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15827251	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Charles%20W.%20Davis	Charles W. Davis	Davis reached the rank of colonel and served in the Korean and Vietnam Wars before leaving the Army. He died at age 73 and is buried in Arlington National Cemetery, Arlington County, Virginia. Medal of Honor citations Davis' official Medal of Honor citation reads: For distinguishing himself conspicuously by gallantry and intrepidity at the risk of his life above and beyond the call of duty in action with the enemy on Guadalcanal Island. On January 12, 1943, Maj. Davis (then Capt.), executive officer of an infantry battalion, volunteered to carry instructions to the leading companies of his battalion which had been caught in crossfire from Japanese machineguns. With complete disregard for his own safety, he made his way to the trapped units, delivered the instructions, supervised their execution, and remained overnight in this exposed position. On the following day, Maj. Davis again volunteered to lead an assault on the Japanese position which was holding up the advance. When his rifle jammed at its first shot, he drew his pistol and, waving his men on, led the assault over the top of the hill. Electrified by this action, another body of soldiers followed and seized the hill. The capture of this position broke Japanese resistance and the battalion was then able to proceed and secure the corps objective. The courage and leadership displayed by Maj. Davis inspired the entire battalion and unquestionably led to the success of its attack.	2.15625
15827405	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cucumovirus	Cucumovirus	Cucumovirus is a genus of viruses, in the family Bromoviridae. Plants serve as natural hosts. There are four species in this genus. Taxonomy The following species are assigned to the genus: Cucumber mosaic virus Gayfeather mild mottle virus Peanut stunt virus Tomato aspermy virus Structure Viruses in the genus Cucumovirus are non-enveloped, with icosahedral and Spherical geometries, and T=3 symmetry. The diameter is around 29 nm. Genomes are linear and segmented, tripartite. Life cycle Viral replication is cytoplasmic. Entry into the host cell is achieved by penetration into the host cell. Replication follows the positive stranded RNA virus replication model. Positive stranded rna virus transcription, using the internal initiation model of subgenomic rna transcription is the method of transcription. The virus exits the host cell by tubule-guided viral movement. Plants serve as the natural host. Transmission routes are mechanical and contact. Epidemiology It is thought that cucumoviruses are present worldwide, being known to occur in Eurasia, Australia, Canada, France, India, Japan, North and South Korea, Morocco, New Zealand, Poland, Spain, the US, and the former USSR. Its natural hosts belong to the domain Eukaryota. The virus is transmitted by vector, mechanical inoculation, grafting, or seeds, and it is transmitted in a non-persistent manner. The vectors may be arthropods, specifically insects of the order Hemiptera, family Aphididae (colloquially one would say cucumovirus is transmitted by aphids).	2.921875
15827486	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ibrahim%20Fawal	Ibrahim Fawal	Ibrahim Fawal (1933 - 2020) was a Palestinian-American academic, former professor, and author of the historical novel On the Hills of God, about the experiences of a young Palestinian man during the Nakba, or "catastrophe" of 1948. He lived in Birmingham, Alabama. Fawal was born in Ramallah, Palestine in 1933. He later moved to the United States, where he earned a bachelor's degree from Birmingham-Southern College and a M.A. in film from UCLA. He worked as an assistant to director David Lean during the filming of Lawrence of Arabia in 1961, before returning to Birmingham, where he became a professor of film and literature at the University of Alabama at Birmingham. In 1996, at the age of 63, Fawal began working on his Ph.D. at Oxford University in England. His thesis, on renowned Egyptian filmmaker Youssef Chahine, was published by the British Film Institute and University of California Press in 2001. Fawal's first novel, On the Hills of God, was published in 1998 and tells the story of the Palestinian Nakba, or "catastrophe", through the eyes of a young Palestinian man named Yousif Safi. It was the recipient of the PEN Oakland/Josephine Miles Literary Award, and has been translated into Arabic and German. According to an editorial review by Patricia Keegan Holz of Washington International, Fawal was a Christian.	1.960938
15827508	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hiram%20Straight	Hiram Straight	Hiram Aldrich Straight (March 7, 1814 – January 8, 1897) was an American farmer and legislator in what became the state of Oregon. A native of New York state, he would live in Iowa before traveling the Oregon Trail to what was then the Oregon Country. In Oregon, he would serve in the Provisional Legislature of Oregon and the Oregon Territorial Legislature. Early life Hiram Straight was born on March 7, 1814, in Washington County, New York, to Lydia Fanning Straight and Elisha Straight. By 1838 he moved to Iowa Territory where he married Susan Lasswell (born in 1817) near the town of Burlington. The couple would have seven children together, including George, Julia, Cyrus Branson, Mary Etta, Jane, Hiram Jr., and John. In 1843, Straight and the family would take the Oregon Trail to what was then the Oregon Country, arriving at Oregon City, Oregon. Oregon The Straight family settled on at the mouth of Abernethy Creek on the Clackamas River. There he farmed this land that would later become his donation land claim, and was a member of the Oregon Lyceum in Oregon City. In 1845 and 1846, Straight was elected to and served in the Provisional Legislature of Oregon representing the Clackamas District, now Clackamas County, Oregon. In 1846, the Oregon boundary dispute was settled and in 1848 the region south of the 49th degree became the Oregon Territory. In 1850, Straight served on the jury that convicted five members of the Cayuse tribe of murder and sentenced them to death for their role in the Whitman Massacre. He was the foreman of the jury in this trial that had followed the Cayuse War; see Cayuse Five	2.03125
15827556	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/New%20Water%20Mountains	New Water Mountains	The New Water Mountains is a mountain range in southwestern Arizona. The range is on the northern border of the Kofa National Wildlife Refuge as well as the northern Kofa Mountains. It is a northwest–southeast trending range, about long and composed of volcanic rocks. The southeast third of the range is in the Kofa Refuge, and the mountain range merges northwesterly into the Plomosa Mountains of southern La Paz County. The central part of the range is the New Water Mountains Wilderness with a lengthy east–west border on the northern Kofa National Wildlife Refuge of about 12 miles. The highest point is Black Mesa at . Three northerly routes access the mountain range; the central route accesses the Ramsey Mine and eventually the central dry wash on the north; other mines, such as the Republic Mine, are in these mountains, as well as some springs (Dripping Springs); also Brintley Well on a fourth westerly access route. The closest community to the north side of the mountain range is Brenda, Arizona, east of Quartzsite. Brenda is on US 60, northeast of Interstate 10. The mountains are known for their biological diversity. Species known to have resided in the area include the spotted leaf-nosed snake, the long-nosed snake, night snake, the glossy snake, and the desert spiny lizard.	2.28125
15827646	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rape%20in%20the%20Philippines	Rape in the Philippines	Rape in the Philippines is considered a criminal offense. In Philippine jurisprudence, it is a heinous crime punishable by reclusión perpetua when committed against women. Rape of males is also legally recognized as rape by sexual assault, which is penalized by imprisonment of six to twelve years. Law The Anti-Rape Law of 1997 (which amended the previous definition of rape as defined in the Revised Penal Code of 1930) defines the crime of rape as follows: Changes in 1997 expanded the definition of rape and reclassified that crime as a Crime against persons instead of, as previously, grouping it with Crimes against Chastity. The amendment also recognized the rape of males, both by other males and by females, as well as that both the victim and rapist may either be male or female. Prior to the 1997 amendment of Revised Penal Code of 1930, male victims of rape were not acknowledged under Philippine law. Article 266-A of the law defines rape by "an act of sexual assault" by any person either by "inserting his penis into another person's mouth or anal orifice" or inserting "any instrument or object, into the genital or anal orifice of another person".The 1997 amendment allowed the legal recognition of rape of males, both by other males and by females. However rape against males are only considered by law as rape by sexual assault, which carries a lesser penalty of 6 to 12 years as opposed to the same act against females which are penalized by life imprisonment.	2.296875
15827646	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rape%20in%20the%20Philippines	Rape in the Philippines	The María Clara doctrine is a relevant legal doctrine that observed by Philippine courts on abuse on women, including rape. It states that women, especially Filipino women, "would not admit that they have been abused unless that abuse had actually happened." and that a women's natural instinct is to protect their honor. Though in 2018, a ruling which convicted two men for rape of a woman in Davao City was reversed by the Supreme Court's Third Division due to inconsistencies with the woman's statement in regards to her alleged rape and other evidences presented to the court. However this did not mean the abandonment of the doctrine contrary to speculations by critics of the ruling. Since rape is punishable by reclusión perpetua, Article 90 of the Revised Penal Code provides a statute of limitations of 20 years from the date of its commission. Statistics Statistics on the incidence of rape are usually based on available police records. Cases of rape in the Philippines dropped from 5,192 in July 2021 to 3,762 on January 7, 2022. Occurrences	2.140625
