each year. The biggest problem was that, outside the cities, the nation's bad roads made bicycling a laborious, dangerous process. As one contemporary slogan put it, the roads were, "Wholly unclassable, almost impassable, scarcely jackassable!" The Good Roads Movement was a response to this problem. Bicycle groups, led by the League of American Wheelmen (L.A.W.), and manufacturers, led by Col. Albert Pope, worked at the federal, state, and local level to secure road improvement legislation. To build support for the movement, the bicycle groups tried to interest the farmers and their state and national organizations. The message was that bad roads, by increasing transportation expenditures, cost more than good roads. But the farmers weren't interested; they didn't want to be taxed to benefit, as they saw it, the city "peacocks" who wanted to get their relaxation riding bicycles at the farmers' expense. As a result, the Good Roads Movement was dominated by bicycle interests until the late 1890s. General Stone, a Civil War hero and civil engineer, was one of the leaders of the movement, which rallied around a bill he had drafted in 1892 for consideration in the Congress. The bill called for creation of a two-year National Highway Commission to formulate plans for a national school of roads and bridges, to collect and disseminate information, and to prepare a comprehensive road exhibit for the Chicago World's Columbian Exposition, which was to open in April 1893. The measure passed the Senate, but despite intense lobbying by Stone, the L.A.W., and other groups, failed in the House of Representatives. In January 1893, Representatives Allan Durburow of Illinois and Clarke Lewis of Mississippi succeeded in adding a provision to the Agriculture Appropriation Act of 1894 to provide $10,000 "to make inquiry regarding public roads" and to disseminate the information. The Congress approved the act on March 3, and it was signed by President Benjamin Harrison that same day, his last in office. Incoming President Grover Cleveland, beginning his second nonconsecutive term on March 4, chose J. Sterling Morton to be Secretary of Agriculture. Morton, a former secretary and acting governor of the Nebraska Territory and the founder of Arbor Day, adhered to principles of rigid economy and strict conservatism. His initiation of the road inquiry reflected these principles. On October 3, 1893, he signed a letter to General Stone, who had been chosen special agent and engineer for road inquiry. This letter is the charter for the new Office of Road Inquiry (ORI), the FHWA's first predecessor. After enunciating the statutory goals of the Appropriations Act, Morton reminded Stone that the work "will need to be of gradual growth, conducted at all times economically . . . [with] no considerable expenditure for the present." Morton added that, "It must be borne in mind that the actual expense in the construction of these highways is to be borne by the localities and states in which they lie." The ORI began life in two small attic rooms of the main Agriculture Building, with General Stone and a stenographer, Robert Grubbs, being its first two employees. Stone began by writing letters to the governors, their secretaries of state, the members of Congress, railroad presidents, and state geologists, with a general circular to the public, asking for information on highway laws, the location of materials suitable for roadbuilding, and rail rates for hauling roadbuilding material. Responses in hand, Stone completed the ORI's first bulletin by December 4, 1893: State Laws Relating to the Management of Roads. Enacted from 1888-93. Eight more bulletins, most based on the new information, were released by the start of the next fiscal year (FY) in July 1894. The ORI's annual budget was small ($10,000 for its first three years, $8,000 for the next four years, then $10,000 again), but Stone and his small staff of full- and part-time employees made the most of it. In addition to publishing technical and promotional literature, Stone was a popular speaker at good roads conventions, helped states draft road legislation, and initiated tests of road materials. He also cooperated with the Post Office Department in its experiments with Rural Free Delivery (RFD), begun in 1896, a program that finally convinced the nation's farmers of the value of good roads and brought them into the Good Roads Movement. One of Stone's most enduring successes was the object lesson road program, begun in 1897. The idea, borrowed from Massachusetts, was to build short stretches of road to educate local engineers and, on the theory that "seeing is believing," create support for increasing funding for road improvements. Federal engineers or part-time special agents directed the work, but equipment was donated and most of the remaining cost was paid by the sponsors. The program was one of the ORI's most popular, with demand far exceeding the agency's resources. On October 13, 1899, General Stone resigned. By then, largely through his efforts, the ORI had become the recognized national leader of the Good Roads Movement. Historian Bruce Seely summarized Stone's accomplishments, as well as the stamp he left on the agency he founded: In the end, he pioneered three enduring patterns of activity for the ORI: build a reputation for technical knowledge, promote the gospel of good roads, and utilize cooperation to reach those goals. The first fulfilled the office's mandate from Congress, and the second grew from the promotional goals of the Wheelmen, but the third was Stone's hallmark, even if it was necessitated by a small budget. General Stone died on August 5, 1905, and was buried with full military honors at Arlington National Cemetery. In 1899, Martin Dodge, a former president of the Ohio State Highway Commission, was appointed director of the ORI, which was renamed the Office of Public Road Inquiries (OPRI). He expanded the promotional and technical activities of the agency, including cooperating with railroad companies and good roads promotional groups as a sponsor of Good Roads Trains. The trains toured the country from 1901 to 1903, demonstrating roadbuilding techniques with equipment borrowed from the manufacturers. In an economy move, Dodge established the agency's first field structure to continue the popular object lesson road program and keep in touch with local developments. He divided the country into four divisions, with a full-time special agent in charge of the Eastern Division and part-time special agents for the Southern, Middle, and Western Divisions. To head the Eastern Division, Dodge chose Logan W. Page, a geologist who in 1900 had established the OPRI's laboratory for testing road materials in the Department of Agriculture's Bureau of Chemistry. In addition, Dodge launched the first inventory of all rural roads in the United States. Begun in 1904, the survey required over 60,000 communications -- printed and typewritten -- and several years to compile. Of 3,462,522 km (2,151,570 mi) of rural public roads, only 247,288 km (153,662 mi) had any kind of surfacing. Dodge also pushed the OPRI into its next incarnation by helping to persuade Congress to increase the budget to $30,000 in 1903 and to elevate the agency to permanent status within the Department of Agriculture. The Agriculture Appropriation Act of 1906, signed by President Theodore Roosevelt on March 3, 1905, merged the OPRI with Page's Division of Tests to form the Office of Public Roads (OPR). The annual budget was $50,000 and the OPR was authorized to include 10 full-time positions. The act also provided that the director of the OPR "shall be a scientist and have charge of all scientific and technical work." Dodge, a lawyer, was not eligible. Logan Page was appointed director of the OPR. As Seely has shown, Page moved the OPR into the forefront of the Progressive movement, which put its faith in an "ideology of reform through apolitical expertise." He expanded the object lesson road program and the testing laboratory, revived good roads trains (1911-1916), built experimental roads to test building methods and materials, and increased the agency's lecture schedule -- from 150 in 1905 to 1,135 in 1912. He also entered into a formal agreement with the Post Office Department to make OPR engineers available to inspect proposed RFD routes. As with Page's predecessors, he believed in cooperation, that working with, rather than dictating to, the highway community would get the best results. When the state highway agencies decided to form their own organization, Page was present at the creation of the American Association of State Highway Officials (AASHO) in December 1914. Although the OPR had provided advice on forest trails since 1905, Page worked out a formal agreement with the Forest Service, also part of the Department of Agriculture, in 1913 and began an expanded program for roads in national parks. To handle this work, Page established a Division of National Park and Forest Roads in 1914. By this time, the growth in automobile travel had increased pressure on the federal government to provide funds for road building outside federal reserves. The issue wasn't whether the federal role would expand -- the issue was how. The key issues were whether the federal government would build the roads or provide aid to states or counties; whether the emphasis would be on getting the farmer out of the mud or building long-distance roads; and how much aid would be provided. To help find answers, the Post Office Appropriation Bill for FY 1913 appropriated $500,000 for an experimental post road program, which the OPR administered in cooperation with states and counties. From the standpoint of road improvement, the experimental program had limited success, but it provided valuable experience that helped shape the OPR's mission. The most important lesson was that cooperating with the nation's 3,000 diverse counties would be a lot more difficult than working with the 48 states. In December 1915, AASHO ratified a federal-aid bill that largely reflected Page's Progressive views, including his preference for a federal program of aid to technically proficient state highway agencies. The bill was introduced by Senator J. H. Bankhead of Alabama, and Page and the OPR and Rural Engineering (OPRRE), as the OPR had been renamed in 1915, provided extensive technical assistance during the debates on Capitol Hill in 1916. The final version of the Bankhead Bill, modified but still reflecting Page's views, was signed into law by President Woodrow Wilson on July 11, 1916, launching the federal-state partnership known as the Federal-aid Highway Program. The Federal Aid Road Act of 1916 authorized $75 million over five years -- but only $5 million for the first year -- to be apportioned by formula -- based on land area, population, and post road mileage -- to state highway agencies. Funding was restricted to rural post roads and the federal share of project costs was 50 percent, with a limit of $10,000 per mile. The states would prepare the plans and control construction and maintenance, subject to federal approval and inspection. The act also authorized $10 million for roads on federal lands. Regulations implementing the new law were drafted, and Page invited the states to Washington for an August 16 meeting to comment on them. The day before, AASHO members met at the Raleigh Hotel to prepare their suggestions. On Wednesday, August 16, the formal meeting took place in the auditorium of the National Museum -- today's Smithsonian Museum of Natural History -- with 35 states represented. Virtually all of the states' suggestions were adopted. The regulations were issued September 1, 1916, less than two months after enactment of the law. To accommodate the new program, Page established the agency's first formal field organization of 10 district offices with delegated operating responsibility and authority. He also reorganized the Washington headquarters, grouping all existing divisions into the Engineering Branch and the Management and Economics Branch, and providing for two general inspectors who reported directly to him. At the start of the program, 11 states did not have a state highway agency and many others required legislative changes to comply with the 1916 law. By June 1917, all the states except one were in compliance, with technical experts in charge of agencies that had the authority to administer the federal-aid program. The exception was Indiana, which was delayed by a state constitutional challenge. In April 1917, the initial federal-aid highway program was severely hindered by United States entry into World War I. The war reduced the supply of men and materials for road work. Meanwhile, the nation's road network was under severe stress. The railroads were unable to handle all war shipments, giving the fledgling trucking industry the opportunity to fill the void -- with even the best roads suffering the consequences. By war's end, only five federal-aid projects, totalling 28.3 km (17.6 mi), had been completed. On December 9, 1918, Page died of a heart attack while attending a meeting of AASHO's Executive Committee in Chicago. Page's successor almost didn't take the job. Thomas H. MacDonald, chief engineer of the Iowa State Highway Commission, was asked to take over the Bureau of Public Roads (BPR), as the OPRRE had been renamed in 1918, but he hesitated because the $4,500 salary was too low. He took the job on April 1, 1919, pending review of compensation. On July 1, 1919, he was appointed chief of the bureau with a salary of $6,000 and retained the position, through various title changes, until March 1953. As with Page, MacDonald's tenure was marked by the spirit of cooperation and consensus. He never lost sight of the view expressed in his first communication, dated May 25, to BPR field staff: "Our success will depend largely upon the attitude of mind and confidence we establish on the part of the state officials." Legislation in 1919 increased federal-aid highway funding, but the states, hampered by inflation, postwar strikes, shipping problems, and shortages, were slow to respond. This limited progress, three years into the program, gave competing forces within the highway community the opportunity to revive the arguments that the Federal Aid Road Act of 1916 had been intended to settle -- notably the debate over federal versus federal-aid construction and over long-distance versus farm-to-market roads. The turning point that made the Federal-aid Highway Program a success came in 1921. MacDonald worked with AASHO to draft legislation that addressed the major concerns about the program. The proposal retained the federal-aid principle, but satisfied supporters of long-distance roads by restricting funds to a federal-aid system, to be linked at state lines, comprising 7 percent of total public road distance -- 322,134 km (200,170 mi) out of 4,601,914 km (2,859,575 mi) -- and requiring that paved surfaces should be at least 5.5 meters (18 feet) wide. In these and other ways, the Federal Highway Act of 1921, signed by President Warren G. Harding on November 9, resolved the decade-long debates over highway policy and unified the highway community behind MacDonald, who emerged from the debates as its technical and political leader. With the program solidified and post-war problems resolved, a highway improvement boom began in the 1920s that coincided, but did not keep pace with, the continuing growth in auto travel -- vehicle registrations totalled 10.4 million in 1921 and 26 million in 1931. MacDonald and the BPR were involved in wide-ranging activities during the 1920s, aside from administering the Federal-aid Highway Program. Research aimed at finding the best roadbuilding techniques, particularly in light of the increasing volume of heavy trucks, continued throughout the decade. In November 1920, MacDonald helped found the National Advisory Board on Highway Research -- renamed the Highway Research Board in 1925, and the Transportation Research Board in 1974 -- to address fundamental questions in highway transport. The BPR launched transportation surveys in cooperation with the states to examine every aspect of highway transportation, from ownership of motor vehicles to driver behavior. In other areas, the BPR worked with AASHO to create the U.S. numbered highway system (1925-1926) to replace the names -- the Lincoln Highway, the National Old Trails Road, and over 250 others -- that had been given to the country's main highways by private booster groups. In October 1925, MacDonald was appointed a delegate to the Pan-American Road Congress in Argentina, leading to United States support for the Pan American Highway (Alaska to Argentina) and a direct role in construction of the Inter-American Highway. Work on federal lands also continued, with new agreements covering forest and park road construction. In 1921, MacDonald established the Western Regional Office in San Francisco, under Dr. L. I. Hewes, to administer this work and the Federal-aid Highway Program in 11 western states and Alaska and Hawaii. During the Depression, economic pump priming legislation under Presidents Herbert Hoover and Franklin Roosevelt continued federal funding for road building. The funding was aimed at creating jobs quickly, rather than achieving the connected system of good roads that was the primary goal of the Federal-aid Highway Program. Because of state financial difficulties, the legislation temporarily abandoned the matching share concept that was fundamental to the program. On July 1, 1939, the BPR was renamed the Public Roads Administration (PRA) and shifted to the new Federal Works Agency. By then, the distance of paved roads had increased from 622,800 km (387,000 mi) in 1921 to 2,199,900 km (1,367,000 mi). But increasing numbers of vehicles had created congestion in urban areas while the higher speeds possible in the more powerful cars of the time combined with out-of-date highway designs to create safety problems nationwide--and a call for better highways. General Roy Stone (1893-1899) Martin Dodge (1899-1905) Logan Waller Page (1905-1918) Thomas H. MacDonald (1919-1953) Francis V. du Pont (1953-1955) Charles D. (Cap) Curtiss (1956) John A. Volpe (1956-1957) Bertram D. Tallamy (1957-1961) Rex Whitton (1961-1966) Lowell K. Bridwell (1967-1969) Frank C. Turner (1969-1972) Norbert Tiemann (1973-1977) William M. Cox (1977-1978) Karl S. Bowers (1978-1980) John S. Hassell, Jr. (1980-1981) Ray A. Barnhart (1981-1987) Robert E. Farris (1988-1989) Thomas D. Larson (1989-1993) Rodney E. Slater (1993- ) Office of Road Inquiry (1893-1898) Office of Public Road Inquiries (1899-1905) Office of Public Roads (1905-1915) Office of Public Roads and Rural Engineering (1915-1918) Bureau of Public Roads (1918-1939) Public Roads Administration (1939-1949) Bureau of Public Roads (1949-1967) Federal Highway Administration (April 1, 1967 --) By the early 1930s, proposals to build a network of superhighways for the United States were common, a vision waiting for the right moment. In part because of the job-creating potential of such a network, President Franklin Roosevelt was enthusiastic. He favored a self-supporting network of toll superhighways on "excess right-of-way" that could be rented and eventually sold to help pay for the network. Given the continuing interest, the Congress, in Section 13 of the Federal-Aid Highway Act of 1938, called for a study of a toll network consisting of no more than three east-west and three north-south routes. The study was assigned to the BPR, which reported its findings in a 1939 report entitled Toll Roads and Free Roads. The report demonstrated that a network of six toll superhighways would not be financially feasible. Instead, the report endorsed "A Master Plan for Free Highway Development," the first formal description of the future interstate system. The plan called for a 42,970-km (26,700-mi) non-toll network, with possible routes identified on the basis of statewide surveys conducted during the 1930s that showed where traffic volumes were highest. In 1941, the President appointed the National Interregional Highway Committee, headed by MacDonald, to study the need for a nationwide expressway system. The committee had essentially completed its work by year's end, but America's entry into World War II following the attack on Pearl Harbor in December delayed completion. During the war, civilian road building was, as in World War I, put on hold for the most part. The PRA focused on war-related activities, such as enhancing road access to defense plants, but its most remarkable achievement was the Alaska Highway. In February 1942, President Roosevelt approved construction of a road across Canada from Dawson Creek, British Columbia, to Big Delta, Alaska, as a way of ensuring land access in the event of a Japanese invasion of Alaska. From March to October 1942, the U.S. Army along with civilian contractors under direction of the PRA constructed a pioneer trail to open the route to essential traffic. In 1943, contractors working for the PRA rebuilt the 2,250-km (1,400-mi) road, in some cases on new location. At war's end, the Alaska Highway was turned over to Canada for maintenance and has since become the main land link to the state. In 1943, the Congress added a provision to the Federal-Aid Highway Amendment Act calling for a national expressway study. In response, President Roosevelt transmitted Interregional Highways, the study prepared by MacDonald's committee, to Congress in January 1944. This report refined the concept presented in the 1939 master plan and recommended a rural network of 54,550 km (33,900 mi), plus 8,050 km (5,000 mi) of urban routes. With the report in hand, Congress acted. The Federal-Aid Highway Act of 1944, signed on December 20, called for designation of a 64,375-km (40,000-mi) network, to be called the National System of Interstate Highways. Routes were to be selected by the state highway agencies, with PRA concurrence, but no funds were authorized for the new network. Following coordination with the states and the Department of Defense, the PRA announced selection of the general location of 60,670 km (37,700 mi) on August 2, 1947. The 1944 act did not provide funds specifically for construction of the interstate system. The importance of the National System of Interstate Highways was such that the states were expected to give priority in the use of regular federal-aid funds for its construction. For the most part, though, that did not happen and only a small amount of mileage was constructed. The first funding for the interstate system, approved in 1952, amounted to $25 million annually in FYs 1954 and 1955, followed by 1954 legislation authorizing $175 million a year for FYs 1956 and 1957. During this early period, therefore, little work on the toll-free network was accomplished, although the success of the Pennsylvania Turnpike, the first 260-km (160-mi) segment of which opened in 1940, prompted several states, particularly in the densely populated Northeast, to construct toll superhighways in interstate system corridors. The PRA was transferred to the Department of Commerce in 1949 and renamed the BPR. MacDonald retired in July 1951, but stayed on -- in a job that now paid $16,000 a year -- at President Harry Truman's request. Shortly after President Dwight D. Eisenhower's first term began on January 20, 1953, MacDonald left office, after 34 years, on March 31, 1953, replaced by Francis V. duPont. Development of the interstate system had a strong new advocate in the White House. As a young officer in 1919, the President had participated in the first transcontinental army convoy, which took nearly two months to go from Washington, D.C., to San Francisco, and thereby learned the value of good two-lane roads. During World War II, he had seen the efficient German autobahn network first hand and recognized its value. Given these experiences, the new president was committed to providing such highways for the United States. He appointed a committee, under General Lucius Clay, to devise a plan for financing the network. The committee's report, transmitted to Congress in February 1955, proposed to complete the interstate system at a cost of $27 billion in 10 years. Bonds would be issued to finance construction, to be repaid over 32 years from the existing two-cent federal motor-fuel tax. Clay's plan failed in 1955, largely because conservative members of Congress objected to the $12 billion in interest payments that would go along with the proposed $20 billion bond sale. Despite extensive debate in and out of Congress in 1955, no alternative plan emerged that was acceptable to the many competing forces contending for a share of the vast program. The interstate system had considerable support, but even its supporters disagreed on the details. In 1956, Congress approved a plan for an expanded 66,000-km (41,000-mi) National System of Interstate and Defense Highways, as it was now called, that gave each of the competing forces something with which to be satisfied. The new Highway Trust Fund, an accounting mechanism for restricting highway user tax revenue to highway purposes, met the president's goal of avoiding deficit spending by including a an anti-deficit provision. Taxes on truckers went up, but not too much to lose their support. Urban areas did not get the control they wanted, but the bulk of funding would be spent in the cities. Rural officials, who did not believe the interstate system would benefit them, received continued funding for federal-aid secondary roads. President Eisenhower signed the Federal-Aid Highway Act and the Highway Revenue Act of 1956 on June 29, ushering in the interstate era. His role had been to push for its construction, without insisting on financing details that would have jeopardized the primary goal. In October 1990, the name of the system was changed by federal law to honor his role: The Dwight D. Eisenhower System of Interstate and Defense Highways. Bertram D. Tallamy, chairman of the New York State Thruway Authority, was Eisenhower's choice to get the program underway. Tallamy was the second federal highway administrator and the first to be confirmed by the Senate. The first administrator, John Volpe, held the office on an interim basis, from October 1956 to February 1957, until Tallamy was confirmed and took office in 1957. At first, the interstate highway program ran into serious problems that prompted speculation on whether the program should be scrapped: allegations of corruption, financial problems, and protests against construction of the Interstate routes. An article in the July 1960 issue of Reader's Digest, entitled "Our Great Big Highway Bungle," was typical of the many articles and television reports of corruption. According to the subhead, "Haste, waste, mismanagement and outright graft are making a multibillion-dollar rathole out of the Federal Highway Program." The BPR responded to the allegations in several ways, including detailed rebuttals and speeches pointing out that the abuses were minor within the context of the much larger, efficiently run program. When Rex Whitton became federal highway administrator in 1961, he confronted the problem by strengthening procedures -- for example, instituting unannounced sampling of materials nearly every month -- and establishing an office of audits and investigations, headed by a former agent of the Federal Bureau of Investigation. Meanwhile, a special investigative committee of the House Committee on Public Works, established in 1959 under Representative John A. Blatnik, found that some allegations were valid, but confirmed the BPR's, the states', and industry's view that, overall, the program was well run. The first sign of financial trouble was the release, in January 1958, of the 1958 Interstate Cost Estimate, the first to be based on detailed information from the States. During the debates in 1955 and 1956, the BPR had estimated the cost of the 64,375-km (40,000-mi) proposed network to be $27 billion--federal share: $25 billion. The 1958 estimate, which by law covered only 62,035 km (38,548 mi) of the authorized distance -- 66,000 km (41,000 mi), later expanded to 68,880 km (42,800 mi) -- indicated the cost would be $37.6 billion. A few months later, in August, legislation increased annual authorizations for the interstate program, in part because of the higher cost, to accelerate completion, and to pump public works funding into a recessionary economy. The legislation also temporarily set aside the pay-as-you-go feature of the Highway Trust Fund, with the resultant shortfall in revenue made up by borrowing from the general treasury and imposing quarterly limitations on spending. The result of these financial difficulties was concern that the program was too costly. The Federal-Aid Highway Act of 1959 temporarily increased the federal gas tax by a penny, to four cents, and lowered interstate authorizations to address immediate fiscal problems. For the longer range, Congress approved legislation in 1961 restoring the pay-as-you-go provision, making the four-cent gas tax permanent, and adjusting other highway user taxes, thus restoring the fiscal solvency that has characterized operation of the Highway Trust Fund ever since. The third problem facing the interstate program was more difficult. Protests against urban freeway construction began soon after the program was authorized. The first formal recognition of the problem occurred in September 1957. During a conference in Hartford on "The New Highways: Challenge to the Metropolitan Region," city planners, led by critic and author Lewis Mumford, urged suspension of all urban interstate construction until comprehensive land use plans could be developed. During the early 1960's, the problem was compounded by increasing criticism of the adverse environmental impacts of interstate construction in rural as well as urban areas. The problems confronting the interstate highway program, particularly the urban and environmental controversies, were a shock to the highway community, which had expected to apply technical expertise to the new program for the benefit of a grateful nation. Instead, the highway community was on the defensive. The BPR's response to the new challenge was diverse. The agency, for example, joined with AASHO in national conferences on urban planning and in working with urban groups to find better ways to fit the new freeways into an urban setting. The Federal-Aid Highway Act of 1962 included an early legislative attempt to address the problem, requiring the planning process to be "continuing, cooperative, and comprehensive." Similarly, to address environmental concerns, the BPR modified its policies, for example by issuing instructions in 1963 regarding assessment of impacts on fish and wildlife areas. But as with urban problems, legislative solutions were required, notably the National Environmental Policy Act of 1969, which resulted in formal environmental assessment of all federal-aid highway projects, and the Department of Transportation Act of 1966, which applied Section 4(f) restrictions on construction of roads on publicly owned land in a public park, recreation area, or wildlife and waterfowl refuge of national, state, or local significance unless there is no feasible and prudent alternative and the program includes all possible mitigation to minimize harm. These steps helped, but could not resolve all controversies. Accordingly, the Federal-Aid Highway Act of 1973 authorized withdrawal of controversial interstate segments and substitution of urban mass transportation projects (expanded to allow substitute highway projects by the Federal-Aid Highway Act of 1976). Although controversies continued, the withdrawal option provided a safety valve that brought many interstate battles to an end, beginning with the 1974 withdrawal of portions of I-95 and I-695 in Boston and ending with withdrawal of I-205 bus lanes in Portland, Oregon in 1989. The Department of Transportation Act also changed the name of the BPR. On April 1, 1967, the agency became the Federal Highway Administration, part of the new U.S. Department of Transportation. The Bureau of Public Roads became one of three bureaus of FHWA, the others being the Bureau of Motor Carrier Safety -- now the Associate Administrator for Motor Carriers -- and the National Highway Safety Bureau -- which became the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration (NHTSA) in March 1970. On August 10, 1970, the agency was again reorganized, and the BPR was abolished, bringing to an end a name that dated to July 1, 1918, when Logan Page was director. Although the FHWA's primary goal has been completion of the interstate system, the years since the start of the interstate highway program have included many other activities: Today, the interstate system is essentially complete -- 99.7 percent open to traffic at the end of 1992. With the end of the interstate highway program in sight, FHWA began working with the American Association of State Highway and Transportation Officials and other groups within the highway community in the late 1980s to explore options for the future. When, shortly after taking office in 1989, Secretary of Transportation Samuel Skinner called for development of a National Transportation Policy (NTP), FHWA's earlier work helped establish the highway goals identified in the NTP, which was released in March 1990. Most notably, the NTP called for designation of a National Highway System (NHS) to consist of the interstate system and other principal arterials of national significance, improved to appropriate standards. The Intermodal Surface Transportation Efficiency Act of 1991 (ISTEA), embodying many of the NTP's concepts plus others initiated by Congress, is a major restructuring of the federal-aid highway program, retaining some traditional types of program while putting them in a new context. On the traditional side, ISTEA funded interstate completion and maintenance, bridge replacement and rehabilitation, and a Surface Transportation Program for all roads except those classified as rural minor collectors or local roads. It also directs the FHWA to develop a proposal for designation of the NHS, subject to congressional approval. At the same time, ISTEA stressed increased flexibility of choice among modal options, including bicycling and walking, in making transportation choices. In other areas, ISTEA emphasized environmental enhancement, preservation rather than expansion of the highway network, strengthened statewide and metropolitan planning, greater authority for states to establish their own standards off the NHS, increased reliance on public/private partnerships to finance needed projects, revitalized research and technology transfer, particularly in the areas of intelligent vehicle-highway systems and high-speed rail, and scenic byways and recreational trails. More broadly, ISTEA declared that the policy of the United States is to develop a National Intermodal Transportation System: The National Intermodal Transportation System shall consist of all forms of transportation in a unified, interconnected manner, including the transportation systems of the future, to reduce energy consumption and air pollution while promoting economic development and supporting the nation's preeminent position in international commerce. Just as the agency has adapted to each previous turning point, FHWA has been adjusting to the shape of its intermodal future. Headquarters and field offices have been restructured and such activities as the FHWA 2000 initiative, the followup business planning initiatives, and diversity sensitivity training have helped prepare the agency for the future. From the day General Stone moved into his attic office at the Department of Agriculture, the agency has been evolving. So change is nothing new for FHWA. At 100, it continues to evolve to meet the transportation needs of the nation. PRIMARY SOURCE: The Timetables of American History, Laurence Urdang, Editor, A Touchstone Book Published by Simon and Schuster, Inc., 1981 (1) America's Highways 1776-1976: A History of the Federal-aid Program, Federal Highway Administration, Washington, D.C., 1976. (2) Bruce E. Seely. Building the American Highway System: Engineers as Policy Makers, Temple University Press, Philadelphia, Pa., 1987. (3) Philip P. Mason. The League of American Wheelmen and the Good-Roads Movement, 1880-1905, Ph.D thesis, University of Michigan, 1957. (4) Albert C. Rose. Historic American Roads: From Frontier Trails to Superhighways, Crown Publishers, Inc., 1976. Richard F. Weingroff is an Information Liaison Specialist in the Office of the Associate Administrator for Program Development.
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But hold on, wait, what exactly is a licensed vocational nurse? An LVN, as defined by the California Board of Vocational Nurses and Psychiatric Technicians (BVNPT), is “an entry-level health care provider who is responsible for rendering basic nursing care.” LVNs work in medical settings next to doctors and registered nurses, performing tasks like taking blood pressure, changing bandages and maintaining patients’ health records. Depending on the state in which you are employed, a licensed vocational nurse’s role may be vastly different than that of LVNs in other states. To help you figure out if studying to become a licensed vocational nurse is the right move, below are a few positives and three not-as-positives to consider before enrolling in an LVN program. CON: Responsibilities Are Limited Licensed vocational nurses work under the supervision of doctors and registered nurses in a variety of different medical settings. Some of the common tasks licensed vocational nurses execute include the following: - Monitoring a patient’s health (e.g., blood pressure, temperature) - Administration of basic care (e.g., applying/changing bandages, inserting catheters) - Listening to and addressing patient concerns - Maintaining patient health records The responsibilities of an LVN are not as extensive as those of a registered nurse (RN), as RNs are able to administer medicine and perform a wider array of jobs. It is worth noting, however, that your role as an LVN may vary greatly depending on the state in which you are employed and the medical establishment for whom you work. But, the tasks still play a vital role in the overall care of patients. PRO: Start Working Sooner In studying to be an LVN, you will be able to complete your education and prepare for a career in a shorter period of time. Most LVN programs can be completed in 12 and 20 months, whereas other nursing education programs can take more than twice that time to finish. CON: Do Similar Work as RNs with a Different Pay Scale While the responsibilities of RNs and LVNs are quite similar, there are some differences. RNs for example, are allowed to administer medications, vaccines and other pharmaceuticals, whereas LVNs are not permitted to do so, save for some rare exceptions. LVNs work under the guidance of RNs, though the responsibilities are similar. The biggest difference is the pay scale. RNs earned a median salary of $68,450 in 2016, according to the BLS, whereas LVNs earned a median salary of $44,090 during the same time frame. PRO: Many Options to Further Your Education The good thing about studying to become an LVN is that once you earn your certification and work for a little while, there are programs available for you to upgrade your occupational title to registered nurse (RN). There are also LVN to BSN (Bachelor of Science of Nursing) programs offered nationwide if such a degree would be more useful in making your nursing dreams a reality. Advancing your education allows to you to specialize in an aspect or type of nursing that perhaps sparked your interest during your LVN program or time in the workforce as an LVN. PRO: Make a Difference in the Lives of Patients Fewer things in life are more gratifying than the knowledge that you helped make a difference in someone’s life. If you are considering a degree in the health care field, it is a fairly safe bet that you realize this and wish to do something about it. An aspect of an LVN’s job that cannot be overstated is listening to patients. Hearing what they are saying and making them comfortable contribute greatly toward treatment and their overall wellbeing. Discover the Summit Licensed Vocational Nursing Difference As a student enrolled in Summit College’s LVN program, you will receive a well-rounded nursing education that will allow you to provide optimal patient care after you pass your licensure exam. Summit College offers both full-time and evening & weekend enrollment in its LVN program, providing you with flexibility around the other obligations in your life. The full-time program offers classes during the day and can be completed in 12 months. The evening & weekend program offers classes during evenings and weekends to accommodate students who work other jobs. Students in the evening & weekend program complete it in 18 months. Summit College offers its Licensed Vocational Nursing program at its Colton Campus. Summit College offers plentiful resources to its licensed vocational nursing students to help them prepare for the NCLEX. Such resources include full-time NCLEX tutors and NCLEX review classes, which are offered for free as part of enrollment in the program. Summit College also offers you career assistance beyond acquiring your vocational nursing license, including resume help and mock interviews. These resources can help you capitalize on lucrative entry-level health care jobs. In 2015, LVNs in California earned a starting salary of $35,760. Licensed vocational nurses are able to get into the thick of nursing and help better the lives of patients. The need for nurses will not be going away any time soon. Discover the Summit Difference. Launch your rewarding LVN career today by visiting us at summitcollege.edu or by calling (888) 504-2552 to speak to one of our friendly representatives.
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Visual Arts Unit Plan Topic / Theme: The Metal Whaiwhai (New Zealand Shipping Containers) Class year: Yr 3- 10 (to be adapted to suit year level) Curriculum Links: Developing Practical Knowledge / Developing Ideas / Understanding the Visual Arts in Context / Communicating and Interpreting research the work of contemporary Māori artists in order to explore ways of placing a figure and / or design within an architectural structure. research street art, street art illusions and street art graffiti to explore contemporary ideas that could be incorporated within Māori contexts. use construction techniques to create a 3D container. The Learning Context UC Students investigated the significance of placement of figures in customary Māori contexts. The walls of the traditional meeting house could be used to discuss the placement of major elements. The work of contemporary Māori artists such as Paratene Matchitt, Steve Gibbs, Robert Jahnke and Cliff Whiting can be studied. The significance of Māori symbols can be explored. The 2D designs of Sandy Adsett, Darcy Nicholas and Tracey Tawhiao are also useful to research. Significance of Maori symbols: DI Students were then asked to apply their knowledge by creating a series of visual images on paper. These are working drawings and can vary in size and shape. The drawings can include some, or all of the following depending on the age level. traditional Maori or Pasifika designs (combined Māori and Pasifika designs could be explored) contemporary designs (examples of tattoo could be used) street art / graffiti (text – hand drawn and stencil art) PK Using an oblong shaped grid pattern (based on the proportions of a shipping container), students can transpose their working drawings onto paper or directly onto the prepared background that could be: a photograph of a container (if using the computer) UC Discussion held with students by teacher about work-in-progress. What do your designs symbolise? Student discussion responding to, and supporting student work will be undertaken. Use of correct terminology will be encouraged. Useful Websites He Papahuia Toi Maori (Tracy Murray) Maori Visual Culture in Visual Arts Education Years 1-6. This book describes teaching and learning opportunities and possibilities in the visual arts discipline and helps teachers give context to student learning about contemporary and customary Maori art forms. The teaching units encourage students to develop visual literacy in representing and understanding Maori visual culture. A companion book to He Wakahuia Toi Maori: Maori Visual Culture in Visual Arts Education: Years 7-10 (item 30701).