15827646	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rape%20in%20the%20Philippines	Rape in the Philippines	Marital rape The Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor of the United States Department of State in a 2006 report described the status of marital rape in the Philippines as illegal but added that enforcement is ineffective. Rape between two persons who are parties to a marriage is acknowledged by law. The Supreme Court of the Philippines first ruled on a marital rape case in 2014 when it affirmed the 2002 decision of the Court of Appeals upholding the conviction of the Cagayan de Oro City Regional Trial Court's conviction of a man who raped his wife in two occasions in 1998. The case was filed in 1999. The high court's ruling on the case stated that sexual intercourse between spouses are rape if there was a lack of consent and that "A marriage license should not be viewed as a license for a husband to forcibly rape his wife with impunity". Victim silence Most female victims of gang rape remain silent for months before reporting the crime. Obet Montes, coordinator for services of the women's group GABRIELA, says this is due to the victim's fear of society's judgment, of not wanting to be branded as a (). They further state that oftentimes a rape victim becomes so afraid that she is going to be blamed for the crime that she denies that she was violated. Claire Padilla, a lawyer and advocate of women's rights who prosecuted the case of a 19-year-old who had the mental capacity of a six-year-old, says that a rape victim who keeps silent becomes easy prey for continued abuse. Prevention Government The Philippine National Police (PNP) and Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD) both maintain help desks to assist victims of violence against women and to encourage the reporting of crimes. With the assistance of NGOs, officers received gender sensitivity training to deal with victims of sexual crimes and domestic violence. Approximately seven to eight percent of PNP officers were women. The PNP has a Women and Children's Unit to deal with these issues.	2.265625
15827675	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Organ%20trade	Organ trade	Organ trade (also known as the blood market or the red market) is the trading of human organs, tissues, or other body products, usually for transplantation. According to the World Health Organization (WHO), organ trade is a commercial transplantation where there is a profit, or transplantations that occur outside of national medical systems. There is a global need or demand for healthy body parts for transplantation, which exceeds the numbers available. , there are more than 100,000 candidates waiting for organ transplant in the United States. The median wait time for heart and liver transplants in the U.S. between 2003 and 2014, was approximately 148 days. Commercial trade in human organs is currently illegal in all countries except Iran. Recent bans on the commercial organ trade (e.g. India in 1994 and the Philippines in 2008) have increased the availability of transplants and the safety of the procedures. Despite these prohibitions, organ trafficking and transplant tourism remain widespread (however, the data on the extent of the black market trade in organs is difficult to obtain). The question of whether to legalize and regulate the organ trade to combat illegal trafficking and the significant global organ shortage is greatly debated. This discussion typically centers on the sale of kidneys by living donors, since human beings are born with two kidneys but need only one to survive. History The first scientific report of the phenomenon dates back to a publication in The Lancet in 1990. The study tracked 131 patients from the United Arab Emirates and Oman who underwent kidney transplants in Bombay and who reportedly experienced numerous post-operative problems	2.765625
15827675	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Organ%20trade	Organ trade	In its report on organ trafficking in Europe, the Social, Health and Family Affairs Committee of the Council of Europe wrote: "On a global scale, organ trafficking is not a new problem. In the 1980s, experts began to notice a practice that was later dubbed 'transplant tourism': wealthy Asians traveled to India and other parts of Southeast Asia to obtain organs from poor donors. Since then, other destinations have emerged, such as Brazil and the Philippines. According to some allegations, China is involved in the trade of organs taken from executed prisoners. Organ sales continue in India despite new laws in the country that make this practice illegal in most regions. While current estimates suggest that the illicit organ trade remains relatively modest in Europe, this problem does not lose any of its seriousness, as it is very likely that with new medical advances, the gap between supply and demand for organs will continue to widen." Legal organ trade Iran Iran is the only nation that allows organs to be bought and sold for money. Due to lack of infrastructure to maintain an efficient organ transplant system in the early 1980s, Iran legalized living non-related donation (LNRD) of kidneys in 1988. The Charity Association for the Support of Kidney Patients (CASKP) and the Charity Foundation for Special Diseases (CFSD) control the trade of organs, with the support of the government. These nonprofit organizations match donors to recipients, setting up tests to ensure compatibility. Donors receive tax credit compensation from the government, free health care insurance, and often direct payment from the recipient with the average donor being paid $1,200. Some donors are also offered employment opportunities. Charity organizations support recipients that cannot afford the cost of the organ.	2.65625
15827675	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Organ%20trade	Organ trade	Iran does place restrictions on the commercial organ trade in an attempt to limit transplant tourism. The market is contained within the country; that is, foreigners are not allowed to buy the organs of Iranian citizens. Additionally, organs can only be transplanted between people of the same nationality – so, for example, an Iranian cannot purchase a kidney from a refugee from another country. Proponents of legalized organ trade have hailed the Iranian system as an example of an effective and safe organ trading model. In addition, the LNRD model is compatible with the social climate in the country. Religious practices in Iran stymies donation culture in the country as organ donations is often viewed as taboo. In 2017, from a possible 8,000 cases of brain death, 4,000 organs were viable, but only 808 were transplanted due to lack of consent. Some critics argue that the Iranian system is in some ways coercive, as over 70% of donors are poor. There is no short-term or long-term follow-up on the health of organ donors. In fact, there is evidence that Iranian donors experience highly negative outcomes, both in terms of health and emotional well-being. In 2023 reports from regional sources have shared details on how Iran began accepting bartered payments for organs in poor rural areas in lieu of traditional payments, in some cases even accepting goats as payment. Organ prices In Iran's legal markets, the price of a kidney ranges from $28000 to $45000. On the black market, the same kidney can be worth over $100000, with most of proceeds taken up by middlemen. The typical price paid to donors on the black market is thought to be about US$5,000, but some donors receive as little as $1,000. In addition, these black market transplants are often dangerous to both the donor and recipient, with some contracting hepatitis or HIV.	2.4375
15827675	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Organ%20trade	Organ trade	Government compensation for donors Australia and Singapore recently legalized monetary compensation for living organ donors. Proponents of such initiatives say that these measures do not pay people for their organs; rather, these measures merely compensate donors for the costs associated with donating an organ. For example, Australian donors receive 9 weeks' paid leave at a rate corresponding to the national minimum wage. Kidney disease advocacy organizations in both countries have expressed their support for this new initiative. Although American federal law prohibits the sale of organs, it does permit state governments to compensate donors for travel, medical, and other incidental expenses associated with their donation. In 2004, the state of Wisconsin took advantage of this law to provide tax deductions to living donors to defray the costs of donation. Kidney paired donations Although all nations apart from Iran prohibit financial transactions for organs, most permit "paired donations" or kidney swaps across multiple parties. Paired donations address the problem of tissue compatibility in organ transplants. For example, you may wish to donate a kidney to your spouse but cannot to due to antibody incompatibilities. However, your kidney is a good match for a stranger who happens to be married to someone whose kidney would be compatible with your spouse. In a paired donation, you would agree to donate your kidney to the stranger, in exchange for the stranger's spouse promising to donate a kidney to your spouse. Such paired donations are arguably a form of organ sale – instead of purchasing a kidney for a loved one with cash, a person pays for it with their own kidney. In fact, in the United States, the spread of kidney paired donations was initially stymied due to language in the National Organ Transplantation Act barring the transfer of human organs for "valuable consideration". It was only after the law was amended to specifically allow for kidney paired donations that the practice became popular.	2.265625