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According to a new study the great white shark are found to have life as long as humans, 70 years or more, contradicting the researchers previous observations. Previously the lifespan of the white giants was thought to be about 23 years. The species are found to be actually more prone to over fishing, being that they take much time to mature. “White sharks in the northwest Atlantic are considerably older than previous age estimates,” some of which pegged the oldest great white sharks at around 23 years old, said study co-author Li Ling Hamady, a graduate student at the Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution. “Our results dramatically extend the maximum age and longevity of white sharks compared to earlier studies,” added Hamady. The study was published in the journal PLOS ONE on Wednesday. It was found that the remains of nuclear bombs called Carbon-14 (a radioactive isotope), that fell into the ocean, was absorbed by the sharks during a nuclear test conducted in mid-1950s to the 1960s. It created a kind of time stamp. Finding the age in whales can be a more complex task as their vertebrae are layered tissue structure, created sequentially over an individual’s lifetime, but the alternating light/dark banding patterns can be narrow and it can be difficult to distinguish them. The bands need not necessarily signify annual growth. Four female and four male sharks were caught from the Atlantic Ocean and their vertebrae was studied with the radiocarbon from 1967 to 2010. The result of the study showed that when the rings were counted on small to medium sharks, the authors could deduce the age of the sharks. One male was found to be 73 years old and the largest female was 40, but the researchers don’t have enough data that tells whether the female sharks had a different life span versus the males in the study. This data initially proves that the sharks develop at a slow pace very similar to humans, so reproduction is also slow to develop. So sharks, which are in the vulnerability list of the International Union for Conservation of Nature, would take longer to reproduce and raise population numbers in the case of overfishing, Hamady said. Now that we have gathered some more data about them and we know that the sharks can reach such advanced ages, that knowledge can be appliedfor their conservation.
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The Philadelphia Police Mounted Unit is steep in history and tradition and has been an effective unit in many facets of police work within the City of Philadelphia. Mounted officers are ideal in many different situations. In high traffic areas such as protests, parades and sporting events, horses can provide police officers with surveillance from a vantage point higher than any officer on foot or in a vehicle. This vantage point helps an officer to better survey further expanses of crowd activity. Horses can be used as a "moving wall" to direct crowds or as a barrier to separate individuals. Given the slower speed at which a mounted officer moves through an area, they may be better able to detect threats when compared to faster moving vehicles. Mounted officers are excellent for promoting community relations. Their slower progression through a neighborhood makes them more visible and approachable to the community. Adults and children, alike, are often drawn to the horses and their officers. The opportunity to engage with civilians who may otherwise shy away from a uniformed officer allows the mounted patrol to strengthen community relationships.
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Proposal of name change recognition from “Occupy Oakland” to “Decolonize/Liberate Oakland” Recognizing that Oakland is already “occupied territories” of the Chochenyo Ohlone since time immemorial We recognize that the “Occupy” movement has shut out the engagement of indigenous activists by using a term that lacks self-awareness of a settler mentality. The Chochenyo Ohlone people – the people indigenous to what is now Oakland – and several of their indigenous brothers and sisters throughout the State of California and the United States – have experienced such relentless colonial and imperial efforts that they now have no collective territory of their own. No recognized legal status or rights as indigenous. No means to self-government and self-sufficiency on the lands and in the waters that once sustained them. The Chochenyo Ohlone people, like so many indigenous peoples in California and the United States, live with the historical and real consequences of a post-colonial, post-imperial stress disorder: displaced, defrauded, targeted, objectified, degraded, depressed. Genuine solidarity with indigenous peoples assumes a basic understanding of how histories of colonization and imperialism have produced and still produce the legal and economic possibility for Oakland. For San Francisco. For San Jose. For all of the colonies-now-municipalities of the San Francisco bay area, northern California, and the west coast of the United States. In solidarity we propose to officially change “Occupy Oakland” to “Decolonize/Liberate Oakland”.
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Reading comprehension, story structure, and cause and effect are just some of the plots in this well-read workbook. This workbook promotes: √ Composition √ Measuring √ Narrative writing √ Reading comprehension √ Vocabulary building • Classic tales and simple stories teach sequencing, organization, and a mix of other skills • Includes word games, math exercises, coloring pages, story mix-ups, and more • Fun themes: Jack and the Beanstalk, The Frog Prince, and more • A certificate of completion ends each section • Perforated pages for easy removal Education.com workbooks offer thematic content to actively engage children and provide them with fun-filled, memorable learning experiences. Written by teachers and based on subjects educators consider important, these workbooks have been tested by millions of educators and countless hours of classroom use: 1 in 4 U.S. teachers rely on Education.com material. See more Education.com workbooks at www.doverpublications.com
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MAP OF THE DAY: If The Entire World Lived In A City As Dense As Houston, It Would Be This Big If 6.9 billion people lived in Houston, the world capital of suburban sprawl, that one city would take up 1,769,085 square miles. It would take up all the land from New Mexico to Ohio. This visualization comes from urban planning blog Per Square Mile. If on the other hand the world's population lived in densely populated Paris, that one city would take up only 127,930 square miles. You can imagine which is more sustainable. Get Business Insider Emails & Alerts What Smart People Are Reading
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From: Vietnam: Rising Dragon, by Bill Hayton (Yale U. Press, 2010), Kindle Loc. 1550-88: Since the 1990s, the ‘Cultured Families’ [gia đình văn hóa < 家庭 Ch. jiating, Jp. katei ‘family’ + 文化 Ch. wenhua, Jp. bunka ’culture’] campaign has become more prominent, mainly because of the failure of a more heavy-handed system. From the earliest days of communist Vietnam, the cornerstone of social control was a system of household registration called the ho khau [= hộ khẩu 户口 < Ch. hukou, like Jp. 户籍 koseki]. It still exists. Every person has to be registered in a specific place at birth. If they want to move, they need the consent of the authorities both where they’re registered and where they want to go. Borrowed from China, the system was initially intended to control anti-communist resistance. Over subsequent decades, even though the central state lacked the resources to ensure it was fully implemented everywhere, it became the basis for economic planning, the provision of social services and the distribution of food and goods. As the economy liberalised, however, it became easier for people to evade the system. The distribution of state-supplied jobs, food and housing had once been largely dependent on holding a valid ho khau, but as more goods and services became available on the open market, its power was reduced. Villagers left their villages without permission, unregistered housing sprang up in the cities and illegal traders tramped the streets. Daily life could, to a larger extent, bypass the authorities. (Hence the need to augment the ho khau with the ‘Cultured Families’ campaign.) The ho khau survives, however, because it continues to be a useful tool for the state: it reduces migration, provides useful economic data and, above all, helps the police to keep tabs on people. It’s another lever in the official tool kit. Anyone without a valid ho khau is permanently at the authorities’ mercy. Unregistered households have to build a life’s worth of corrupt relationships simply to keep living and working in a particular place. If they misbehave, life can get very difficult. The consequence for the unregistered can be severe. If an unregistered couple wants to get married, register the birth of their child or even be buried in the cemetery they will find it difficult, sometimes even impossible. They could return to the place where their official ho khau was registered, but if they have been absent for more than six months, they may find that their name has been removed from the register. As a result they will be officially beyond the law. Often the only way to survive is through bribery – paying local officials either to grant them a ho khau or to turn a blind eye whenever they need to do something which requires it. Their births won’t be registered or their marriages licensed, their housing will be illegal and their living conditions precarious. They’re not included in population statistics, poverty calculations or social services provision. More than a quarter of the babies born in 2000 weren’t registered. In just one year that implies 250,000 undocumented children. As a result, the government was forced to adjust the rules to fit reality. New laws and regulations were introduced from 2004 allowing children to be registered where they are born, not where their parents’ ho khau was issued. But local authorities are reluctant to regularise so many new inhabitants whom they would then be obliged to take care of. Consequently communities are growing up across Vietnam, perhaps a few million people in all, who do not officially exist. In spite of this, and other, clear evidence of the failure of the ho khau system, there’s no sign of it being abandoned. In part, this is because it continues to perform its original function, allowing surveillance of the population. In addition to its more general roles in controlling movement and guiding economic planning, the ho khau is the basis of the Public Security Ministry’s system of political records, known as the ly lich [< 履歴 Ch. lüli, Jp. rireki, as in rirekisho ‘curriculum vitae’]. The ly lich has a long history. In its original incarnation, in the 1950s, individuals were obliged to write their life histories for the police. Those who had worked for the French, been members of non-communist political parties or were part of the landlord class, or whose parents or grandparents did so, could then be kept out of important positions or pushed down the queue for goods and services. Today the legacies of those old ly lich continue to blight the lives of descendants, particularly among former officials of the old Saigon regime and their children. And new ly lich are still being written. The essay format continues to be used for most people applying for jobs in the public sector and for anyone wanting to join the Communist Party. But the police also compile their own ly lich on those they consider subversive or worth watching – journalists, foreigners, those who have contact with journalists and foreigners, and so on. It may no longer be a universal requirement and it’s no longer such a public procedure but it continues to exist in the processes of the Ministry of Public Security. From secret police files and residency permits to neighbourhood wardens and cultured family campaigns, Vietnam has built a low-tech but effective system of near-total surveillance.
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The Power of Silence Music in your mind Julie Jaffee Nagel, Ph.D. Music is not a verbal language. Yet music can speak to us. The nonverbal notes that comprise the vocabulary of music convey multiple messages. The many functions of music enable us to feel both elevating and disquieting emotions simultaneously and can allow us to put feelings into words that may not have been verbalized previously. Interestingly, unlike words which are spoken one at the time, music allows us to feel many things at once. Music speaks to us and allows us to speak. Music is comprised of a number of elements that contribute to its communicative power. Notes are its metaphorical alphabet and there are fewer of them in the scale than the 26 letters that make up the written alphabet. Also when talking about the specific qualities of music besides the notes that allow it to speak, we think of the formal elements rhythm, harmony, phrasing, dynamics, and melody. Music can provide accompaniment as well as accompany and enhance important life events such as weddings, funerals, parties, and official ceremonies. It intensifies the mood in movies and is played as background noise, in varying decibels, in places such as restaurants, department or grocery stores, coffee shops, hotel lobbies, and elevators. Music is everywhere if we tune into it both inside and outside our minds. Music can evoke a variety of moods. Think of a favorite song or composition. Don't focus on the words, but let the music resonate in your mind for a few minutes. The sounds you hear in your head can result in you feeling happy, sad, energetic, calm, agitated, and many other emotions. These emotions may be tied to other events in your life that the music evokes. Music can help you feel what you cannot articulate. Music can also function as a beloved object, similar a child's teddy bear or beloved blankie, to provide comfort. Just think of a lullaby or a favorite love song. I have heard patients talk about music this way this over many years in my clinical practice. Out of sight is neither out of mind nor out of earshot. But what about the spaces between the notes - the silences? For the infant as well as the adult, sound can be threatening or soothing, creating tension and/or relief. Mother's voice ideally becomes associated with gratification, tension reduction, and pleasure, while silence (and/or certain noises) may be threatening and anxiety producing, and may evoke, by extension, abandonment and aloneness. Conversely, mother and father can be responsive to or ignore their child's earliest nonverbal gurgles, coos, and cries, thereby establishing a foundation for psychic attunement to intimacy and safety, on the one hand, or anxiety and danger, on the other. Following a long pause in her session, one of my patients recounted, " I get anxious when it is silent here . . . a song in my head eases anxiety." Unlike silence, mother's or father's voice - and, by extension, fantasies about the analyst's voice - can be loud and frightening. Such was the case for this patient, who feared her father's explosive temper and his thunderous voice, highlighting the various meanings inherent in sounds as well as words. A column by Maureen Dowd in the December 7, 2011 New York Times is titled "Silence is Golden". (http://www.nytimes.com/2011/12/07/opinion/dowd-silence-is-golden.html) . Dowd writes about a new film, "The Artist", a silent movie at the Cannes Film Festival. It is poignant to read that some teenagers thanked the screenwriter, Michel Hazanavicius for "letting me (them) hear the silence....it was touching to discover that these young people, always with their iPods, could like real silence" ( to read full article see New York Times, 12/7/11, p. A 31). What are you listening to today? Julie Jaffee Nagel, Ph.D. is a psychologist-psychoanalyst in Ann Arbor, Michigan. She is a graduate of The Juilliard School with a major in piano performance and a minor in stage fright. She is also a graduate of the University of Michigan and the Michigan Psychoanalytic Institute. Nagel publishes and presents on the topics of performance anxiety and music and emotion. Visit her website at julienagel.net.
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Buganda and Christianity Buganda in the 19th Century Christianity came late to Uganda compared with many other parts of Africa. Missionaries first arrived at the court of Kabaka Muteesa in 1877, almost a century after the missionary impetus from Europe had begun. And yet within 25 years Uganda had become one of the most successful mission fields in the whole of Africa. What were the causes of this phenomenal success? Any discussion of Christianity in Uganda–the creation of colonialism at the end of the 19th Century–must begin with Buganda–the ancient independent kingdom on the northern shores of the lake which the Baganda call Nalubaale (the home of the balubaale gods) and which the British christened “Victoria.” Over the centuries Buganda had evolved a complex system of government under a Kabaka (king), a system unusual for its high degree of centralization and internal cohesiveness. Another feature of Kiganda society, of importance in explaining the eventual success of Christianity, was its remarkable adaptability and receptivity to change. In 1856 Kabaka Muteesa inherited a kingdom which was already the strongest in the region. During his long reign of 28 years he consolidated and enhanced that power. A major part of Muteesa’s strategy as rubber was to open up Buganda to the outside world. Swahili and Arab traders from Zanzibar were encouraged to trade their cotton cloth, guns and luxury items for ivory and slaves. But outside influences did not stop at trade; Islam was soon exerting a profound religious and cultural influence on Buganda. By the time Christianity arrived, the impact of Islam had already been felt for a generation. The Impact of Islam In the 19th Century two “world” religions–Islam and Christianity–were both making significant advances in Africa. Often they were in serious competition; and this indeed was the case in Buganda. But this should not disguise the fact that both Islam and Christianity were in many ways complementary. Both were called “dini” in contradistinction to the traditional African religious heritage. Both offered a “worldview,” a universal explanation of life with all its opportunities and problems. Such systems seemed increasingly relevant to societies, like Buganda, which were being drawn into a larger world. In this sense, Buganda, Islam, despite its rivalry, prepared the way for Christianity in a number of ways. In fact, Christianity arrived al strategic time–when Islam had awakened among Baganda certain needs and aspirations, but before Islam had become 50 entrenched in society that Christianity failed to find a foothold. Islam had, for example, created a thirst for literacy, especially among the young pages (bagalagala) at court. Christianity was able to build on this interest, and with its printing presses and distribution of cheap books in the vernacular or Swahili, was able to satisfy that interest to a much greater extent than Islam was able to do. But Islam had prepared the way in other ways. The idea of a holy book, of a holy day, of a God above all gods who was interested in the affairs of this life and in the moral life of the individual, the expectation of the resurrection of the body and of a judgment after death–these were concepts pioneered by Islam which received further emphasis from the Christian missionaries. But how far did the Baganda already acknowledge such a supreme Gad? Certainly neither Islam nor Christianity needed to import a foreign name in order to proclaim their God. The Baganda already knew of Katonda, the Creator. But the status of this Katonda has been the subject of controversy within the religious historiography of Buganda. Was Katonda just one, very insignificant lubaale? Or had he always been regarded as superior to the balubaale, high above Mukasa and Kibuuka and Muwanga, but remote from the life of the nation and of the individual, and therefore not the focus of a strong cult? Whatever the answer to these questions, it is certain that Islam gave a new prominence to Katonda, and that Christianity built on this growing significance. Thus, in a society already open to new ideas, responsive to the technological, cultural and religious influence of the outside world, first Islam and then Christianity made an impact on Buganda in the second half of the 19th Century. But if the Buganda were so receptive to the message of a “world-religion,” why did they not simply remain with Islam? How could Christianity not only mount an effective challenge to Islam but eventually become the dominant dini of Buganda, forcing Islam into the position of a small (but tenacious) minority? Answers to this question lie, not in any supposed superiority of Christianity over Islam, but in the volatile political situation of these years. Muteesa’s disillusionment with Islam For ten years from 1867 to 1876, Muteesa strongly patronized Islam. He learnt some Arabic, attended and even led prayers in a mosque built at the lubiiri (court), and ordered the observation of the Ramadhan fast. Muteesa had a genuine intellectual curiosity in the teachings of Islam. One should not discount such interest. But inevitably as a ruler his concern was largely with matters of state. He saw Islam as a religion which, under his patronage, could enhance his own power. The powerful balubaale cults were not always so amenable to royal control. But by 1876 this basis for the encouragement of Islam was being undermined by the forces of Muslim Egypt, striving to incorporate the head-waters of the Nile (including Buganda) into an Egyptian Empire. The visit of Egyptians to Buganda in 1876 precipitated a crisis in Muteesa’s relations with Islam. They criticized the Qibla (direction) of the court mosque and the fact that the uncircumcised king should lead the Friday prayers. They also encouraged Buganda Muslims strictly to observe Islamic food laws and to refuse to eat meat slaughtered by the Kababa’s butchers. The subsequent defiance of a number of young bagalagala (pages) led to the execution of some 100 Muslims at Namugongo, one of the traditional execution sites of Buganda. For Muteesa it was not simply a matter of insubordination, serious as that was, but a confirmation of fears that Islam was becoming a politically subversive creed. It was about this time that Henry Morton Stanley visited Muteesa. For the Kabaka the advent of the Muzungu (European) was a welcome opportunity to counteract the Egyptian threat, as well as to get in contact with the actual source of the technological innovations which the Muslims had introduced but did not originate. The arrival or Christian missionaries, 1877 Stanley’s famous letter to the Daily Telegraph painted a much romanticized picture of Muteesa. He represented the Kabaka as a great enlightened despot eager to hear the Gospel and speedily to propagate it throughout his kingdom. The reality was different as the missionaries were soon to discover once they reached Buganda. But the letter did produce a speedy response in Britain. The Anglican Church Missionary Society (CMS) hastily assembled a band of enthusiastic missionaries. The first two representatives of this group arrived at the court of Muteesa on June 30, 1877, having travelled from Zanzibar on the route pioneered by the Swahili traders. Eighteen months later, on February 17, 1879, a group of French Catholic White Fathers arrived, also by the East Coast route. The presence of these rival versions of Christianity was immediately a matter of controversy. CMS understandably felt that this was a deliberate attempt to sabotage the Protestant missionary effort. The Catholics on the other hand, and equally understandably, could point to the fact that they had been planning the evangelization of the lake region of Eastern Africa for many years and were not to be out-staged by the superficial emotions aroused in Britain by Stanley’s misleading letter. They could also point to the flimsy and insubstantial nature of the CMS presence in those early years. The rivalry has to be understood against the background of centuries of controversy and warfare between Catholic and Protestant in Europe. ln these years (1877 -1890) the rivalry was embodied in two individuals: Alexander Mackay and Fr. Simeon Lourdel (‘Mapera’). Both were young men in their 20’s when they arrived in Buganda; and neither was the head of his mission. Both were passionately prejudiced, and both delighted in the vigorous cut and thrust of theological debate or rather polemic. The confrontation was a “scandal to the Christendom” (Kiwanuka). But the spectacle was also much appreciated by those in court, who applauded the dialectical skill with which each missionary defended his version of the faith. It should also be noted that the rivalry between the two religious groups fitted well into the traditional factionalism of court life. It was to encourage competition and zeal among the Baganda converts and is one factor in the success of Christianity in Buganda. For the Christian believer this is the first of many ‘contradictions’ in the success of Christianity in Uganda: that zeal for the Gospel should be fuelled by prejudice, partisanship and polemic. Even more scandalous aspects of the rivalry emerged later, with the “wars of religion” and the cut-throat scramble for political power in the 1890s. The first converts Both Protestant and Catholic missionaries soon attracted a lively interest, especially from the young pages at court, many of whom began to frequent the missionaries’ compounds. These basomi (readers, as they were called) – enquirers, catechumens, and from about 1881, baptized – began to form little groups of believers in different sections of the lubiri. The Protestants were especially numerous at the Gwanika (the treasury/armory), under the patronage of Chief Kulugi – a consistent friend of the Protestants, though not a Christian himself. The Catholics developed a strong following in the private quarters of the Kabaka. This was a measure of the greater favor the Catholics tended to enjoy. Both Muteesa and later Mwanga came to regard the Protestants with some suspicion. This seems to have originated from the links which CMS had with General Gordon, acting as agent for the Egyptians in Sudan. (The second group of CMS missionaries had arrived from the north). Since missionaries had been invited to Buganda expressly to counter the threat from the north, these links were detrimental to good relations with the Kabaka. Moreover the Arabs at court increasingly denounced the missionaries as agents of European imperialism. In 1882 the British actually bombarded Alexandria in Egypt and this was the prelude to a gradual takeover of Egypt. CMS missionaries protested that they had non connection with their government; but they could not at times resist pointing out the might of the British Empire. ln the event the authorities were right to be suspicious – by the 1890s the CMS missionaries were openly advocating a British takeover of Uganda; though this is not to say that they had been conscious agents of imperialism in the 1880s. The Catholic withdrawal The Catholics did not fall under the same suspicion, if only because the French government had little interest in East Africa at this time. Nevertheless what favor the Catholics did enjoy was precarious. Mapera incurred the active hostility of the Muslims at court by his flamboyant and extravagant denunciations of Islam. In 1882 the White Fathers withdrew from Buganda altogether. This was a surprising decision; and even now the precise reasons for their withdrawal are not altogether clear. But it seems that they were particularly concerned about the corruption of their orphans and freed slaves by homosexual practices infiltrating into their orphanage from the nearby lubiri. These orphans were, by and large, not Baganda. The practice of redeeming slaves to provide a nucleus of Christianity was still a major element of their mission strategy in Buganda and this may be a sufficient explanation of their withdrawal to the moral haven of Bukumbi, south of the lake. The withdrawal did not mean an end to Catholic activity in Buganda–the pages continued to meet and an increasing number of neophytes were taught. Responsibility for the propagation of the faith increased among Baganda Catholic converts. Muteesa’s last years and the succession of Mwanga By 1897 Muteesa had come to realize that a complete alliance with one of the Christian groups was neither practicable nor desirable. (The insistence of both on monogamy was a fundamental obstacle, but there were other factors.) Muteesa decided that he should identify with none of the new ‘dini’, while allowing them to stay and extracting what advantages he could from each, without letting any one group get too much power in the country. Muteesa was a consummate master at this political balancing act His successor, in the much more difficult international climate of the late ’80s, prove incapable of keeping things under control. Mwanga succeeded his father in October 1884. He was 18 years old. Mwanga seems to have lacked strong religious convictions–he was a skeptic in an age of faith. His homosexuality alienated him from the missionaries. Like all Kabakas at the beginning of their reign, Mwanga needed to assert his authority over all elements and factions within the country, including the foreign missionaries (the White Fathers had not yet returned and so at first this meant the Protestants). This general need to assert his authority and the personal antagonisms with the three missionaries in the country (especially with Ashe) led to the death of the first three Baganda Christians on January 31, 1885. The young protestant martyrs, Makko Kakumba, Nuwa Serwanga and Yusuf Lugalama, were all members of the mission household. The missionaries were being warned against becoming a focus of political power or political discontent against the young Kabaka. The deaths of Bishop Hannington and the Uganda martyrs Whatever may have been his personal attitudes to Christianity, Mwanga, like his father, was of necessity primarily concerned with the political implications of the new religions. By 1885 this was causing very grave anxieties. The Muslim threat from the north had receded with the Mahdist rebellion in the Sudan in 1881. But a new and greater threat to Buganda’s independence quite suddenly emerged from the East African coast with the intrusion of German imperialism early in 1885. It was fear of a European invasion which principally caused the death in Busoga on October 29, 1885 of the 37 year old Anglican Bishop, James Hannington. Hannington was either ignorant of, or chose to ignore, the precarious position of the Christian community within Buganda and the dangers, in the international climate, of approaching Buganda by the politically sensitive ‘back-door’ of Busoga. Hannington was killed on the orders of the Kabaka. His death is often blamed on a fickle and revengeful young king; but this is very unfair to Mwanga, who was certainly acting on the advice of his great chiefs–including the normally friendly Kulugi. Hannington’s death, from the Kiganda point of view, was a legitimate act of state, designed to ward off a potential invasion. Nevertheless, it was politically a mistake. Hannington had not been heading an invading army–on the way up from the coast his caravan had been ridiculed for its puny size. Hannington’s death had repercussions within Buganda. It led to further killings of Christians. Only 2 weeks later, on November 15, 1885, Joseph Mukasa BaIikuddembe was brutally killed for daring to criticize the Kabaka for the murder of the Anglican bishop. Balikuddembe became the first Catholic martyr. In May and June 1886 a large massacre of Christians, both Catholic and Protestant, took place. Many were executed at Namugongo, the traditional execution site also used for the Muslim martyrs of 1876. The immediate cause for the killings was the Kabaka’s anger at the disobedience of his Christian pages, in particular their refusal to indulge in homosexual practices. Charles Lwanga, the Catholic head of the pages in the king’s private apartments, had been particularly vigilant in protecting the Christian boys under his charge from the advances of the Kabaka and some of the chiefs. But, in addition 10 young pages, quite a number of the victims were minor chiefs: men such as Andrew Kaggwa and Matthias Mulumba for the Catholics; and Robert Munyagabyanjo, Nuwa Walukaga and Freddie Kizza for the Protestants. The youngest page, Kizito, was about 14 years; some of the chiefs were in their 50s. Some of these chiefs were the victims of particular grudges by their seniors- (for example Katikkiro Mukasa, the Prime Minister), jealous that these up and coming young men would soon be ousting them from power. Undoubtedly these Uganda martyrs (there were Bunyoro and Basoga as well as Baganda) died believing and trusting in Christ as their Savior. They sang hymns on the way to their deaths, preached to their persecutors, strongly believed in a life after death, and their courage and fortitude made a great impression on those who saw them die. But naturally, secular historians have been cautious about accepting wholesale the simple pieties of hagiography. The deaths of these Christians must be put in the context of the traditional precariousness of life at court, and the deeply ingrained habits of obedience which made Baganda generally face death philosophically if the Kabaka so wished. This would put the Christian martyrs firmly in the long tradition of the kiwendo, the ritual sacrifice of a number (kiwendo) of victims at the instigation of one of the balubaale. Conversely, it has also been argued that these Christians were rebels against the Kabaka, unwitting tools of foreign imperialism. There is some truth in all these assessments, traditional and modern, religious and secular. Historical reality is complex and does not admit of simplistic explanation. The martyrs are part of that complex reality. The Wars of Religion 1888-1892 Whatever the original motivation of the missionaries, the traumatic events of 1885 and 1886 convinced many of them that foreign intervention might be the only long-term solution to safeguard the future of Christianity in Buganda. Meanwhile, however, events in Buganda pursued an internal logic which at first had little 10 do with external affairs. The persecution of Christians (perhaps 200 had died in all) was not part of a coherent strategy to eradicate Christianity. By 1887 Mwanga had begun to rely on the younger generation of Baganda leaders– and this meant relying on many who were converts to the new religions. Backed by official favor, the leaders of the three religious groups (Muslims, Protestants and Catholics) began to bring in large quantities of arms and to organize themselves into militarized “regiments”–the first time that Buganda had something resembling a standing army. These soldiers were nicknamed bapere and gained a great deal of notoriety for their high-handed attitudes, for rape and plunder. It is one of the ironies of the Christian history of Uganda that the witness of the martyrs (strong in faith but weak and powerless politically and militarily) should have convinced the survivors that the future of Christianity depended on securing military and political power. Moreover these regiments attracted young men, fortune seekers and adventurers, who saw membership as the new avenue to progress, and who at first had little conception of Islam or Christianity. Mwanga at first encouraged these groups as a way of countering the older generation of chiefs. But by 1888 he began to get scared that they were becoming too powerful. His feeble attempt to get rid of the bapere provoked a coup, and in April 1888 Mwanga was overthrown by the united forces of the new religions. Mwanga fled and sought refuge with the White Fathers at Bukumbi, to the south of the lake. But the new leaders were soon quarreling among themselves. The Muslims, as the most powerful group in terms of numbers and fire power, were able to oust the Christian groups, who in October 1888 fled to Kabula, on the borders with Nkore. The Muslims proceeded to establish a Muslim state. They circumcised their Kabaka, Kalema, and called him ‘sheikh’. They envisaged a radical reordering of society along Islamic lines. At this stage the survival of Christianity seemed to depend entirely on questions of military and political power. The Christian exiles made overtures to Mwanga to restore him as their Kabaka. They also made a tactical alliance with traditionalists fighting the Muslim regime from Kyaggwe (eastern Buganda)–since many traditionalists were alienated by the harshness of Muslim rule and its radical attempt to overturn traditional society. By the end of 1889 the Christian forces had managed, at least temporarily, to defeat the Muslims, who retired to the borders of Bunyoro to regroup. They might well have regained control if it had not been for intrusion at this point of an external factor in the form of Captain Lugard and the Imperial British East Africa Company (IBEAC). The Christian forces needed help to ensure that the Muslims did not get back to power. But the Catholics were unhappy that this help should be British and, therefore, Protestant. The fragile unity of the Christian factions soon gave way to bitter quarrels about the division of political office. The Catholic party was stronger in that it attracted more followers as the party of the king. Mwanga was not baptized, nor did he lead a life morally acceptable to the Catholics. But he did believe that he had more chance of retaining Buganda’s independence if he sided with the Catholics. The Protestants, conscious of this fundamental weakness, clung all the more strongly to Lugard, who at first tried to remain aloof from these conflicts. But increasingly he was drawn into supporting the only group which supported him–the Protestants. When open warfare broke out in 1892, Lugard threw in his lot decisively with the Protestants. He directed his Maxim gun against the Catholics and routed them. The Protestants, exulting in victory, were keen to divide the spoils (i.e. political office) among themselves alone, on the basis of ‘the winner takes all’. But