15827675	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Organ%20trade	Organ trade	Illegal organ trade According to the World Health Organization (WHO), illegal organ trade occurs when organs are removed from the body for the purpose of commercial transactions. Despite ordinances against organ sales, this practice persists, with studies estimating that anywhere from 5% to 42% of transplanted organs are illicitly purchased. Research indicates that illegal organ trade is on the rise, with a recent report by Global Financial Integrity estimating that the illegal organ trade generates profits between $600 million and $1.2 billion per year, with a span over many countries. These countries include, but are not limited to: Angola Brazil Canada China Colombia Costa Rica Egypt Georgia Haiti Israel Libya Mexico Peru Philippines Russia South Africa United Kingdom United States Though claims of organ trafficking are difficult to substantiate due to lack of evidence and reliable data, cases of illegal organ trade have been tried and prosecuted. The persons and entities prosecuted have included criminal gangs, hospitals, third-party organ brokers, nephrologists, and individuals attempting to sell their own organs. Poverty, corruption, and insufficiencies in legislation and enforcement drive the prevalence of the illegal organ trade. These factors also pose difficulties in tracking accurate statistics of the trade and market forces across countries.	2.546875
15827675	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Organ%20trade	Organ trade	Transplant tourism The United Network for Organ Sharing defines transplant tourism as "the purchase of a transplant organ abroad that includes access to an organ while bypassing laws, rules, or processes of any or all countries involved". The term "transplant tourism" describes the commercialism that drives illegal organ trade, but not all medical tourism for organs is illegal. For example, in some cases, both the donor and the recipient of the organ travel to a country with adequate facilities to perform a legal surgery. In other cases, a recipient travels to receive the organ of a relative living abroad. Transplant tourism raises concerns because it involves the transfer of healthy organs in one direction, depleting the regions where organs are bought. This transfer typically occurs in trends: from South to North, from developing to developed nations, from females to males, and from people of color to whites. In 2007, for example, 2,500 kidneys were purchased in Pakistan, with foreign recipients making up two-thirds of the buyers. In the same year, in Canada and the United Kingdom, experts estimated that about 30 to 50 of their transplant patients illegally purchased organs abroad.	2.703125
15827675	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Organ%20trade	Organ trade	The kidney is the most commonly sought-after organ in transplant tourism, with prices for the organ ranging from as little as $1,300 to as much as $150,000. Reports estimate that 75% of all illegal organ trading involves kidneys. The liver trade is also prominent in transplant tourism, with prices ranging from $4,000 to $157,000. Though livers are regenerative, making liver donations non-fatal, they are much less common due to an excruciating post-operative recovery period that deters donors. Other high-priced body parts commonly sold include corneas ($24,400) and unfertilized eggs ($12,400), while lower-priced bodily commodities include blood ($25–337), skin ($10 per square inch), and bones/ligaments ($5,465). While there is a high demand, and correspondingly a very high price, for vital organs such as hearts and lungs, transplant tourism and organ trafficking of these parts is very rare due to the sophisticated nature of the transplant surgery and the state-of-the-art facilities required for such transplants. Global reaction The international community has issued many ordinances and declarations against the organ trade. Examples include the World Medical Authority's 1985 denouncement of organs for commercial use; the Council of Europe's Convention on Human Rights and Biomedicine of 1997 and its 2002 Optional Protocol Concerning Transplantation of Organs and Tissues of Human Origin; and the Declaration of Istanbul on organ trafficking and transplant tourism. The Declaration of Istanbul defines transplant commercialism, organ trafficking, and transplant tourism. It condemns these practices based on violations to equity, justice, and human dignity. The declaration aims to promote ethical practices in organ transplantation and donation on an international level. It is nonbinding, but over 100 transplant organizations support its principles, including countries such as China, Israel, the Philippines, and Pakistan, which strengthened their laws against illegal organ trading after the declaration's release.	2.515625
15827675	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Organ%20trade	Organ trade	The World Health Organization (WHO) has also played a prominent role in condemning the illegal organ trade. The WHO first declared organ trade illegal in 1987, stating that such a trade violates the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It also condemns the practice on the grounds that it "is likely to take unfair advantage of the poorest and most vulnerable groups, undermines altruistic donation and leads to profiteering and human trafficking." In 1991, at the 44th World Health Assembly, it approved nine guiding principles for human organ transplant. The principles clearly stated that organs cannot be the subject of financial transactions. On May 22, 2004, these guidelines were slightly amended at the 57th World Health Assembly. They are intended for the use of governments worldwide. These global initiatives have served as a helpful resource for establishing medical professional codes and a legal framework for the issue, but have not provided the sanctions required for enforcement. Illicit organ trade in specific countries China	2.546875
15827675	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Organ%20trade	Organ trade	Since the late 1980s, China relied on executed prisoners to provide the bulk of its transplanted organs. This ready source of organs made it second only to the United States for numbers of transplantations performed. There is evidence that the government attempted to downplay the scope of organ harvesting through confidentiality agreements and laws, such as the Temporary Rules Concerning the Utilization of Corpses or Organs from the Corpses of Executed Prisoners. Critics further allege that organs were not distributed on the basis of need, but rather allocated through a corrupt system or simply sold to wealthy Chinese and foreign individuals. One source estimates that China executed at least 4,000 prisoners in 2006 to supply approximately 8,000 kidneys and 3,000 livers for foreign buyers. China was also accused of fueling its transplant industry with organs harvested from living Falun Gong practitioners. The Kilgour–Matas report concluded that China was guilty of this practice; however, the report has come under criticism for its methodology, by both Chinese and Western sources. In the 2000s, the country came under increasing international and domestic pressure to end the practice of using organs from prisoners. Since then, it has implemented a number of reforms addressing these allegations. It has developed a registry of voluntary, non-incarcerated donors; it is believed that these living and deceased donors supply most of the organs transplanted in the country today. China also standardized its organ collection process, specifying which hospitals can perform operations and establishing the legal definition of brain death. In 2007, China banned foreign transplant patients and formally outlawed the sale of organs and collecting a person's organs without their consent. In China, minorities including Uighurs, Tibetans, Muslims and Christians are targeted for 'organ harvesting', with Falun Gong practitioners being the primary victims of this brutal practice.	2.625
15827675	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Organ%20trade	Organ trade	Many non-profit organizations and international jurists are skeptical that China has truly reformed its organ transplant industry. In particular, although the number of organs taken from prisoners has dropped dramatically, there is no prohibition on collecting organs from deceased inmates who sign agreements purporting to donate their organs. There continue to be reports of prison officials offering death row inmates the opportunity to "voluntarily" donate their organs upon death, with the implication that those who decline may get worse treatment from their jailers. In August 2024, The Diplomat reported its interview with Cheng Pei Ming, the first known survivor of China’s forced organ harvesting. Cheng, a Falun Gong practitioner, recounted how he was subjected to repeated blood tests and a subsequent forced surgery while imprisoned in China and later discovered during medical exams in the U.S. that segments of his liver and a portion of his lung had been surgically removed. India Before 1994, India had no legislation banning the sale of organs. Low costs and high availability brought in business from around the globe, and transformed India into one of the largest kidney transplant centers in the world. However, several problems began to surface. Patients were often promised payments that were much higher than what they actually received. Other patients reported that their kidneys were removed without their consent after they underwent procedures for other reasons.	2.3125
15827675	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Organ%20trade	Organ trade	Poor people are also more likely to volunteer to sell their organs. One of the primary reasons donors articulate for why they sell their organs is to pay off debt. Migrants for instance may use the money to pay off human traffickers. The most impoverished are frequently viewed as more reliable targets for transplant tourists because they are the most in need of money. While some supporters of the organ trade argue that it helps lift some people out of poverty by providing compensation to donors, evidence of this claim is hotly debated. In many cases, people who sell their organs in order to pay off debt do not manage to escape this debt and remain trapped in debt cycles. Often, people feel like they have no choice but to donate their kidneys due to extreme poverty. In some cases, organs are sold to family members, either from parents to offspring, or from adult children to parents. This is more frequent in nations where waitlists are less formal, and among families which cannot afford to leave the country for transplants. Reports by the World Health Organization show decreased health and economic well-being for those who donate organs through transplant tourism. In Iran (where organ sales are legal), 58% of donors reported negative health consequences. In Egypt, as many as 78% of donors experienced negative health outcomes, and 96% of donors stated that they regretted donating. These findings are relatively consistent across all countries: those who sell their organs on the market tend to have poorer overall health. Substandard conditions during transplant surgeries can also lead to transmission of diseases like hepatitis B, hepatitis C, and HIV. Donors' poor health is further exacerbated by depression and other mental illnesses brought on by the stress of donating and insufficient care after surgery.	2.6875
15827675	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Organ%20trade	Organ trade	Impoverished donors' economic outcomes are no better than their health outcomes. A study of Indian donors found that while 96% of donors sold a kidney to pay off debts, 75% still required operative care that is not provided by the buyer. Donors in all countries often report weakness after surgery that leads to decreased employment opportunities, especially for those who make a living through physical labor. Issues with enforcement Though many statutes regarding organ trade exist, law officials have failed to enforce these mandates successfully. One barrier to enforcement is a lack of communication between medical authorities and law enforcement agencies. Often, enforcement officials' access to information regarding individuals involved in illegal organ transplants is hindered by medical confidentiality regulations. Without the ability to review medical records and histories to build an effective case against perpetrators, officials cannot fully enforce organ trade laws. Many critics state that in order to prohibit illegal organ trading effectively, criminal justice agencies must collaborate with medical authorities to strengthen knowledge and enforcement of organ trade laws. Critics also support other criminal justice actions to meet this goal, such as prioritizing organ trafficking issues among local legislative bodies; multidisciplinary collaboration in cross-border offenses; and further police training in dealing with organ trafficking crimes.	2.578125
15827675	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Organ%20trade	Organ trade	Media portrayal There have been various portrayals of illegal organ trade and organ trafficking in the mass media over the past few decades. Many, such as the 1993 book The Baby Train by Jan Brunvand, are variations of the urban legend of an individual who wakes up in a hotel bathtub to discover that one of his or her kidneys has been removed. The 1977 novel Coma by Robin Cook, made into a movie by Michael Crichton, tells of unsuspecting medical patients who are put into a coma in order for their organs to be removed. In addition to books and films, stories of organ trafficking are often depicted through television, tabloid magazines, emails, and the Internet. Many of the organ trafficking tales depicted in the media contain unsubstantiated claims. For example, the 1993 British/Canadian TV program The Body Parts Business made a number of claims about organ trafficking that later proved to be false. The program investigated alleged organ and tissue trafficking in Guatemala, Honduras, Argentina, and Russia. One episode discussed a man named Pedro Reggi, reporting that his corneas had been removed without his consent while he was hospitalized in a mental facility. Reggi later disputed this claim, saying that his corneas were still intact, and he had just been suffering from an acute eye infection. Critics, such as Silke Meyer, argue that this sensationalized view of organ trafficking, often based in urban myth, distracts attention from the illegal organ trade. They call for increased scientific research on illegal organ trade, so that organ trafficking legends can be replaced by scientific fact. Meyer argues: "Only then will [organ trafficking] be taken seriously by all governments affected and will the results constitute a solid ground for the field of policy-making."	2.09375
15827675	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Organ%20trade	Organ trade	Proposed solutions Various solutions have been proposed to staunch the flow of illegal organs around the globe. The primary strategy is to increase the supply of legally donated organs, thereby decreasing the demand that drives the illicit organ trade. One way to accomplish this goal is for states to implement policies of presumed consent. With presumed consent laws (also known as "opt out" laws), consent for organ donation is assumed upon death unless the individual previously "opted out" by submitting documentation. This is in contrast to "opt-in" organ donation policies, which assume that a deceased person would not have wished to donate unless they had previously notified the government of their intention to donate. Presumed consent policies have already been adopted in various countries, including Brazil, certain jurisdictions of the United States, and several European nations. Research shows a 25–30% increase in the amount of available organs in "opt-out" countries. Another proposed method is to enact laws that would hold doctors accountable for not reporting suspected organ trafficking. Scheper-Hughes has written extensively on the issue of doctors knowingly performing illegal operations with illicit organs. She argues that though doctors might be violating doctor-patient privilege by reporting suspected organ trafficking, their legal obligation to the patient is superseded by public interest in ending medical violations of human rights. If accountability measures were imposed, doctors would be liable as accomplices if they knowingly performed operations with black market organs. Personal health records for migrants can help to document information on detected missing organs, and even previously done surgeries. Some projects have been started to keep personal health records of immigrants. Detection of missing organs and associated surgeries is an important first step to detect illicit organ harvesting.	2.34375
15827675	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Organ%20trade	Organ trade	Many people in the United States believe that adopting a system for regulating organ trading similar to Iran's will help to decrease the national shortage of kidneys. They argue that the U.S. could adopt similar policies to promote accountability, ensure safety in surgical practices, employ vendor registries, and provide donors with lifetime care. They further argue that private insurance companies and the federal government would be invested in providing such care for donors, and that laws could be enacted to make long-term care an inviolable condition of any donation agreement. Ethical debate for organ trade The ethical debate of organ trade rests on whether or not people have an inherent right to sell their own organs and, if so, whether or not the potential harms of organ sales override that right. While in most democratic countries, there is an implied ethical right to what happens to one’s body, in the US this right was dictated by the Scheloendorff decision through the court's opinion by Justice Benjamin Cardozo,"Every human being of adult years and sound mind has a right to determine what shall be done with her own body"However, this autonomy is limited in organ trade as governments and some ethicist argue the potential harm of organ trade outweighs the rights of an individual. The closest legalized comparison of a right to bodily autonomy for financial gain would be prostitution. Currently 32 countries allow prostitution; none of them allow for the sale of an organ. Views on legalization of prostitution have often viewed it as a "necessary evil" and of prostitution can be legalized as long as the sex worker's human rights such as freedom of speech, travel, work, immigration, health insurance, and housing, are not deprived. Similarly, many argue that as long as the donors rights are respected and the trade is regulated, it would be ethically responsible for organ trade to exist.	2.484375