Lugard, the real arbiter of the situation, insisted that both Catholics and Muslims be given some small share in the political life of the country. This was how Buddu became a Catholic county, the strong base on which much of the subsequent success of Catholicism in Uganda was based. Nevertheless, the Catholics felt bitter against Lugard, the architect of their defeat. Lugard, for his part, always insisted that he was neutral as far as religion was concerned. His support for the Protestants had been purely on political grounds. It is quite conceivable that had Lugard found the Muslims in control of Buganda in 1890 he would have tried to work with them–in which case Buganda might have become a Muslim state! The British annexation IBEAC was a private British chartered company, which the British government approved of but had no financial responsibility for. It was a way of ensuring British influence without the inconvenience of costing the British taxpayer anything: Imperialism on the cheap. But by 1892 the IBEAC was in imminent danger of bankruptcy. Bishop Tucker and the CMS conducted a vigorous campaign in Britain to ensure the ‘retention of Uganda’. Tucker enlarged on the inevitability of a renewal of the religious wars (and a Protestant defeat?) if the British government did not assume direct control. One M.P. asked ironically why the state should spend money “to prevent these very remarkable Christians from cutting each other’s throats”. But British Public opinion had been effectively mobilized and in 1894 the British government formally declared a Protectorate over Uganda’. The Protestants were well satisfied. The Catholics bowed to the inevitable. Bishop Hirth, who had been such an outspoken critic of Lugard, was transferred to German territory; and it was arranged that the Mill Hill Fathers, a British-based Catholic missionary society, should start work in eastern Uganda in 1895, a sign to Ugandans that being a Catholic did not mean being anti-British. British control was at first hesitant and problematic. In 1897 there was mutiny of the Nubian troops used by the British to subdue their Protectorate. There was also a last attempt by Kabaka Mwanga to regain his independence. Both revolts were put down, largely with the help of “loyal” Baganda. Mwanga was deposed and exiled to Seychelles. There he was baptized as a Protestant: a recognition that the forces of Christianity and imperialism had triumphed. But was his choice of baptismal name Daniel, a final act of defiance–a reference to his confinement in the lions’ den of his British captors? In 1900 the Buganda Agreement consolidated the British takeover and established the special relationship between Britain and Buganda which was to survive until 1955. The Agreement consolidated the dominant position of the Protestant oligarchy under Apollo Kaggwa, the Katikiro and one of the regents to the boy Kabaka Daudi Cwa. A “Christian Revolution” The events of this violent period in Buganda’s history are sometimes characterized as a “Christian revolution”–by which is meant the fact that a fundamental change occurred in Buganda in which Christianity was the motivating force and the chief beneficiary. It was a revolution with several phases: a revolution of the ‘new dini’ (1888), a ‘Muslim revolution’ (1888-9), a ‘Christian counterrevolution’ (1889), a ‘Protestant seizure of power’ (1892), and finally the consolidation of the revolutionary changes by the British take-over and loss of Buganda’s sovereignty (1894/1900). Christianity came to dominate the political arena of Buganda; and Islam was relegated to an under-privileged minority. But the Christian chiefs have also been called ‘conservative modernizers’. They had a strong sense of Buganda’s history and traditions. They wanted to graft Christianity onto these traditions, to use the literacy which Christianity had brought to preserve these traditions. Kaggwa wrote a history of the Kings of Buganda in Luganda. He also wrote a history of his clan. The institutions of the Kabakaship and the clans were the two fundamental pillars of Buganda. Christianity (in its two forms) was now added as a third pillar. This meant that the balubaale cults (especially the large shrines) were displaced by Christianity. But the national gods did re-emerge in times of national crisis, such as the deportation of the Kabaka in 1953. And the basic thought patterns and practices of Kiganda religion remain strong to this day. The Spread of Christianity in Uganda Christianity and “sub-imperialism” The fact that Christianity, in its two rival creeds, became the religion of Buganda profoundly affected its spread to other arts of colonial Uganda. The British needed local collaboration to make their occupation of Uganda effective and cheap (financial economy was always a prime consideration for the British!) The British regarded the civilization of Buganda as superior to anything else available in Uganda; and the acceptance of Christianity and literacy enhanced that superiority. The Baganda, for their part, became enthusiastic “sub-imperialists”. They benefited from their relationship with the British. Buganda increased its territory at the expense particularly of Bunyoro, which was severely punished for Omukama Kabalega’s heroic but in the end futile resistance. Baganda–both Christian and Muslim–became chiefs (British agents) in such areas as Bunyoro and Ankole. The soldier and adventurer, Semei Kakungulu, a Protestant Muganda who had quarreled with Apollo Kaggwa, attempted to compensate for his political failure in Buganda, by carving out for himself a “kingdom” in eastern Uganda. His followers, in search of land and power, were able to find both in Bukedi and Teso. In the wake of this “sub-imperialism,” and indeed part and parcel of it, went the missionary expansion of the Church of Baganda evangelists. They were motivated by an eagerness to spread Kiganda culture alongside Christianity, by desire for a status and prestige often unattainable within Buganda itself. But, apart from these political and social advantages, we must not discount genuine religious impulses. The Catholics appealed to the sacrifice of the Uganda martyrs as an inspiration to Uganda to offer themselves as missionaries: as living sacrifices. For the Protestants, Pilkington’s revival of 1892 emphasized a victorious Christian life of a total commitment in the power of the holy spirit. Many of the evangelists shared the arrogance and domineering tendencies of the colonial agents. But many are remembered for their devotion 10 duty, often in difficult circumstances and with little financial reward. ln these early years, two men stand out for their qualities of devotion and saintliness: Apollo Kivebulaya and Yohanna Kitagana. Kivebulaya, a Protestant unusual for his life-long celibacy, became an evangelist to Toro in 1895, and subsequently spent his life among the Mboga people of Kongo (now Zaire). He was ordained a priest, made a canon, and died in 1933. Kitagana was a polygamist who gave up his five wives before baptism. ln 1901, when already in his 40s, he set off on a remarkable evangelistic career, pioneering Catholicism in Bunyaruguru and other parts of Ankole, in Kigezi and Bufumbira, before his death in 1939. Christianity in Western Uganda From the 1890s the Western kingdoms of Uganda had come to terms in one way or another with British colonialism. The acceptance of Christianity was an important means of adjusting to this new situation. In Toro Christianity came as part of an attempt by Kasagama to recreate the kingdom of his father; in Bunyoro as a response to military defeat and devastation; in Ankole as part of the Mugabe’s aggrandizement of influence, assisted or rather, promoted–by the ambitious Enganzi, Nuwa Mbaguta. In each case it was the Protestant version of Christianity which was promoted by the local leadership. Colonialism and Christianity meant the extension of Kiganda influence; and this provoked resentment of varying degrees of intensity. In Bunyoro it produced an explosive situation and the Nyangire (“I have refused”) disturbances of 1907. This marked the beginning of the end of direct Kiganda influence. The British switched to a policy of relying on the indigenous leadership 10 implement their policies, and phased out the Baganda chiefs/agents. This also meant an end of missionary hopes of establishing Luganda as the common language of Uganda. The Anglicans, reversing their policy, embarked on a Lunyoro-Lutoro translation of the Bible and Prayer Book. Paradoxically, although Christianity in western Uganda early threw off tutelage from Buganda, Christianity did nevertheless develop a long line first worked out in Buganda. Thus, kings and chiefs overwhelmingly became Anglican. But, just as the political defeat in Buganda had not meant the collapse of Catholic missionary efforts, so in western Uganda, the Catholics took advantage of their underprivileged status to make an appeal among the peasantry. To take the case of Toro–Kasagama’s kingdom was not as ‘traditional’ as he had made out to the British. It was the 19th Century creation of his grandfather, a dissident Munyoro prince, and lacked a strong local root. Kasagama tried to exclude Catholics altogether from his kingdom, but was prevented by the British. Despite continuing political discrimination by the Mukama’s government, Catholics made impressive progress and were to become a majority of Christians in Toro. In Ankole, colonialism accentuated traditional divisions between the bahima pastoralists (who constituted a kind of ruling class) and the majority bairu agriculturalists. The Anglican Church became a religion of the Omugabe and the bahima, but the bahima were less than enthusiastic about practicing their religion and tended to leave education to the Bairu. It was only with the Revival movement of the 1940s and 50s that the Anglican Church really took root in the bahima communities. Meanwhile the bairu had accepted Protestantism and Catholicism in fairly equal numbers. As a rough generalization one can say that Protestant bairu tended to be in a majority in central counties of Ankole, such as Kashari and Shema; Catholics predominated on the periphery, for example in Bunyaruguru. Christianity struck deep roots in western Uganda. Today some of the most dynamic Christian communities in Uganda can be found in this region. But Christianity also played a very complex and at times divisive role, helping to aggravate old tensions and create new ones. For example, in Ankole, the Anglican Church at first reinforced the traditional division between bahima and bairu by its political alliance with the rulers. But it also created a politically-conscious Protestant educated (bairu) elite, which by the 1950s had become the most articulate critic of those traditional class distinctions. But, at the same time the Protestant-Catholic antagonism was hardening into party political division along religious lines. Christianity in Eastern Uganda Eastern Uganda lacked the cultural cohesiveness and large-scale kingdoms of Buganda and western Uganda. In fact small-scale politics and cultural and linguistic diversity were the most obvious characteristics of the area, which included a wide variety of Bantu societies (Basoga, Bagwere, Banyole, Bamasaba) as well as Jopadhola (Luo speakers) and Iteso. The whole area beyond Busoga was called by the Baganda “Bukedi”-“the place of naked people,” expressive of a patronizing attitude to peoples who “did not know how to rule themselves.” European missionaries accepted and expanded on these prejudices and imported their own racial theories about primitive peoples on the lowest ladder of civilization. Such stereotypes tended to be reinforced by the devastating effects of famine and sleeping sickness in the early years of the 20th Century. One particularly blatant example of these negative attitudes can be seen in A.L. Kitching’s On the Backwaters of the Nile (1912), which was even more revealingly sub-titled Studies of Sorne Child Races. The book is replete with such expressions as “loathsome and disgusting,” “a rather dull race with heavy unintellectual faces,” “a reputation for expert thieving,” and “the least admirable thing about them is their language” – Kitching cannot decide whether it is “degenerate” or “undeveloped!” Kitching went on to become in 1926 the first Anglican Bishop of the diocese of the Upper Nile. For most of the area (with the exception of Busoga), Christianity came in the aftermath of Kakungulu’s conquest. It was associated with the imposition of Kiganda culture. Luganda became the language of church and school. In Busoga an attempt to use the Lutenga dialect had to be abandoned in the face of opposition from Northern Busoga, where a markedly different form of Lusoga was spoken. For the rest, there was never any alternative to Luganda, and this applied even to the non-Bantu Iteso and Jopadhola. Defeated and fragmented there was no possibility of a “Nyangire” rebellion in the East. Eventually in the 1950s the Anglican Church in Teso did produce an Ateso Bible and Prayer Book; and the Catholic Church among the Jopadhola has more recently emphasized the vernacular in worship. But, elsewhere, Luganda remains dominant. The Protestants, in an effort to overcome or mitigate some of the resistance to accepting the Gospel, and hopeful that a “civilizing mission” would produce spiritual results, pioneered cotton production and ox-plowing in Teso, and encouraged coffee cultivation in Bugishu. Christianity remained essentially a foreign imposition for many of the people of the area. But, predictably, it was from the Protestant educated elite (products of Mwiri School near Jinja and Nabumali in Bugishu) that, in the 1920s and 30s, the first welfare societies, incipient political organizations, sprang–the Young Basoga Association, the Bugishu Welfare Association and the Young Bagwere Association. As in other parts of Uganda, Protestants and chiefs were from the beginning in close alliance. In fact, the Roman Catholic Mill Hill Mission was known as the mission ekitalya bwami – the mission which doesn’t eat (i.e. obtain) chieftaincies. But, again as in other areas, this did not inhibit Catholic evangelistic zeal. The Mill Hill Fathers, often with more foreign personnel working in the area than the CMS, scored successes among the peasantry, and have become the majority of Christians in Teso and Bukedi (i.e. the district around Teso). Protestants predominate in Busoga and Bugishu. Christianity in Northern Uganda In the North, Kiganda influences were minimal. The first Ugandan evangelists were Banyoro (where traditional links were strong) or Lwo who had spent time in Bunyoro – such as the Alur Sira Dongo. Christianity did not put down strong roots in the North. Rwot (chief) Awic, of the Payira clan, invited missionaries to Acoli in 1903. But Awic himself had no interest in Christianity and was skeptical of European values generally. In any case he was not the ruler of the whole of Acoli. In Lango, Odora of Aduku did actively promote Protestant Christianity. He was ambitious to be recognized as ‘Kabaka’ of Lango, something the British had no intention of doing. Lango had no traditions of chiefs of any kind; and the colonial-imposed chiefs had no traditional authority. Odora’s Christianity was a matter of profound indifference to most Lango. Moreover, J.H. Driberg, one of the early Des in Lango, a “strident secularist,” insisted on a rigid separation of church and state, burning down churches built too close to the government boma. The Lango got the message that the colonial power had no interest in promoting the new religion; and this reinforced their own prejudices. Thus, in both Acholi and Lango, the usual CMS strategy of using chiefs was misapplied and abortive. But the Catholics also struggled to make an impact. The North of Uganda was assigned to the Verona Fathers, an Italian society founded by Bishop Daniel Comboni, whose centre of activity was the Sudan. But in Father J .P. Crazzolara (who spent some 60 years in Northern Uganda) they did produce a missionary with a remarkable understanding of and sympathy for Lwo people. The lack of response in the North produced a comparative neglect among the missionaries. This was understandable when the response in other parts was great and there were severe limitations on finance and personnel. But it did make the North an under-developed area in terms of missionary work, as it was in other aspects of life during the colonial period and beyond. One reason often given for the poor response is the disastrous choice of the word Lubanga or Rubanga as the name for God. This was an importation from Bunyoro, where Ruhanga, a traditional name for the Creator, was used for the Christian God. Crazzolara always regretted the use of this alien name. He felt that the Lwo word Jok was quite capable of carrying the Christian concept of divinity. But both CMS and the Verona authorities had come to the conclusion that Jok had too many ambiguous and positively evil associations to be used. What they did not realize at the time was that the word Lubanga also had a sinister indigenous meaning – Jok Lubanga referred to the unambiguously evil spirit responsible for tuberculosis of the spine. In his book Men without God?, the Anglican Bishop of Northern Uganda, J .K. Russell, wonders whether this fatal misunderstanding was responsible for a “subconscious bar” to the acceptance of the missionary message of a great and loving God. It is symbolic of a general failure to engage the hearts and minds of the people of Northern Uganda. Okot p’Bitek, an Acoli brought up as a Protestant but who became as strident a secularist as Driberg, has argued that the failure to find an adequate name for the Christian God and the farcical adoption of Lubanga, shows the essentially non-religious, this-worldly character of Acoli concepts. It explains and justifies their non-acceptance of Christianity. It was a courageous refusal to be bamboozled by foreign myths. Modem Acoli Christians are more likely to accept Crazzolara’s contention that Jok can convey the concept of a Supreme Being. But now it is too late – Jok is now irremediably associated with the Devil! The periphery of Uganda By 1914 only three areas of Uganda were practically untouched by missionary work: West Nile, Kigezi and Karamoja. ln the case of West Nile and Kigezi this was largely because they were late additions to colonial Uganda. For the Catholics, the White Fathers naturally extended their work to include Kigezi, and the Verona Fathers to include West Nile. For CMS this additional territory caused some problems, since CMS had already over-extended itself in the evangelistic thrust of the previous twenty years and could hardly spare finances or personnel to open up new mission fields. Thus Bishop Willis was willing to negotiate a special arrangement with the Africa Inland Mission, a conservative evangelical interdenominational faith mission, largely American in origin and with work in Kenya and Congo. By this agreement, AIM undertook to send mainly Anglican missionaries to West Nile and to form congregations which were part of the Native Anglican Church. West Nile is one of the most diverse parts of Uganda, the most significant groups being the Sudanic Lugbara, Nilo-Hamitic Kakwa, and Nilotic Alur. Christianity has made a greater impact here than in other parts of Northern Uganda. Islam is also a significant force in Aringa County (a Lugbara area). Neither the Verona Fathers nor the AIM put a great emphasis on the school – the Verona Fathers felt at a disadvantage in the face of a colonial British educational system; the AIM were anxious not to confuse evangelism with education and were to come into conflict with their converts over their neglect of schools in contrast to the CMS. Nevertheless a situation characteristic of other parts of Uganda did emerge in West Nile of a smaller Protestant community, often go-ahead and innovative; and a larger and more tolerant Catholic society. Kigezi was evangelized for the Anglicans by the Ruanda Mission of the CMS, financially autonomous of its parent mission and with a distinctly conservative evangelical basis. It was through the Ruanda Mission that much of the impetus for Revival in the Anglican Church in Uganda was mediated, and Kigezi has become the stronghold of the Balokole movement. Protestants and Catholics are fairly evenly divided in Kigezi, which resembles Ankole in the bitterness of its political-religious conflicts. It is strange that West Nile and Kigezi, almost the last area of Uganda to be evangelized, have evinced such a strong and vigorous Christianity. This can not be said of the last area, Karamoja. Since 1929 the Anglican Bible Churchmen’s Missionary Society (BCMS – another conservative evangelical society, which broke away from CMS in 1922) has been working patiently in Karamoja, without any dramatic results. The Verona Fathers came later, but in the last 20 years have overtaken the Protestants through their efficient and effective school work and the range of their relief work. Christianity has remained peripheral to this pastoral society. Church and State in Colonial Uganda Protestants and Catholics The Anglican Church was never an official established church in colonial Uganda. But it approximated to an established church, with the Bishop of Uganda standing third in order of precedence at official functions, after the Governor and the Kabaka of Buganda. The Catholics had no such political role in the colonial state, and in fact they felt it better to eschew politics altogether and to concentrate on their religious tasks. At times they could legitimately complain of discrimination, at least in the early years. But, by and large they felt reasonably content with the official British policy of religious neutrality. This allowed them to evangelize freely throughout the country, whatever the denomination of the local ruler or chief. At times the British authorities preferred the non-political role of the Catholics to the gratuitous advice or criticism of the CMS. CMS missionaries were very conscious of the fact that they had preceded the administrators - had practically (invited) them to Uganda, in fact. Individuals