15827675	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Organ%20trade	Organ trade	Organ trade also raises ethical and legal concerns for healthcare providers towards the treatment of patient. Specifically, currently there is little to no guidance on how does the doctor–patient relationship change if the patient received an organ through illegal means. Further more, if organ trade is legalized, an obligation for a physician to respect the patients wish to sell an organ. In the US, there is controversy on whether organ donation wishes are legally enforceable. The primary law governing organ donation is the Uniform Anatomical Gift Act (UAGA). However, it is widely considered inadequate as it is up to each state to regulate and uphold this law, with enforcement varying between states for cadaver body donation. Further more, donor shortages still persists in the United States. To avoid lawsuits, providers would violate UAGA and side with the next of kin and ignore any preexisting organ donation requests. As such, if organ trade is legalized, there will need to be ethical consideration on if a physician has a duty to perform financially motivated organ transplants. Arguments for legalization Increased organ supply The main argument made in favor of legalized organ sales is that it would increase the number of organs available for transplantation. Although governments have implemented other initiatives to increase organ donation – such as public awareness campaigns, presumed consent laws, and the legal definition of brain death – the waitlist for vital organs continues to grow. Further more, cadaver organ transplantations have poorer clinical outcomes as compared with live organ donations. Legalizing payments for organs would encourage more people to donate their organs. Each organ sold on a market could potentially save the life (and improve the quality of life) of its recipient. For example, patients with kidney disease who receive a kidney transplant from a living donor typically live 7 to 15 years longer than those who depend on dialysis.	2.546875
15827675	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Organ%20trade	Organ trade	Economists generally lean in favor of legalizing organ markets. The consensus of American Economic Association members is that organ trade should be allowed, with 70% in favor and 16% opposed. Another literature review, looking at the publications of 72 economic researchers who have studied organ trade, reached a similar conclusion: 68% supported legalization of the organ trade, while only 21% opposed it. Minimal negative consequences for donors Proponents also assert that organ sales ought to be legal because the procedure is relatively safe for donors. The short-term risk of donation is low – patients have a mortality rate of 0.03%, similar to that of certain elective cosmetic procedures such as liposuction. Moreover, they argue, the long-term risks are also relatively minimal. A 2018 systematic review found that kidney donors did not die earlier than non-donors. Donors did have a slightly increased risk of chronic kidney disease and pre-eclampsia (a condition sometimes seen in pregnancy). The review found no difference in the rates of diabetes, heart disease, high blood pressure, or mental illness. Multiple studies of American and Japanese donors found that they reported a higher quality of life than the average non-donor. Proponents of organ markets argue that, given the comparative safety of donating a kidney, individuals should be permitted to undergo this operation in exchange for payment.	2.375
15827675	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Organ%20trade	Organ trade	Critics challenge this view of transplantation as being overly optimistic. Specifically, they cite research suggesting that individuals who sell their organs fare worse after the procedure than those who freely donate their organs. Kidney sellers are more likely to have renal problems after the operation (such as hypertension and chronic kidney disease), to report reduced overall health, and to suffer from psychological side effects such as depression. Opponents of markets usually ascribe these worse outcomes to the fact that kidney sellers are drawn from the ranks of the poor; if organ sales are permitted, most sellers will be poor and can expect the same dangerous consequences. Proponents of organ markets respond by blaming these bad outcomes on the fact that kidney sellers have been forced into the black market, with minimal oversight, follow-up care, or legal protections from abuse; thus in a regulated market in the developed world, kidney sellers could expect to see outcomes more akin to those of kidney donors Respect for autonomy Many proponents argue for legalized organ sales on the grounds of autonomy. Individuals are generally free to buy or sell their possessions and their labor. Advocates of organ markets say that, likewise, people ought to be free to buy or sell organs as well. According to this perspective, prohibitions against selling organs are a paternalistic or moralistic intrusion upon individuals' freedom. Proponents acknowledge that, unlike selling a material possession such as a car, selling a kidney does carry some risk of harm. However, they note that people are able to undertake dangerous occupations (such as logging, soldiering, or surrogacy) which carry significant chance of bodily harm. If individuals are allowed to take on that risk in exchange for money, then they ought to be able to take on the risks of selling a kidney as well.	2.421875
15827675	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Organ%20trade	Organ trade	Harm reduction Other physicians and philosophers argue that legalization will remedy the abuses of the illicit trade in organs. The current ban on the sale of organs has driven both sellers and buyers into the black market, out of sight of the law. Criminal middlemen often take a large cut of the payment for the organ, leaving comparatively little money left for the donor. Because the mainstream medical establishment is barred from participating in the transplantation, the procedure typically occurs in substandard facilities and not according to best practices. Afterwards, the donors often do not receive important medical follow-up because they are afraid that their role in the crime will be discovered. There have also been reports of criminal gangs kidnapping people and illegally harvesting their organs for sale on the black market. Proponents of legalization argue that it will result in better medical care for donors and recipients alike, as well as larger payments to the donors. Some critics challenge the proponents' assumptions that legalization will eliminate the black market for organs or its problems. For example, one scholar argues that once the organ trade became legalized in Iran, it did not end the under-the-table sales in organs. Instead, people made deals outside the government-sanctioned system to acquire organs from more desirable (i.e., healthier) donors. Arguments against legalization Susceptibility to coercion Critics often argue that organ sales should remain prohibited because any market solution will take advantage of the poor. Specifically, they fear that a large financial incentive for donating organs will prove irresistible to individuals in extreme poverty: such individuals may feel like they have no choice but to agree to sell a kidney. Under these circumstances, the decision to sell cannot be regarded as truly voluntary. Consequently, it is appropriate for the government to protect poor people by prohibiting the sale of organs.	2.390625
15827675	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Organ%20trade	Organ trade	Critics of legalization argue that proponents exaggerate the impact that a market would have on the supply of organs. In particular, they note that legalized organ sales may “crowd out” altruistic donations. In other words, people who would otherwise give their organs to relatives may decline to do so, opting instead to purchase the organ (or rely on the government to buy one) for their relatives. Proponents of markets counter that while altruistic donations might decrease slightly if organ sales were legalized, this decrease would be more than offset by the influx of organs. Legalization of human organ trading has been opposed by a variety of human rights groups. One such group is Organs Watch, which was established by Nancy Scheper-Hughes – a medical anthropologist who was instrumental in exposing illegal international organ-selling rings. Scheper-Hughes is famous for her investigations, which have led to several arrests due to people from developing countries being forced or fooled into organ donations. Like the World Health Organization, Organs Watch seeks to protect and benefit the poverty-stricken individuals who participate in the illegal organ trade out of necessity.	2.28125
15827675	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Organ%20trade	Organ trade	Direct harms of organ selling Some opponents of markets adopt a paternalistic stance that prohibits organ sales on the grounds that the government has a duty to prevent harm to its citizens. Unlike the "coercion by poverty" line of argumentation discussed above, these critics do not necessarily question the validity of the donors' consent. Rather, they say that the dangers posed by donating an organ are too great to allow a person to voluntarily undertake them in exchange for money. As noted previously, critics of organ sales cite research suggesting that kidney sellers suffer serious consequences of the operation, faring far worse than altruistic kidney donors. Even if one assumes that kidney sellers will have similar outcomes to donors in a regulated market, one cannot ignore the fact that a nephrectomy is an invasive procedure that – by definition – inflicts some injury upon the patient. These critics argue that the government has a duty to prevent these harms, even if the would-be seller is willing to undertake them. A similar argument focuses on the fact that selling a kidney involves the loss of something unique and essentially irreplaceable on the part of the donor. Given the special value placed on bodily integrity in society, it is appropriate to outlaw the sale of body parts to protect that value. Objectification Another criticism of legalized organ sales is that it objectifies human beings. This argument typically starts with the Kantian assumption that every human being is a creature of innate dignity, who must always be regarded as an end to itself and never just a means to an end. A market for organs would reduce body parts to commodities to be bought and sold. Critics argue that, by permitting such transactions, society would reduce the seller of the organ to an object of commerce – a mere means to an ends. Assigning a monetary value to a key organ is essentially assigning a value to its bearer, and putting a price on a human being violates his or her intrinsic dignity.	2.578125
15827675	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Organ%20trade	Organ trade	Proponents of organ sales claim that this line of argument confuses the kidney with the whole person; so long as the transaction is conducted in a way that minimizes risks to the donor and fairly compensates him or her, that person is not reduced to a means to an end. Unwanted pressure to sell an organ Another argument against organ markets is that they will give rise to a pressure to sell organs which would harm all people (even those who did not participate directly in the market). Under the current ban on the organ trade, debtors and heads of families in the developed world face little pressure to sell their organs. If a person's creditors or dependents suggest that said person sell their kidney to raise money, they could refuse on the grounds that it is illegal. In contrast, if organ sales were legalized, a destitute individual could face pressure from family and creditors to sell a kidney – and possibly endure social consequences such as scorn or guilt if they declined. Legalizing organ sales would create this unwanted pressure (and attendant disapproval) for all poor individuals, regardless of whether or not they wished to sell their kidneys. Thus a legal prohibition on selling organs is warranted to protect poor people from this undesirable pressure. Models for legalization	2.359375
15827675	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Organ%20trade	Organ trade	Erin Harris model Ethicists Charles A. Erin and John Harris have proposed a much more heavily regulated model for organ transactions. Under this scheme, would-be sellers of organs do not contract with would-be recipients. Instead, a government agency would be the sole buyer of organs, paying a standard price set by law and then distributing the organs to its citizens. This safeguard is designed to prevent unscrupulous buyers from taking advantage of potential donors and to ensure that the benefits of the increased organ supply are not limited to the rich. Moreover, participation in the market would be confined to citizens of the state where the market is located, to prevent the unilateral movement of organs from developing nations to the developed world. Erin and Harris's model has been endorsed by a number of prominent advocates of organ markets. Free market model Many scholars advocate the implementation of a free market system to combat the organ shortage that helps drive illegal organ trade. The organ trade's illegal status creates a price ceiling for organs at zero dollars. This price ceiling affects supply and demand, creating a shortage of organs in the face of a growing demand. According to a report published by the Cato Institute, a US-based libertarian think tank, eliminating the price ceiling would eliminate the organ shortage. In the Journal of Economic Perspectives, Nobel laureate Gary Becker and Julio Elias estimated that a $31,700 compensation would provide enough kidneys for everyone on the wait list. The government could pay the compensation to guarantee equality. This would save public money, as dialysis for kidney failure patients is far more expensive.	2.328125
15827675	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Organ%20trade	Organ trade	Proposed solutions There are several proposed solutions to increase the number of legally available human organs and reduce the growing illicit trade in these organs around the world. Policies of presumed consent have been successful in different countries, including Brazil, the United States, and many European countries. These policies can be either presumed consent (during life) or withdrawal (after death). In the category of withdrawal policies, organ donation is presumed after death, although it is possible to choose not to donate by submitting documents. Research has shown an increase of around 25 to 30% in the amount of organs available in countries with presumed consent policies. In the category of presumed consent policies, like the United States or France, a person may choose to donate their organs during their lifetime. In a presumed consent policy, families sometimes succeed in making the decision to donate the heart. A program to reduce organ trafficking is supposed to have several ways to work. These laws help to increase the amount of organs available, which reduces the number of patients who turn to the black market. At the same time, the increase in the supply of organs reduces the financial cost of a transplant and, therefore, the need for medical tourism. Another proposed method is to adopt laws that would impose on doctors the responsibility to report suspected organ traffickers. Chiper Hughes has written extensively on the issue of doctors who perform illegal operations while knowing that they are illegal.	2.34375
15827697	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jurij%20Alschitz	Jurij Alschitz	Jurij Leonowitsch Alschitz or Jurij Al'šic (Юрий Леонович Альшиц; born 9 August 1947 in Odesa, Soviet Union) is a Ukrainian - German theatre director, acting pedagogue and researcher specialising in applied theatre practice. He is known for developing a comprehensive artistic methodological approach for 21st century dramatic arts, ‘Training as Method’. He is the artistic director of the European Association for Theatre Culture and the World Theatre Training Institute AKT-ZENT/ITI, appointed by the International Theatre Institute as research centre for theatre training methods. His life Alschitz comes from a theatre artistic family - his mother was the actress Raisa Stavitskaja and his father was the stage designer Leon Alschitz. Training and teaching in Russia Alschitz first studied directing at the Moscow State University for Culture & Arts from 1969 to 1973 and was taught by J. N. Malkovsky, a direct student of K.S. Stanislavsky. After a number of productions at state theatres in Moscow, Kiev, Odessa, Riga and other cities, Alschitz embarked upon a second course of studies at GITIS, the Russian Academy of Theatre Arts, where he was taught by Prof.Mikhail Butkevich, Oleg Koudriachov, and Prof. Anatoly Vasiliev. From 1989 to 1992 he held a teaching position at GITIS and in 1987 he was a founding member of the theatre School of Dramatic Art - Antatolij Vasiljev. Alschitz was an actor and trainer in Vasiljev’s legendary production of Luigi Pirandello’s Six Characters in Search of an Author. The production toured to festivals worldwide. His reflections on the training methods he used with this ensemble would form the basis of his 2003 doctoral dissertation ‘Ensemble and Personality: their artistic and ethical relationship’, awarded by GITIS - the Russian Academy for Theatre Arts.	2.421875
15827697	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jurij%20Alschitz	Jurij Alschitz	With ‘School after Theatre’, a cooperation with GITIS, Alschitz introduced to Western Europe the principle of continuous professional education for actors and directors. Between 1995 and 2009 this three-year programme was delivered to 9 different classes with modules held in Estonia, Greece, Germany, Italy, Norway, Sweden and Russia. With the International Directors’ and Trainers’ Colloquium, he introduced courses for acting teachers, which he presented in 2001 at the Theatre Olympics in Moscow as an innovative form of professional education in the field of acting pedagogy. He had already received international attention for his presentation of this theme at the first World Conference of Rectors of Higher Education Institutions in 1999, completely reappraising the role of acting pedagogues and making the training of trainers the highest priority for the development of the theatre. Following on from this, in 1999 Alschitz organised METHODIKA, the first international festival for theatre training methods. The festival subsequently took place biannually in Italy, Sweden, Russia and Cyprus, each time with a different theme, becoming a think tank for new, unresearched approaches to theatre education. Between 2012 and 2014, Alschitz continued work on his theme of ‘Training the Trainers’, putting it into practice with the first international Master’s programme for acting teachers, ‘Teaching Professional Theatre Practice’, at Centro Universitario de Teatro of the Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico (UNAM). His manifesto, ‘The New Face of the Acting Teacher’ suggests alternative forms for and fundamental changes in teaching theatre. Since the foundation of the European Association for Theatre Culture, Alschitz has through seminars and laboratories educated and trained numerous actors and directors and thus built up his so-called ‘Team of Teachers’, who teach and disseminate his methodology worldwide.	2.328125
15827697	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jurij%20Alschitz	Jurij Alschitz	Research Centre of the International Theatre Institute Based on its research activity, AKT-ZENT International Theatre Centre was in 2006 named Research Centre of the ITI Theatre Education & Training Committee. In 2011, the General Assembly of the International Theatre Institute appointed AKT-ZENT as the ITI Research Centre for Theatre Training Methods under the artistic direction of Dr Jurij Alschitz. Since 2017, Alschitz has been the artistic-academic director of the World Theatre Training Institute AKT-ZENT/ITI. The Institute’s focus is on the World Theatre Training Library, a long-term study in artistic and methodological approaches to theatre training worldwide. Since 2010, Alschitz has travelled to nearly all continents of the world for this project, conducting interviews, attending rehearsals and giving lectures and seminars. International laboratories allowed Alschitz to develop new training exercises from the ideas and impressions he acquired worldwide, along with the latest findings from science and technology, such as those in fractal geometry, quantum physics, wave theory and resonance phenomena. From this he developed new teaching formats and the concept of Quantum Pedagogy. Alschitz pursues the idea of a holistic theater in which the artist sees himself as part of the theater cosmos and thus achieves individual freedom and autonomy. Part of the new teaching concept was the Hybrid Education on the institute's own online learning platform. In 2020 he created the Online Theatre Academy together with his Team of Teachers, leading his own department School of Jurij Alschitz. Alschitz is a sought-after expert for international festivals and conferences. His books have been published in numerous languages worldwide. Books	2.234375