thus felt free to criticize where they thought necessary - for example, the excessive use of force in “pacifying” Bunyoro in the 1890s. The British often resented such criticism. J. J. Willis, the second Bishop of Uganda (1912-34) adopted a much more conformist position than Bishop Tucker. In fact educated Baganda Anglicans regarded Willis as far too close to the government point of view for their liking. The Church and Development: Education and Medicine One of the chief reasons for the continuing success of the missions in the colonial era was the continued attraction of literacy. The missions began in the 1890s to establish a formal system of schooling. Each village would have, next to the church, a school for elementary instruction. In the early years of this century the missions also began to establish “central” or “high” schools for more advanced learning. At first the government was more than content to leave education to the missions. But after the First World War, the British began to take a much more active role in African education. J. H. Oldham of the International Missionary Council (based in London) played an important part in persuading the Colonial Officer not to set up a rival system to the one the missions had pioneered, but rather to use the mission network of schools, to set up an Inspectorate and offer grants-in-aid to approved mission schools. This was highly satisfactory to the missions. They were very anxious to retain the denominational character of their schools, as well as a general “Christian atmosphere,” and feared the establishment of a secular system. But they critically needed financial assistance. CMS had pioneered high schools such as Mwiri (Busoga), Nyakasura (Toro) and Nabumali (Bugishu), and Gayaza for girls. King’s College Budo was the apex of the whole system. By the 1920s a large proportion of missionary personnel were absorbed in teaching in such schools, and government funding, once begun, became absolutely necessary if the system were to be maintained. The Catholics also cooperated with the government education policy - though always with more reservations than CMS and with a concern not to lose their independence. Kisubi for the White Fathers, and Namilyango for the Mill Hill Fathers, became important high schools on the CMS model. But the Catholics did not neglect their own seminary system, which aimed primarily at encouraging vocations to the priesthood. Both the high school and the seminary system were unashamedly elitist after their own fashion. But the heart of the mission education system continued to be the village school, built almost entirely by local initiative and employing “vernacular teachers” whose training, pay and standard of living were all very basic. In the 1920s and 30s the missions and government made efforts to improve basic standards by evolving a system of “Normal” or teacher training institutions. Mission education has been criticized as an agent of imperialism: for its narrow “academic” curriculum stressing British culture, history and geography at the expense of African; for despising manual labor; for encouraging elitist attitudes and individualism through the divorce between the high school and the mass of village schools. Missionaries were not totally unaware of these issues. There was a general revulsion in colonial and mission education circles against creating “black Englishmen” (sometimes tinged with racialist sentiment). The Phelps-Stokes Commission visited Uganda in 1924, strongly advocating a philosophy of an education “adapted to the needs of Africa.” But they failed substantially to re-orientate the academic bias of education. Agricultural and technical education was expensive and could therefore, like the high schools, be only for a privileged few. Moreover there was always the suspicion that “adapted” education meant “inferior” education, designed to prevent African advancement and keep them in their place. “We send our boys to the High School not to learn to drive bullock wagons and to look after cows, but to learn to be fitted for posts of high standing,” Said one parent. (Admittedly he was a son of Sir Apollo Kaggwa and therefore one of an elite likely to benefit directly from an elitist system.) Medicine. If CMS set the pace in educational developments during the colonial period, the same can be said for medicine. CMS Mengo Hospital began in 1897. Sir Albert Cook and his wife Kathleen are the towering figures in the development of “scientific” medicine in Uganda, with their pioneering work on sleeping sickness and venereal diseases, the training of nurses and midwives. The Catholics excelled in the establishment of local dispensaries – one can point to the great work of the Franciscan Mother Kevin in this field. The colonial economy. The colonial government aimed to integrate Uganda into the world-wide capitalist system. By its nature this was a system of exploitation of the labor and resources of underdeveloped societies. But Uganda at least escaped some of the worst effects of a settler or plantation economy, due to the reliance on peasant cultivation of cotton and later coffee. CMS, as the original promoter of cotton production in Uganda, closely identified itself with the basic aims of colonial economic policy, stressing its benign rather than its exploitative aspects. CMS encouraged the cultivation of cash crops and in its schools inculcated a “Protestant ethic” of discipline, punctuality and cleanliness, and individual enterprise. Within the narrow constraints of a colonial and racially stratified society, they favored the development of small scale African capitalism in agriculture and trade; and so encouraged the growth of a fragile petite bourgeoisie. In discussing the development of a Protestant elite, however, one needs to stress that CMS congregations remained overwhelmingly peasant; only a tiny minority ever escaped the constraints of rural poverty and under-development of the colonial economy. Catholics did not put the same emphasis on the creation of an elite. Their missions were often models in farming and industrial self-sufficiency (e.g. brick making). But here the primary aim was to build up a self-contained, economically viable Christian Community (it bas been called “feudalistic”) rather than to promote directly the colonial economy. Nevertheless whatever the mission ideology, Catholic peasants were drawn into the colonial economic system along with everyone else. Protest against the Missions As we have seen, the Anglican Church in Uganda had a privileged position both in terms of its relationship to the local rulers and to the British administration. This close connection with the centers of power was to cause tensions within the Anglican Church when the colonial power structure was challenged. The Catholic Church, less concerned with questions of political power, was much less affected. However, in colonial times, independent churches did not easily thrive in Uganda (unlike Nigeria or South Africa or Kenya). One reason for this may lie in the fact that the Christian Churches had from an early stage become genuinely “folk churches,” churches of the people. In Buganda, to be a Muganda had come to mean that (if you were not part of the Muslim minority) you were either “Protestant” (i.e. Anglican) or “Catholic.” This was part of your basic identity – and just as political protest against the chiefly oligarchy did not make you any less a Muganda, so protest against church involvement in that oligarchy did not make you any less a Protestant (member of the Native Anglican Church). In colonial times, where independent churches did not occur, they usually had a close connection with political protest. The exception is Mabel Ensor’s Mengo Gospel Church, the creation of a powerful ex-CMS missionary, discontented perhaps with her status as a woman within the mission structure, but more obviously motivated by the desire for a pure Spiritual church. Even here we might see political implications in her protest in that she wanted a Church which was totally divorced from politics, unimpeded by the compromises of being part of an establishment. Joswa Kate was the Mugema, the head of the Nkima (Monkey) clan. In 1914 he and his clansman Malaki Mussajjakaawa broke away from the Anglican Church. They objected to two features which had become integral to the Christian mission in Uganda – the use of Medicine and the requirement of education as a prerequisite to baptism. The dissidents called their new movement Ekibiina kya Katonda Omu Ayinza Byonna (The Society of the One Almighty God), but it became popularly known as the Bamalaki. The chance of immediate baptism was largely responsible for the rapid growth of the movement, which consequently acquired the nickname Diini ya Layisi (religion on the cheap). Behind the religious protest was a political quarrel between Kate, a venerable representative of the bataka or clan heads, and the batongole (office holders) who had been the chief beneficiaries of the 1900 Agreement – the “Protestant oligarchy” led by Apollo Kaggwa. The bataka were particularly aggrieved that their land rights had been ignored in the land provisions of the 1900 Agreement. The stubborn refusal even to inoculate cattle (i.e. give medicine to cows) brought the Bamalaki into direct conflict with the colonial authorities, and in 1929 (after a riot) the leaders were deported to remote parts of Uganda. After this the movement disintegrated. The Seventh Day Adventists first began work in Uganda in 1927. In some respects their emphasis on Saturday worship and adherence to many aspects of Jewish law resemble the teachings of the Balamaki – but the SDA were not, of course, against medicine, and there is no direct link between the two churches. The name malaki survives as a nickname for safari shoes, which do not need shoe polish (“medicine!”). One interesting offshoot of the Bamalaki was begun in the Mbale area by Semei Kakungulu, who had a natural sympathy for Kate in his quarrels with Apollo Kaggwa. But he had no wish to be junior partner in a movement whose base was in Buganda, and so after collaborating for a time he founded his own group which took Bamalaki principles to an extreme by rejecting Christianity altogether and adopting what they could reconstruct of Judaism from the Luganda Old Testament. They practiced circumcision and Sabbath worship and were known as Bayudaya. ln the 1960s the survivors of Kakungulu’s “Jews” were given help from orthodox Jewish communities in Israel, but Amin’s anti-Zionist stance after 1972 put an end both to this incipient collaboration and the Bayudaya as a viable community. Spartas and the African Greek Orthodox Church A more forward-looking movement than the Bamalaki was that begun by Reuben Mukasa Spartas, an Anglican educated at Budo. Reacting against Anglican paternalism, in 1929 he announced the establishment in Uganda of an Orthodox Church “for all right thinking Africans, men who wish to be free in their own house, not always being thought of as boys.” Spartas had been greatly influenced by the pan-Africanism of the Jamaican Marcus Garvey, through the magazine Negro World. The African Orthodox Church was founded in America as a religious expression of pan-Africanism; but when Spartas discovered that this Church was not regarded as a legitimate branch of traditional Orthodoxy, he associated his Church with the Greek patriarchate in Alexandria. In the 1940s and 50s Spartas was much involved in the politics of Buganda nationalism. Unlike the Bamalaki, which grew rapidly and then collapsed, A.G.O.C. grew slowly and has remained a small but “respectable” Church. When Amin banned independent churches in 1977, the Orthodox were placed alongside the Catholics and Anglicans as a “recognized” Church. The Church and Nationalism The Protestant schools were the breeding ground for the rising nationalism of the 1950s. In Uganda, nationalism was complicated by the conflicting claims of Buganda nationalism and Ugandan nationalism. It was, by and large, the Protestants who made the running in both kinds of nationalism. But the hierarchy of the Anglican Church was often attacked for identifying itself too closely with the colonial authorities. It was widely believed that the new bishop of Uganda, Leslie Brown, was involved in one way or another with the deportation of the Kabaka in 1953, though he has always strenuously denied any such involvement. The Anglican Church lost a lot of support in those years when Kiganda traditionalist sentiment was running high. But Catholics too were under attack in these years from the traditionalists. After long years of being passive in political matters, as Independence approached, the Catholic hierarchy increasingly saw the Democratic Party as a suitable party for Catholics to support, more acceptable than either Buganda’s traditionalism (as finally embodied in Kabaka Yekka) or the secular and left with ideology of the Protestant dominated nationalist parties (which finally coalesced into the Uganda Peoples’ Congress). D.P. was headed by a Muganda Catholic, Benedicto Kiwanuka; but D.P.’s commitment to a unitary Uganda alienated Buganda. In the political maneuverings of the early 60s D.P. lost out to an alliance of Obote’s U.P.C. and Kabaka Yekka (a strange and incompatible alliance). But it did ensure that the Catholics entered Independence still denied any real share in political power. The Religious Life of the Churches The Anglican Church Bishop Tucker, despite opposition from missionaries, gave to the Native Anglican Church a constitution which allowed Ugandans a significant measure of participation in decision-making, in particular through the Synod. Tucker was also keen to foster a “native clergy,” and the first ordinations took place in 1893. These admirable developments were, however, partly offset during the colonial period by the poor educational level of the clergy, and consequently their low status and pay. The situation was much lamented but seemed incapable of solution. Moreover it seemed to lend plausibility to the failure of Bishop Willis to promote Ugandan clergy to positions of real responsibility, a persistent source of irritation, especially to politically-conscious Baganda. Why, for example, was a Muganda not appointed assistant Bishop in 1920, instead of importing a European who had never even worked in Uganda before? And why, when a Ugandan bishop was at last appointed in 1947, was he not a Muganda? All this seemed to be evidence of a deeper spiritual malaise. It was 10 be the Revival movement, known as the Balokole (the Saved People), which was directly to confront that spiritual malaise. A key figure was a Muganda, Simeoni Nsibambi, who formed a strong spiritual bond with a young medical doctor of the CMS Ruanda Mission, Joe Church. Nsibambi sent keen Baganda missionaries to work at Gahini hospital in Ruanda, where Joe Church was working. It was here that a revival broke out in the early 30s. It spread to Kigezi and Ankole before making a powerful impact in Buganda itself. It was from the first a controversial movement, often extremely critical of the church leadership, both missionary and Ugandan. In 1941, 26 Balokole were expelled from Bishop Tucker Theological College for “indiscipline.” They were led by a great evangelist, William Nagenda, and included some of the best educated and most promising ordinands. For a time it seemed as if the movement might break away from the Church. But this did not happen and by the 1950s the relationship between Church and Revival had become much more amicable. The 1950s probably saw the high point of the Balokole movement. It became in western Uganda the dominant form of Anglican Church life. In Buganda there was more resistance, especially as the Balokole often conflicted with a resurgent Buganda nationalism. Nevertheless, the Revival became an integral part of church life in Buganda too. Revival was taken to northern Uganda by a Muganda doctor called Lubulwa, who had quarreled with Nagenda and the leadership of Revival in Buganda. Here it often took a militantly anti-Anglican form, with the Strivers or Trumpeters, as they were called, attacking church members after or even during church services, using megaphones. These immoderate attacks made the Church very suspicious of the whole Revival movement. Nevertheless a moderate group did emerge there too. Both Archbishop Janani Luwum (an Acholi) and Archbishop Silvanus Wani (a Kakwa) combined loyalty to the Anglican Church with leadership in the Revival. The fact that the very first Anglican Archbishop, Erica Sabiti, was also a pioneer or Revival in Ankole is an indication of how deeply the Revival movement has penetrated the whole life of the Anglican Church. The Catholic Church As we have seen, the loss of political power early on in the colonial era did not mean a decline in evangelistic zeal for the Catholics. Unencumbered by aspirations for political power, they devoted their efforts to the more spiritual side of their work. Archbishop Henri Streicher (nicknamed Stensera) was leader of the White Father Vicariate in Uganda from 1897 to 1933 (and after his retirement remained in Uganda until his death in 1952). He did much to consolidate Catholics, to build up their institutions and to encourage priestly vocations. Buddu (in southwest Buganda) became an overwhelmingly Catholic county and a strong base for Catholicism throughout the country. Despite the long, arduous and essentially de-culturizing process of seminarian training, the first two Baganda were ordained in 1913: Bazilio Lumu and Viktoro Mukasa. In 1939 Uganda produced the first African Catholic bishop of modem times – Joseph Kiwanuka W.F., appointed Vicar Apostolic of Masaka. The success of Ugandan Catholicism should not be measured only by the steady stream of priestly vocations. Lay orders were also established: the Bannakaroli (Brothers of Charles Lwanga); the Bannabikira (Sisters of the Virgin), founded by Mother Mechtilde of the White Sisters; and the Little Sisters of St. Francis, founded by Mother Kevin. The fact that these local orders flourished rested on the strong foundations of a solid Catholic piety at village level. The Ugandan Catholic Church, particularly in Buganda, became surprisingly indigenized, long before the reforms of the Second Vatican Council. At Villa Maria, the Catholic center in Buddu, an elaborate ritual was developed on the model of the Kabaka’s court. The Church was known as Twekobe (the place where the Kabaka dwells), and the Virgin Mary, as “Queen Mother” or Namasole was addressed as Naluggi (“She was the most effective door for seeking special royal favors”). There were other imaginative translations of Christian concepts into local terms, such as referring to a guardian angel as ow’omukago (a blood-brother). “The mission that can produce martyrs can also produce priests,” Streicher had claimed. For laity too, the cult of the martyrs became an important aspect of their piety; and remains one of the outstanding features of Ugandan Catholicism to this day. If the success of Anglicanism lay in its ability to become part and parcel of the new political framework of Ugandan society, the success of Catholicism lay in its penetration into the fabric of village and peasant life. Christianity in Uganda Since Independence Since Independence Uganda has gone through py history of conflict, turmoil, war and oppression. With the failure of D.P. to gain power in 1962, the Catholic Church was forced back into its pre-independence role as the church without political power. However, the exigencies of the situation have impelled the Catholic Church to adopt a much more critical stance towards successive governments. Both Archbishop Kiwanuka and his successor Cardinal Emmanuel Nsubuga have had occasion to speak out strongly on the abuse of human rights, speaking not only for Catholics but for all oppressed Ugandans. Under the impact of a common experience of suffering, the Catholic Church has managed to maintain an impressive unity of purpose and goal. The Anglican Church (the Church of Uganda), in contrast, has reflected all the tensions and disunity which have characterized Ugandan society as a whole. The fact that a Protestant-dominated party came to power at Independence meant that a close relationship between the Church of Uganda and the state was bound to continue, however much Church leaders might try to distance themselves from the government, and however much the politicians stressed a secular, non-denominational nationalism. But the nation was becoming bitterly divided, especially with the abolition in 1967 of the Kingdom of Buganda and the other kingdoms and the declaration of a unitary state. The frustrations and animosities caused by these events found expression in conflict within the Church of Uganda. The coming to power of Amin in 1971 at first diffused the conflict. Even a common identity was achieved in the face of Amin’s repression, which culminated in the murder of the Anglican Archbishop Janani Luwum in 1977. But the tragedy of Obote’s second term of office (1980-5) brought a return of conflict and bitterness. Since religion has remained a strong factor in the conflicts of Uganda politics, Protestant-Catholic relations have often remained strained. Nevertheless in 1963 the Uganda Joint Christian Council was formed – a pioneer venture in world ecumenical relations between Catholics and Protestants. There has been co-operation in joint Christian education syllabuses for schools, and in Bible translation. Above all, Christians of both churches have been united in a “fellowship of suffering.” Christians of both churches have courageously witnessed to the truth at the cost of their lives: Ben Kiwanuka, Fr. Clement Kiggundu (editor of the Catholic newspaper, Munno), Archbishop Luwum, Rev. Godfrey Bazira (killed in the Namugongo massacre of 1984). Independent churches have blossomed since 1962 (despite being banned by Amin). They tend to be a political, of a Pentecostal/charismatic type, some of American origin, but many truly indigenous, such as the Deliverance Church. They are rarely “traditionalist” in seeking consciously to indigenize their worship but the emphasis on spiritual healing does accord with a deeply felt traditional religious concern, as well as facing the modern reality of a breakdown of health services! Despite the challenge of these new churches, the Anglican and Catholic Churches continue to retain the allegiance of an overwhelming majority of Ugandans. Their position has if anything been strengthened. For a period in the 1950s and 60s enthusiasm for the new politics often detracted from church participation. But with Amin’s seizure of power in 1971, the disintegration of the economy and of social services, the demise of political parties, the judiciary and the press, the insecurity of life and property, so the Church increased in importance, a refuge in times of trouble, a sign of hope. Prominent Ugandans who avoided death or exile threw their energies and resources into the Church. This has been a period of enthusiastic church building, the growth of parishes, the creation of dioceses – a response to local needs and concerns. But neither has the Church been immune from the general social disintegration. Corruption, personal rivalries, ethnic conflict have all been present in the Church also. Both church and state have an immense task of reconstruction. In the era of Yoweri Museveni and the National Resistance Movement, Christianity remains at the centre of Uganda society, both as a problem to be overcome; and as an essential contributor to fundamental change. 