15827718	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Timorese%20Popular%20Democratic%20Association	Timorese Popular Democratic Association	The Timorese Popular Democratic Association (, APODETI; ) was a political party in East Timor established in 1974, which advocated for integration into Indonesia. Along with another East Timor party, the Timorese Democratic Union (UDT), it signed the Balibo Declaration in 1975 calling for Indonesia to annex the region. The party led the Provisional Government of East Timor that was formed following the Indonesian invasion of East Timor later that year. Since 2000, the party used the suffix Pro-Referendo (Pro-referendum). A renaming to Partido Democrata Liberal was considered. The party is said to have been dissolved. History East Timor was a Portuguese colony for several hundred years. When the Carnation Revolution toppled the Lisbon regime in 1974, East Timor entered a period of instability. One of the first changes was the legalization of political parties. Along with the Timorese Democratic Union and Fretilin, APODETI was founded quickly after the announcement. Party leaders believed East Timor would not have been a viable independent state. On 27 May 1974, a group of thirty individuals met to create a party to advocate for integration into Indonesia. The party's first name was the Associação para a Integração de Timor na Indonésia (, AITI), but organizers decided the pro-integration position was unpopular and decided to remove the word from their name. Among them were several former participants in the Viqueque Rebellion (1959).	2.515625
15827718	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Timorese%20Popular%20Democratic%20Association	Timorese Popular Democratic Association	In its original manifesto, the party called for "autonomous integration" into Indonesia while also declaring support for human rights and freedom of expression. The party also advocated the teaching of Indonesian in East Timor's schools. The party supported religious freedom and opposed racism, but initially opposed the Catholic Church and took anti-white positions. APODETI only found support from a few Liurai in the border region. Some of them had collaborated with the Japanese against the Portuguese colonial rulers during World War II. A large part of the small Muslim minority in East Timor also supported the APODETI. APODETI used to be seen as a front organization funded by Jakarta. Its prominent leaders have had close contact with Indonesian secret agents since the 1960s. For support and funding from Indonesia, they used their position in society as traders, customs officials, and influential traditional leaders. APODETI's first president was , a 60-year-old cattle farmer who had collaborated with the Japanese invasion forces during World War II. Araujo spent several months in Jakarta during 1974, where he met government officials who quickly found ways to support his organization. Later, he became the first governor of East Timor under Indonesian rule. The first vice-president of the party was Hermenegildo Martins, owner of a coffee plantation. Another key APODETI leader was a former schoolteacher named José Abílio Osório Soares. Echoing the sentiment that East Timor could not survive as an independent state, he professed a strong faith in Indonesia's willingness to help. In 1975 he said: "We do not need neocolonialism, just some control from Indonesia; and if we need some things maybe we can get them from Indonesia."	2.4375
15827718	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Timorese%20Popular%20Democratic%20Association	Timorese Popular Democratic Association	The popularity of APODETI was low compared to the pro-independence Fretilin and even the more moderate UDT. Still, it received considerable support from the Indonesian government, in the form of financial donations and declarations of solidarity. When APODETI leaders announced that 70 percent of the population endorsed integration, Indonesian officials repeated the claim and it became a staple of media reports in Jakarta. Their strongest supporter was Dom Guilherme Gonçalves, the Liurai of the former Atsabe Kingdom from Atsabe/Ermera Municipality and head of the Atsabe Kemak. He had strong family ties within the former kingdom and its old allies. This included ties to Kemak in what are now the municipalities of Ainaro and Bobonaro and northern and southern Tetum and Bunak on both sides of the borders. He was extremely anti-Portuguese and had a large traditional army. Gonçalves came from a long line of kings who regularly rebelled against the Portuguese. He hated the artificial colonial border that divided his family and separated the east from the Laran spiritual center in Wehale. That is why he wanted a reunification of Timor. At the same time, party leaders were ridiculed in East Timor, and some traveled accompanied by bodyguards. This, in turn, led to more belligerent statements by APODETI leaders. APODETI was the first East Timorese party to establish paramilitary forces. In August 1974, it began training camps in Indonesian West Timor. Instructors and weapons came from the Indonesian military. Tomás Gonçalves, son of the Liurais of Atsabe, Guilherme Gonçalves and APODETI representative in West Timor, met the commander of the armed forces General Maraden Panggabean in Jakarta the following month. APODETI presented itself as a suitable vehicle for the integration of East Timor into Indonesia.	2.3125
15827718	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Timorese%20Popular%20Democratic%20Association	Timorese Popular Democratic Association	Politics in independent East Timor APODETI supported national unity, the independence and sovereignty of East Timor, non-violence, and the defense of democracy, tolerance, and the socio-cultural values of the East Timorese people. The party stood behind the multiparty system, democracy, and human rights for men and women. APODETI advocated a free market economy, foreign and domestic investment, and a free education system. It supported the introduction of Portuguese as a provisional official language and the further development of Tetum. English was to be taught at all school levels, as were civics and morals for the young. As far as possible, the health care system was to be free. In foreign policy, close relations with neighboring Australia and Indonesia, as well as with Portuguese-speaking countries, were supported. Other goals were the creation of jobs, the advancement of the people and the support of war victims, such as widows, orphans, the elderly and those who were disadvantaged by their political work during the Indonesian occupation. Leaders The last party president was Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa, born in Lospalos and one of the founders of the party. He used to work in the Portuguese colonial administration and in customs during the Indonesian occupation. Today he is retired. Laurentino Domingos Luis de Gusmão was the vice president of APODETI and a member of the National Council (NC). During the colonial period, he was in charge of financial administration in Baucau Municipality. Under the Indonesian occupation, Gusmão held senior positions in the civil service, including Chief of Cabinet. During the UN administration, he was appointed to the National Consultative Council (NCC). Today, he is retired. Party Secretary João Baptista dos Santos was born in Lospalos in 1951. After serving as a Portuguese civil servant, dos Santos worked in various government offices during Indonesia's rule and was deputy regent (wakil bupati) in Lospalos. In 2001, Santos taught history and Portuguese in Dili.	2.328125
15827722	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Acting%20President%20of%20Russia	Acting President of Russia	The acting president of the Russian Federation () is a temporary post provided by the Constitution of Russia. The acting president is a person who fulfils the duties of the president of the Russian Federation when cases of incapacity and vacancy occur. However, the person who takes office is more limited in power as the acting president can not dissolve the State Duma, call a referendum, or propose constitutional amendments. This post is held by the prime minister of Russia. History 1993 During the 1993 Russian constitutional crisis, Vice President Alexander Rutskoy was named by parliament as the acting president when the legislature announced Yeltsin's removal from office. On 21 September 1993 at 12:22 a.m., Rutskoy assumed the powers of the acting president of Russia. He took the presidential oath, stating, "I am taking the authority of President. The anti-constitutional decree of President Yeltsin is annulled." Rutskoy's interim presidency, although constitutional, was never acknowledged outside of Russia. After the two-week standoff and the violence on the streets of Moscow, on 4 October 1993 the parliament building was taken by Yeltsin's military forces. Rutskoy and his supporters were arrested and charged with organization of mass disturbances. On the same day, Yeltsin officially dismissed Rutskoy as vice president and fired him from the military forces. The vice presidency was abolished. 1996 Prime Minister Viktor Chernomyrdin assumed the role of acting president when President Boris Yeltsin underwent heart surgery in 1996. Chernomyrdin served for one day, from 5 to 6 November 1996. No major event occurred during that time. 1999–2000 After Yeltsin resigned on 31 December 1999, Prime Minister Vladimir Putin became the acting president until the election. A snap election was held in March 2000 and was won by Putin. He officially took office of President on 7 May 2000.	2.125