1. The best account of Buganda in the 19th Century is S .M. Semukala Kiwanuka, A History of Buganda, London, 1971. For a brilliant account of Muteesa’s reign, see J .A. Rowe, Revolution in Buganda 1856-1900. Part 1: The Reign of Kabaka Mukabya Mutesa, Ph.D. Wisconsin. Unfortunately this has never been published. 2. For the impact of world religions on Africa in the 19th Century, see the pioneering essay by Robin Horton, “African Conversion” in Africa, XLI, 1971. pp 85-108. For the relevance of Horton’s ideas for East Africa, see J. Iliffe, A Modern History of Tanganyika, London, 1979. For an important discussion of Kiganda traditional religion, see F.B. Welbourn, “Some Aspects of Kiganda Religion,” Uganda Journal, 1962, pp. 171-182; and F.X. Kyewalyanga, Traditional Religion, Custom and Christianity in Uganda, Freiburg im Breisgau, 1976. For Islam see, A. Kasozi, N. King & A. Oded, Islam and the Confluence of Religions in Uganda 1840-1966, Florida, 1973. 3. Both the Centenary publications describe the coming of missionaries: T. Tuma & P. Mutibwa, A Century of Christianity in Uganda, Nairobi, 1978. Y. Tourigny, So Abundant a Harvest, London, 1979. For the rivalry between Mackay and Lourdel, see Mackay of Uganda, By his Sister, London, 1898; and K. Ward, “Catholic-Protestant Relations in Uganda: An Historical Perspective,” in African Theological Journal, Makumira, Tanzania, 1984. 4. J.V. Taylor, The Growth of the Church in Buganda, London, 1958, still provides an excellent account of the first converts. 5. The reasons for the Catholic withdrawal are discussed well in R. Heremans, L’Education dans les Missions des Peres Blancs en Afrique Centrale, Brussels, 1983, pp. 100-103. 6. The deaths of the three boys and the circumstances of Hannington’s death are well described in the contemporary account of the CMS missionary Robert Ashe. R. Ashe, Two Kings of Uganda, London, 1890. The now classic work on the Catholic martyrs (but with attention to the Protestants too) is J.F. Faupel, African Holocaust, London, 1962. (Reprinted in paperback by St Paul’s Publications, Africa, 1984.) L. Pirouet, Strong in the Faith, Kisubi, Uganda, 1969, is a good, popular account, with particular attention to the Protestant martyrs. 7. The story of the wars is brilliantly told by M. Wright, Buganda in the Heroid Age, London, 1971. J. Rowe, Lugard at Kampala, Makerere History Paper/3 Kampala, 1969, gives an equally graphic account of the period 1890-2. 8. The quotation of the British M.P. Labouchere can be found in M. Perham, Lugard. The Years of Adventure, London, 1956. D.A. Low & R.C. Pratt, Buganda and British Overrule, London, 1960. H.P. Gale, Uganda and the Mill Hill Fathers, London, 1959. 9. The concept of a “Christian Revolution” is discussed in: C. Wrigley, “The Christian Revolution in Buganda,” Comparative Studies in Society and History, II, l, 1959, pp. 33-48. D.A. Low, Buganda in Modern History, London, 1971, pp. 13-53. M. Twaddle, “The Muslim Revolution in Buganda,” African Affairs, 71, pp.54-72. 10. The basic books on the expansion of Christianity outside Buganda are: – Louise Pirouet, Black Evangelists, London, 1978. – A. Luck, African Saint: the Life of Apolo Kivebulaya, London, 1963. – J. Nicolet, Yohaana Kitagaana: a Runyankore translation from the French, 1953, reprinted in Mbarara 1985. – See also two articles in Leadership (magazine), Kisubi, Numbers 2 & 3, 1987. 11. D.M. Byabazaire, The Contribution of the Christian Churches to the Development of Western Uganda 1894-1974, Frankfort am. Main, 1979. E. Maari, The Growth of the Anglican Church in Ankole, 1899-1951, unpublished M. Phil. degree, London, 1984. M.R. Doornbos, “Kumanyana and Rwenzururu: two responses to ethnic inequality,” in R.I. Rotberg & A.A. Mazrui, Protest and Power in Black Africa, London, 1970 pp. 1088-1136. 12. See Gale op. cil. and Pirouet op. cit. For Busoga, see T. Tuma, Building a Ugandan Church, Nairobi, 1980. For a biography of Kakungulu see H.B. Thomas, “Capax Imperii –The Story of Simei Kakunguru,” Uganda Journal, 1939, pp. 125-36. 13. J.K. Russell, Men Without God? London, 1966. Okot p’Bitek, “The Concept of Jok among the Acholi and Langi,” Uganda Journal, 1963, pp. 15-29. J. Tosh, Clan leaders and Colonial Chiefs in Lango, London, 1977-8. 14. P. Ngologoza, Kigezi and its people, Nairobi, 1969. S. Kermu, The Life and Times of Bishop Silvanus Wani, presented to ATIEA as a research paer for the BD, 1987. 15. H.B. Hanson, Mission, Church and State in a Colonial Setting, Uganda 1890-1925, London, 1984. Leslie Brown, Three Worlds: One Word, London, 1981. 16. A. Wandira, Early Missionary Education in Uganda, Kampala, 1972. For the economy see: J J. Jorgensen, Uganda, A Modern History, London, 1981. 17. For Mabel Ensor, Joswa Kate and Reuben Spartas see: F.B. Welboourn, East African Rebels. A Study of some independent Churches, London, 1961. 18. F.B. Welbourn, Religion and Politics in Uganda 1952-62, Nairobi, 1963. J. Waliggo, “Ganda Traditional Religion and Catholicism,” J. Waliggo, “Ganda Traditional Religion and Catholicism,” in E. Fashole-Luke (editor), Christianity in Independent Africa, London, 1978. M. Twaddle, “Was the Democratic Party a Confessional Party?” in Fashole-Luke op. cit. 19. For the question of the Muganda Bishop 1 am relying on research done in the CMS Archives in London. For the Balokole see: C. Robbins, Tukutendereza. A study of Social Change and Sectarian Withdrawal in the Balokole Revival, Columbia University Ph.D., 1975, unpublished. Joe Church, The Quest for the Highest, London, 1979. 20. Waliggo, The Catholic Church in Buddu Province of Buganda, 1879-1925, Ph.D., Cambridge, 1976, unpublished. Adrian Hastings, “Ganda Catholic Spirituality,” in Journal of Religion in Africa, 1976. 21. E.B. Muhima, The Fellowship of Suffering: A Theological Interpretation of Christian Suffering under Idd Amin, Ph.D., North western-University, 1981 (unpublished). A.B. Mujaju, ‘The Political Crisis ofChurch Institutions in Uganda’, Africa Affairs, Jan. 1976.</font> R. Ashe, Two Kings of Uganda, London, 1889, (reprinted 1970) ——–. Chronicles of Uganda, London, 1894, (reprinted 1971) D. Bukenya, The Development of Neo-Traditional Religion: the Baganda Experience, unpublished Aberdeen M. Liu, 1980. D. Byabazaire, The Contribution of the Christian Churches to the Development of Western Uganda, 1894-1974, Ph.D. published in Frankfurt, 1979. J.C. Church, The Quest for the Highest, London, 1979. J. Ddiba, Eddini Mu Uganda, 2 Volumes, Kampala, 1965, 1967. J.F. Faupel, African Holocaust, London, 1962 (new edition St Paul’s publications, Africa, 1984. H.P. Gale, Uganda and the Mill Hill Fathers, London, 1959. J.B. Hansen, Mission, Church and State in a Colonial Setting, Uganda 1890-1925, London, 1984. A. Hastings, “Ganda Catholic Spirituality,” in Journal of Religion in Africa, 1976, No. 2. R. Hereman’s L’Education dans les Missions des Pere Blancs en Afrique Centrale (1879-1914), Brussels, 1983. A. Kasozi, N. King & Aoded, Islam and the confluence of Religions in Uganda, Florida, 1973 M.S.M. Kiwanuka, A History of Buganda, London, 1971. F.X. Kyewalyanga, Traditional Religious Custom and Christianity in Uganda, Freiburg, 1976. E.K. Maari, The Growth of the Anglican Church in Ankole, 1899-1951, unpublished M.Phil, London, 1984. E.B.Muhima, The Fellowship of Suffering: A Theological Interpretation of Christian Suffering under Idd Imin, unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Northwestern University, 1981. L. Pirouet, Black Evangelists, London, 1978. ——–. A Dictionary of Christianity in Uganda, Kampala, 1969. (mimeographed). J. Rowe, Revolution in Buganda 1856-1900, unpublished Ph.D., Wisconsin. ——–. Lugard at Kampala, 1969. C. Robbins, Tukutendereza, Columbia Ph.D., 1975 (unpublished). D. Russell, Men Without God? London, 1966. J.V. Taylor, The Growth of the Church in Buganda, London, 1958. Y. Tourigny, So Abundant a Harvest, London, 1979. ——–. A Century of Trials and Blessings, Kampala, 1978. Tom Tuma, Building a Ugandan Church, Nairobi, 1980. Tom Tuma & Phares Mutibwa, A Century of Christianity in Uganda, Nairobi, 1978. J. M. Waliggo, The Catholic Church in the Buddu Province of Uganda 1879-1925, unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Cambridge, 1976. ——–. “Ganda Traditional Religion and Catholicism”, in E. Fashole-Luke, Christianity in Independent Africa, London, 1978. Kevin Ward, “Catholic-Protestant Relations in Uganda” in African Theological Journal, Makumira, Tanzania, 1984. ——–. A History of Bishop Tucker Theological College 1913-1986 (unpublished, xeroxed commemorative booklet). F.B. Welboum, East African Rebels, London, 1962. ——–. Religion and Politics in Uganda 1952-62, Nairobi, 1963. ——–. Some aspects of Kiganda Religion, in Uganda Journal, 1962. G. Van Rheenan, Church Planting in Uganda, Passadena, 1976. M. Wright, Buganda in the Heroic Age, London, 1971. This article originally appeared in From Mission to Church: A Handbook of Christianity in East Africa, ed. Zablon Nthamburi, published by Uzima Press (Imani House, St. John’s Gate, off Parliament Rd., P.O. Box 48127, Nairobi, Kenya) in 1991. Used with permission.]
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Arrays and ArrayLists Computers get a lot of their power from working with data structures. A data structure is an organized collection of related data. An object is a data structure, but this type of data structure—consisting of a fairly small number of named instance variables—is just the beginning. In many cases, programmers build complicated data structures by hand, by linking objects together. We'll look at these custom-built data structures in Chapter 9. But there is one type of data structure that is so important and so basic that it is built into every programming language: the array. You have already encountered arrays in Section 3.8 and Subsection 5.1.4. We continue the study of arrays in this chapter, including some new details of their use and some additional array-processing techniques. In particular, we will look at the important topic of algorithms for searching and sorting an array. An array has a fixed size that can't be changed after the array is created. But in many cases, it is useful to have a data structure that can grow and shrink as necessary. In this chapter, we will look at a standard class, ArrayList, that represents such a data structure.
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Coyotes, Dec 8 Updated: Dec 13, 2021 Continuing the battle with the Cottontails that the Coyotes are caught up in, we introduced a game called Counting Coup. Historically for First Nations living on the plains this is the highest individual honour earned by warriors. In battle, to show courage, touch the enemy and leave unharmed was a coup. Outside of battles, people would sneak in to enemy camp and silently steal a horse or other object and then retreat, causing no physical harm but 'psyching out' their opponents. This was our game, coyotes v teachers. Ask your child how they achieved a coup. Every class at Forest School is unique and planned by the teachers in response to the childrens' interests and how they play. We gave Coyotes this task for our last class, next week. They are more than ready! We thought about the last few weeks/months and the group enthusiastically came up with ideas on what they would like to do. Ask your child what was planned for this weeks class. We intend to keep doing this in the New Year, to give the Coyotes ownership of their learning. We will be there to guide and ensure their activities are Forest School safe.
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Why the Brick House was Stronger Submitted by DayleneRead the store of the three little pigs and bring in sticks, straw, and a couple of bricks. This will allow your children to finally see why the brick house was stronger. Submitted by RebeccaProvide your children with blueprints and explain to them what the lines and symbols mean. These Preschool Ideas Found At:Everything Preschool >> Themes >> Construction >> Science
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Request Free, One-on-one Academic Assessment Educating Our Parents: Understanding the Wisconsin Rapids District Curriculum The WRPS program of study follows the Wisconsin Model Academic Standards, as well as local benchmarks for each grade level and content area. The 4K program is available in various locations, and teachers construct the curriculum from the Wisconsin Model Early Learning Standards. The focus of this program is learning through developmentally appropriate, interactive, and project-based activities. To meet the special needs of middle school students, teachers work collaborative groups with 125 students each. While meeting students’ academic requirements, teachers also endeavor to meet the needs of exploratory pre-teens through various clubs, sports, and extra-curricular activities. The same focus on emotional and social well-being exists in the junior high, as well; however, teachers enhance the academic rigor to prepare students for secondary education. The high school program of study offers more than 170 courses to meet the needs of all students’ future academic and career plans. Contact our Academic Directors Today at 1-877-545-7737 to Discuss your Child's Strengths and Areas for Improvement. SchoolTutoring Academy’s tutoring programs for Wisconsin Rapids students start with a free academic assessment with an Academic Director. Our flagship tutoring programs are available for $199.99/month which include regular one-on-one tutoring, academic mentorship, bi-monthly progress reports, learning profiles, and parental conference calls. Wisconsin Rapids District Curriculum Used in Our In-Home Tutoring Programs The Wisconsin Rapids Public Schools (WRPS) provides education to approximately 5,400 students within Wisconsin Rapids and numerous surrounding villages and townships. WRPS residents have access to three charter elementary schools, an alternative high school (9-12), and an online educational program. The curriculum at WRPS is the responsibility of 11 curriculum committees, which represent each content area. Although the district strives to develop its curriculum on a continuous basis, the committees assess curriculum in a seven-year cycle. At the end of each cycle, committees make recommendations for replacement of curriculum. We currently cover the following Wisconsin Rapids-area school district: Wisconsin Rapids Public Schools. Keeping Informed: Recent Wisconsin Rapids Educational News - The Wisconsin Department of Public Instruction Recognizes Three Schools in WRPS - The Wisconsin DPI acknowledged Grove Elementary School, Howe Elementary School, and Mead Elementary Charter School as “Beating the Odds” schools. The schools, which receive Title I federal funding, have received this recognition for the past few years. - Hundreds in Need Receive School Supplies from Stuff-the-Bus - Community members filled two school buses with supplies for South Wood County students in need. The supplies assisted over 1,000 students for the upcoming school year. This is the eighth year that volunteers have donated items. - Elementary Schools to Receive Engineering Education - The WRPS will introduce its new Engineering in the Elementary curriculum during the 2014-15 school year. Elementary students will learn about engineering in practical ways that apply to their developmental levels. Testimonials and Case Studies from Our Parents SchoolTutoring Academy has played an important role in improving our son’s confidence and attitude towards school. His grades have also improved steadily throughout the school year. My daughter was very self-conscious about her difficulties with the math section of the SAT. SchoolTutoring Academy’s Academic Directors created an action plan that boosted my daughter’s score and confidence level. SchoolTutoring Academy has not only improved my son’s standardized test scores but also his high school math and English grades. Test Prep Academy has not only improved my son’s standardized test scores but also his high school math and English grades. SchoolTutoring Academy Increased My SAT Score By 200 Points My son’s math marks in high school have always been weak so I found it very beneficial that his ACT tutor worked on solidifying his fundamentals while prepping for the ACT. SchoolTutoring Academy gave my daughter the confidence she needed to boost her SAT score Thank you! SchoolTutoring has played an important role in improving our son’s confidence and attitude towards school. His grades have also improved steadily throughout the school year. My daughter was able to improve her test scores after a few months of tutoring with SchoolTutoring. However, while raising test scores is great, the real payoff is in the self-confidence that she gained. I just wanted to send a quick note to say thank-you! My son is very impressed with his tutor and looks forward to each session. What’s particularly amazing about this is our son has never really looked forward to math or school for that matter! We are so happy with the results of your tutoring program and academic support. Homework time was such a stressful evening for the entire evening before we brought your tutors into our home. Thank you for all your help! Our daughter, a first grader, struggled with basic reading and handwriting. When she began with SchoolTutoring she was almost a year behind her class. Within a year of being enrolled, she is reading above her grade level and has the confidence to match. One-on-one learning with a certified private in-home tutor Tutoring at your child's pace & schedule - available 7 days a week Personalized instruction in the comfort of your home Tutors that are highly-qualified K-12 and university educators Our instructors hail from Harvard, Stanford, Duke and other top institutions Our tutors are different from the ones you find in your neighborhood Staff Tutors with Outstanding Credentials Our educators have graduated from top academic institutions, and many of them have achieved in the 90th percentile or higher on standardized tests. Equally importantly, they enjoy coaching students across a variety of subject areas and standardized tests Educators Beyond What You Find Down the Block Students work collaboratively with their private tutor who is a top-notch college graduate well beyond the academic caliber that you’ll typically find in your neighbourhood Experienced Academic Directors to Create and Adjust Learning Plans Every student is paired up with both a private tutor and an Academic Director responsible for creating a comprehensive learning plan and constantly tweeking it to optimize for results Fully Customized Programs with Regular Progress Reports With regular progress reports and archived copies of your lessons, you can easily track your progress and review concepts from past lessons Meet Our Tutors Each of them is highly-qualified K-12 and university educators My name is Michelle O. and I am a certified Calculus Tutor from Bloomington, My name is Davis H. and I am a certified English Tutor from Greenville, South Carolina. My name is Jane W. and I am certified SAT/ACT Tutor from San Diego, California. My name is Ken B. and I am a certified Math and Statistics Tutor from California. My name is Kevin L. and I am a certified Social Studies Tutor from Guelph, Ontario. My name is Daniel C. and I am a High School Math, English and Economics. My name is Amy B. and I am a Math, English Tutor from Darlington, South Carolina. My name is Owen M. and I am a Math, English, Languages, ACT Tutor from Dundas, Ontario. My name is Daniel H. and I am an English, ACT, SAT, Social Studies Tutor from Broken Arrow, Oklahoma. My name is Akosua A. and I am a Math, Science, English, ACT Tutor from Brampton, Ontario. My name is Davis H. and I am a certified Math, Science, English Tutor from Greenville, South Carolina. My name is Jania B. and I am a Math, English Tutor from Eight Mile, Alabama. Chalk Talk: The Importance of Community Support While not every student will receive A’s in all subjects or apply everything they learned in math or science to their future lives, learning is a life-long process imperative to development. Students may not see the importance of their studies, especially when social dates, sporting events, and media interests them more. Adults in the community must model for all children the importance of study; nearly every day a person must read and follow instruction to achieve a desired outcome. So much depends upon the skills students acquire in school—not just the content they learn but the ability to solve problems, communicate, and follow directions. By providing students in need with school supplies, attending extra-curricular and sports events, and expecting students to perform at their potential, adults can foster a learning environment where students want to learn.
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As technology rapidly changes and develops, so too does the skill set that many jobs require. What it takes to be successful in the workforce today may be vastly different from what is needed tomorrow. It’s important for both individuals and businesses to stay ahead of the curve and learn how defining the skills of tomorrow can help them in the future. Recruiters and employers can sometimes struggle to find enough skilled workers. That’s why it’s important to try to anticipate labor market needs. What may be in high demand now could change next year or even next month. However, there are certain skills that are likely to remain important in the future. Skills that are transferable across occupations, have a high value to employers, or are in demand for emerging fields will be useful not just now but later on as well. Upskilling and Reskilling Defined Upskilling and reskilling are two terms that describe acquiring new skills for the workforce. In fact, upskilling usually refers to upgrading the skills of current employees. On the other hand, reskilling usually means training new employees for specific roles. Both approaches are important for businesses as they try to stay ahead of the curve and ensure that their workforce has the skills to perform their jobs well. When it comes to upskilling, current employees are usually encouraged to further their education or accomplishments. This could mean gaining more formal education, training with skills that are directly related to the job they currently do, or even taking on side work that helps them develop additional skill sets outside of what is required for their jobs. There are a few reasons why upskilling is such an important development for businesses. First, it helps to ensure that employees have the skills they need to do their jobs well. Second, it allows employees to keep up with changes in technology and the marketplace and stay current on new developments. And finally, it can help businesses attract and retain new talent by being perceived as an employer of choice. Employee training is a cost for businesses. But it can help to cut costs in the long term by reducing the likelihood of turnover and supporting employees in doing their jobs well. The success of a business relies on its workforce. So, providing opportunities for upskilling is an important factor when it comes to maintaining a competitive edge. When it comes to reskilling, businesses often face the challenge of needing employees with specific skills for particular roles. This can be difficult when the workforce doesn’t have the exact skill set that’s needed or when there is a shortage of workers with those skills. In these cases, businesses may need to look into training their employees for the specific roles that they need to fill. Reskilling can be an important way for businesses to start defining the skills of tomorow in the labor market and ensure that they have the workers they need to succeed. It can also help businesses to fill in any gaps that may exist in their workforce. But reskilling doesn’t always take place within businesses themselves. Many organizations are working to develop reskilling programs, which can allow workers to both pick up new skills and gain access to education opportunities without requiring them or their employers to make a major commitment. Determining the Skills to Target When it comes to upskilling and reskilling, it’s important for businesses to determine which skills they should target. This can be difficult, as the needs of businesses can vary widely and the skills that are in demand can change quickly. However, there are a few factors that can help to guide this decision-making process. One way to identify skills that are in demand is by talking with employers. They can provide insight into which skills they need the most and may be open to sharing what makes these roles difficult to fill. Another option is looking at labor market forecasts, which can help businesses understand where the economy is headed and how it’s changing over time. This information can be helpful in defining the skills of tomorrow and identifying which skills may be in high demand in the future. Businesses also need to take into account their own needs and what they’re hoping to accomplish with upskilling and reskilling. For example, if a business is looking to expand into new markets, they may need employees with different skills than they currently have. In this case, upskilling and reskilling may be focused on developing new skill sets that are specific to the industry or market that the business is targeting. Training Methods: Hard vs. Soft Skills There are two main approaches to reskilling and upskilling: hard skills training and soft skills development. Many of the formal education programs available for upskilling or reskilling focus on technical capabilities. These are sometimes referred to as “hard” skills because they can be easily defined, measured, and often taught in a formal educational setting. Hard skills are often specific to certain roles or industries and can be more difficult to learn on the job. Some examples of hard skills include: - Computer programming - Mechanical engineering Alternatively, soft skills are interpersonal or “people” skills that are critical for success in any role. They include things like communication, problem-solving, and critical thinking. Soft skills are often more difficult to quantify or measure, but they’re essential for a productive and successful workplace. Some examples of soft skills include: - Time management - Public speaking - Critical thinking Both hard and soft skills can be challenging to develop without formal education programs. Some jobs, such as jobs in the IT and healthcare fields, require a certain set of hard skills. In these cases, upskilling or reskilling will focus specifically on developing those technical capabilities. But other jobs may rely more heavily on soft skills, such as interpersonal skills or creative thinking. In these cases, soft skills training may be more important. Regardless of the focus, businesses should make sure that their employees have the opportunity to develop both hard and soft skills. Hard skills are essential for specific roles within a company, while soft skills are important for team productivity and overall success. Defining the Skills of Tomorrow Though hard skills can be learned through traditional methods, soft skills are more difficult to teach in a classroom setting. That said, there are a few methods that can be used to help employees develop their soft skills and start defining the skills of tomorrow. One way is to provide employees with opportunities to practice their skills in a real-world setting. Another way to help employees develop their soft skills is through providing them with feedback and coaching.
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Text documents come in two basic flavors: text editor and word processor. In the text-editor flavor, a document is represented by lines of text, each ending with a line break. Paragraphs are separated by two breaks. In the word-processor flavor, there are no line breaks, only paragraphs (because word processors will “wrap” lines of text as you edit them). If you need to convert from text-editor flavor (lines) to word-processor flavor (paragraphs), here’s a handy Perl one-liner that will do it: perl -lp00e's/\n/ /g' input.txt > output.txt If you’re editing in Emacs, you can convert a selected region of text using the same one-liner via shell-command-on-region: C-u M-| perl -lp00e's/\n/ /g' RET To go the other way, from word-processor flavor to text-editor flavor, the Unix command-line tools fold(1) and fmt(1) do the job.
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Researchers from the German Center for Infection Research (DZIF) at Charité – Universitätsmedizin Berlin and the University of Bonn have examined the way in which SARS-CoV-2 reprograms the metabolism of the host cell in order to gain an overall advantage. According to their report in Nature Communications*, the researchers were able to identify four substances which inhibit SARS-CoV-2 replication in the host cell: spermine and spermidine, substances naturally found in the body; MK-2206, an experimental cancer drug; and niclosamide, a tapeworm drug. Charité is currently conducting a trial to determine whether niclosamide is also effective against COVID-19 in humans. Viral replication depends on host cell machinery and the use of the host’s molecular building blocks. In order to avoid detection by the immune system, viruses also have to ensure that they can evade cellular surveillance systems. To do this, they manipulate various processes in the infected host cell – and every virus pursues a different strategy. This is why a team of researchers led by PD Dr. Marcel Müller of Charité’s Institute of Virology and Dr. Nils Gassen of the Psychiatry and Psychotherapy Clinic and Outpatient Clinic at the University Hospital Bonn (UKB) have investigated the way in which SARS-CoV-2 reprograms host cells for its own benefit. Their key finding was as follows: The new coronavirus slows down the cell’s own recycling mechanism, a process known as autophagy. The purpose of this ‘auto-digestion’ mechanism is to enable the cell to dispose of damaged cell materials and waste products while recycling usable molecular building blocks for incorporation into new cellular structures. “In our study, we were able to show that at the same time as using the cell’s building blocks for its own benefit, SARS-CoV-2 deceives the cell by simulating a nutrient-rich status, thereby slowing cellular recycling,” explains first author Dr. Gassen. As part of this work, the researchers undertook a detailed analysis of SARS-CoV-2 infected cells and the lung tissue of COVID-19 patients, studying cellular metabolism and the processing of molecular signals. “It is likely that SARS-CoV-2 uses this to avoid dismantling by the cell. After all, viruses are also subject to autophagic disposal,” adds the study’s last author, DZIF researcher PD Dr. Müller. He adds: “The same reprogramming strategy is also used by the MERS coronavirus, whose autophagy-inhibiting action we were able to demonstrate more than a year ago. However, there are other coronaviruses which, quite in contrast to this, induce autophagy. These mainly infect animals.” When results from the study suggested that the recycling mechanism might be a potential target for COVID-19 therapy, the researchers tested whether substances which induce cellular recycling also reduce the replication of SARS-CoV-2 inside infected cells. Interestingly, the researchers found four substances which proved effective – all of them already in use in humans. These included the polyamine spermidine, an autophagy-enhancing metabolite which is produced in all human cells and by bacteria in the human gut. It occurs naturally in foods such as wheat germ, soya, mushrooms, and mature cheese and is freely available as a food supplement. When the researchers added spermidine to cells infected with SARS-CoV-2, this resulted in an 85 percent reduction in the numbers of virus particles produced. Similar results were produced by spermine, another polyamine which occurs naturally in the body. This derivative of spermidine was found to reduce viral replication by more than 90 percent in human lung cells and in a human gut model comprising clusters of cells known as ‘organoids’. “The obvious effects produced by spermidine and, in particular, spermine are certainly encouraging. For one thing, substances which occur naturally in the body are less likely to induce side effects,” says PD Dr. Müller. “Having said that, we worked with pure forms of these substances which are not suitable for medical use. Spermidine, in particular, has to be used at relatively high concentrations to achieve an appreciable effect in cell culture. Many questions therefore remain to be answered before we can consider polyamines as a potential treatment against COVID-19: When used in the body, will it be possible to achieve blood levels high enough to inhibit viral replication in the respiratory tract? And, if yes: would administration before or during the infection be advisable? Are there any side effects? Even so, our findings from cell culture are a good starting point for research involving animal models. Self-medication is not advisable, one of the reasons being that viruses also use polyamines to help boost replication; the correct dosage is therefore crucial. The same applies to fasting, which can stimulate the body’s autophagy process. Given that the body needs energy to mount an immune response, it remains unclear whether fasting is advisable in SARS-CoV-2 infected patients.” The third substance to prove effective against SARS-CoV-2 was the ‘AKT inhibitor’ MK-2206. The substance is currently at the clinical trial stage and undergoing testing for its tolerability and efficacy against a range of different cancers. In the current study, MK-2206 reduced the production of infectious SARS-CoV-2 virus by approximately 90%. It did so at plasma concentrations which had already been achieved during a previous study. “Based on our data, I would consider MK-2206 as an interesting treatment candidate against COVID-19 which, after a careful analysis of risks and benefits, would justify further study in clinical trials,” explains PD Dr. Müller. The most pronounced antiviral effect was associated with niclosamide, which the researchers had shown to be effective against the MERS coronavirus during an earlier study. The tapeworm drug was found to reduce the production of infectious SARS-CoV-2 particles by more than 99 percent. “Niclosamide showed the strongest effect in our cell culture-based experiments. What is more, it has been licensed for use against tapeworm infections in humans for a very long time and is well tolerated at potentially relevant doses,” says PD Dr. Müller. He adds: “Out of the four new candidate substances, we consider it to be the most promising one. This is why we are now conducting a clinical trial at Charité to test whether niclosamide might also have a positive effect on people with COVID-19. I am delighted at this development. It shows how quickly findings from basic research can reach patients if research and clinical practice are closely interlinked and work together in an efficient manner.” The Phase II clinical trial – entitled ‘NICCAM’ – is being led by Prof. Dr. Martin Witzenrath, Deputy Head of Charité’s Department of Infectious Diseases and Respiratory Medicine. The study will test the safety, tolerability, and efficacy of niclosamide combined with camostat (another licenced drug) in patients recently (within the last few days) diagnosed with COVID-19. The study is currently recruiting and looking for participants. Potential participants wishing to find out more information on the study should contact the team at ‘Charité Research Organisation’ on +49 30 450 539 210 or by emailing firstname.lastname@example.org. *Gassen NC et al. SARS-CoV-2-mediated dysregulation of metabolism and autophagy uncovers host-targeting antivirals. Nat Commun (2021), doi: 10.1038/s41467-021-24007-w About the NICCAM trial The ‘NICCAM’ Phase II trial is being conducted by ‘Charité Research Organisation’ in cooperation with the German pharmaceutical company Bayer and funded by the Berlin Institute of Health (BIH). In addition to investigating the safety and tolerability of the treatment combination niclosamide and camostat, the study also collects preliminary data on treatment efficacy. Approved in Japan for the treatment of pancreatitis and esophagitis, camostat has also been shown to reduce viral replication of SARS-CoV-2 in preclincal studies. Recruitment to the study is open to men and women who have recently tested positive for SARS-CoV-2 (either via rapid antigen testing or PCR). About Charité – Universitätsmedizin Berlin Charité – Universitätsmedizin Berlin is one of the largest university hospitals in Europe, offering 3,001 beds and boasting approximately 100 departments and institutes spread across 4 separate campuses. With a total of 19,400 members of staff employed across its group of companies (16,391 of which at Charité), the organization is one of the largest employers in Berlin. At Charité, the areas of research, teaching and medical care are closely interlinked. 4,707 of its employees work in the field of nursing, with a further 4,693 in research and medical care. Last year, Charité treated 132,383 in- and day case patients, in addition to 655,138 outpatients. In 2020, Charité recorded a turnover of approximately € 2.2 billion (including external funding and investment grants) and set a new record by securing € 196 million in external funding. Charité’s Medical Faculty is one of the largest in Germany, educating and training more than 8,600 medical, dentistry and health sciences students. Charité also offers 577 training positions across 10 different health care professions. Within the field of academic medicine, Charité’s priorities are highlighted by its main areas of research focus: infection; inflammation and immunity including COVID-19 research; cardiovascular research and metabolism; neuroscience; oncology; regenerative therapies; and rare diseases and genetics. Examples of the work conducted by Charité; researchers include involvement in 28 DFG Collaborative Research Centers (of which six are led by Charité), three Clusters of Excellence (of which one is led by Charité), 9 Emmy Noether Independent Junior Research Groups, 14 European Research Council grants and 9 European collaborative projects (coordinated by Charité). Categories: All Posts
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Discover the cosmos! Each day a different image or photograph of our fascinating universe is featured, along with a brief explanation written by a professional astronomer. 2000 September 27 Explanation: Pictured above on September 3rd, the enclosure for the 8.2 meter telescope christened Yepun glints dramatically in the light of the setting sun. Later that evening, under dark skies at Paranal Observatory, Chile, astronomers and engineers successfully captured Yepun's first light images, making Yepun the fourth and final unit of the European Southern Observatory's Very Large Telescope (VLT) array to reach this milestone. Ultimately, the light from the three other 8.2 meter unit telescopes (Antu, Kueyen, and Melipal) will be combined with Yepun's to achieve an effective aperture of 16.4 meters -- creating the world's largest optical telescope. But the next major step will be to combine beams from two of the telescopes creating an interferometer. The upper part of the mostly subterranean interferometer lab is the building in front of the telescope enclosure. The VLT unit telescope names have been taken from the Mapuche language. Originally thought to refer to the bright star Sirius, the word Yepun is now believed by linguists to mean Venus or evening star. Authors & editors: Jerry Bonnell (USRA) NASA Technical Rep.: Jay Norris. Specific rights apply. A service of: LHEA at NASA/GSFC & Michigan Tech. U.
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Bodega, California, relies on a weekly truckload of water to meet its basic needs. Without it, the small city of some 150 residents just north of the Bay Area would be up a very dry river — unable to meet the essential water demands of its residents. The story of the village’s water shortage is but a one example of the water crisis facing California. In a new op-ed published in the San Fransisco Chronicle, Lester Snow — director of the California Department of Water Resources — calls on state residents to help solve the water shortage: Read more here. Source : San Fransisco Chronicle Circle of Blue’s east coast correspondent based in New York. He specializes on water conflict and the water-food-energy nexus. He previously worked as a political risk analyst covering equatorial Africa’s energy sector, and sustainable development in sub-Saharan Africa. Contact: Cody.Pope@circleofblue.org
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