15827736	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Women%20and%20religion	Women and religion	The study of women and religion examines women in the context of different religious faiths. This includes considering female gender roles in religious history as well as how women participate in religion. Particular consideration is given to how religion has been used as a patriarchal tool to elevate the status and power of men over women. In addition, religion portrays gender within religious doctrines. Abrahamic religions Christianity Christians have vastly diverse views on women's rights, responsibilities, and roles in different times and places. Many Christians believe that women and men are spiritually equal, and that their equality should be expressed in the Church's life. While some perspectives within the religion uphold equality between the sexes, others more rooted in the patriarchy of the ancient world equate cultural principles with religious ones to oppress women. A more patriarchal Christianity sets a mold for women to adhere to and limits their freedom in the church. According to such interpretations of the Christian Bible, wives are expected to be submissive in many ways. They are asked to be submissive to their husbands, the church, their community, and God. "At the head of every household is a man; at the head of a man is Christ, and the head of every woman is a man, and the head of Christ is God." Wives are seen as second in the family household, only to their husbands. This suggests that men are at the forefront of Christianity and adds to the issue of equal rights for women in the religion. In 2020, it has been estimated that the female share of the World's Christian Population is around 51.6%.	2.953125
15827736	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Women%20and%20religion	Women and religion	According to the scripture in Genesis, “the Lord God said, it is not good that the man should be alone; I will make him a help meet (fit or suitable) for him. The passage suggests that women are to play a supportive role to men and is supported in further passages from Christian Scripture. For example, in Colossians and Peter, women are called to submit to their husbands and stay silent in their shadow. Lastly, in terms of how women are suppressed by scripture, the specific passage in Titus calls for a woman to not teach or preach in public assembly. This would constitute the authority of a man. While it has been estimated that the female share (aged 20 years and over) of the World's Christian Population is between 52 and 53 percent, leadership roles in modern organized churches and sects of Christianity are often restricted to males. In the Roman Catholic Church, as well as in Eastern Orthodox Churches and Oriental Orthodox Churches, only men may serve as priests or deacons. In addition, only males serve in senior leadership positions such as pope, patriarch, and bishop. However, in Christian history, women have been ordained to the diaconate and performed equal duties with male deacons. Although ordaining women as deacons fell out of mainstream practice many centuries ago, many Orthodox Churches have re-instated them to varying degrees. In 2017, Ani-Kristi Manvelian was ordained and consecrated with her male counterparts in the diaconate at Saint Sarkis Cathedral in Tehran. In addition to serving in the clergy, women may serve as nuns and abbesses.	2.703125
15827736	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Women%20and%20religion	Women and religion	Although many voices within Christianity profess equality for all and say women and men were created equally, as shown throughout history, women have been subject to the patriarchy embedded in the religion in some places and expressions. “In the midst of the Greek, Roman, and Jewish cultures, which viewed women almost on the level of possessions, Jesus showed love and respect for women.” As expressed in the preceding quote, Jesus Christ professed equality and Christianity expresses and celebrates equality. It is the patriarchy of society that influences Christianity and puts men in positions of power. Though women have played a vital role in the church, as expressed by the Acts and many others, none have ever been allowed leadership. Historically, women such as Mary Magdalene, who played a major role in supporting Jesus and the ministry, show just how influential women have been to Christianity. The Apostle Paul is a great example in showing this as he worked, “side by side with them for the furtherance of the gospel,” but never himself appointed any women in roles of power. Women in the patriarchal forms of Christianity can be roughly summarised in the following quote: “Although, women are spiritual equals with men and the ministry of women is essential to the body of Christ, women are excluded from leadership over men in the church.” However, there are many exceptions to that in other expressions, times, and forms of the Christian faith. Especially during the middle ages, abbesses were women of significant authority and influence. They exercised spiritual authority not only over their nuns, but also over the monks at a double monastery. Whether the house was intended for women, men, or both, the abbess was always to be obeyed as the head of the house. From what history tells us, it is safe to conclude that the mainstream Christianity's hierarchy has benefitted women by putting them in places of authority over men. This is despite whatever cultural oppression some male leaders may have encouraged.	2.984375
15827736	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Women%20and%20religion	Women and religion	Many Christians in mainstream denominations not excluding Methodists, Episcopalians, Presbyterians and others disagree with the idea that women should not have leadership positions. There are New Testament texts which exhort Christians not to discriminate between men and women; for one example, Galatians 3:28 "There is neither Jew nor Gentile, neither slave nor free, nor is there male and female, for you are all one in Christ Jesus." A small minority of women are also mentioned in the New Testament as probably holding leadership positions, such as Phoebe, Junia, Priscilla and a few others. Note that many translators dispute the meaning or degree of leadership in these references. Modern popular female preachers like Joyce Meyer, Paula White and Kathryn Kuhlman have had or have leadership roles in Church. It is also mentioned in the Old Testament that women such as Deborah and Huldah were Prophets. In the New Testament Philip was said to have four daughters who prophesied. Notably, Christians who believe in the veneration of saints hold the Virgin Mary in high regard. Catholic, Orthodox, and some other Christians believe that she is to be honoured and esteemed as the holiest and greatest of all created people. After the Holy Trinity, they honour her as the secondary paragon of holiness and goodness. As a result, they revere her with various and sundry titles, including "Queen of Heaven". There is much to be said for a sect of faith that venerates a woman as the greatest human being of all time. This is despite what other sects of that religion may declare or do. The Gospel of Mary, a work tied to Christian Gnosticism, is the only known surviving apocryphal text that is named after a woman. According to its narrative, Mary Magdalene was the only follower of Jesus who truly understood his teachings. Judaism	2.671875
15827736	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Women%20and%20religion	Women and religion	Women's role in Judaism is determined by the Hebrew Bible, the Oral Law (the corpus of rabbinic literature, including the Talmud), by custom, and by non-religious cultural factors. The Hebrew Bible and rabbinic literature mention various female role models. Religious law treats women differently in various circumstances. In historical Jewish texts, all people were seen as equal at the highest level: God. The Hebrew Bible states that “man” was made of both “male and female”, and originally had a dual gender for God, but this disappeared and God became referred to as "He and Him." In Judaism, God has never been exclusively viewed as male or masculine, but rather, God has both masculine and feminine qualities. Judaism emphasizes family. Gender affects familial lines: in traditional Judaism, Jewishness is passed down through the mother, though the status of belonging to one of the three groups within Judaism (kohen, levite, or Israel) is inherited through the father. The Hebrew Scripture uses the father's name to identify sons and daughters, such as, "Dinah, daughter of Jacob". Responsibilities were not taken lightly for the family. Traditionally and in Orthodox Judaism, the "akeret habayit," or woman of the house, is referred to as the mainstay of the house, or "akeret habayit." According to a 2017 study by the Pew Research Center, women (aged 20 years and over) are slightly more numerous among the worldwide Jewish population (52%).	2.953125
15827736	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Women%20and%20religion	Women and religion	Women have been highly regarded within the Jewish community because they are capable of a great degree of "binah" (institution, understanding, intelligence). The term, “women of valor,” describes Jewish women's ideal characteristics. Traditionally, she devoted all her energies towards the “physical and spiritual well-being of her family.” Her continuous care enabled her husband and children to flourish, her personal reward being their successes. However, that role has been reshaped over time. The impact of "women of valor" extended beyond the household and into the community. Volunteer work has allowed women to sharpen their leadership and organizational skills. While it may seem that women have only had influence in smaller communities, Jewish women have eventually established enough authority to emerge as public figures. In 1972, Sally Priesand became the first woman ordained as a rabbi, in the Reform denomination. Women in the Reform, Conservative, Reconstructionist, and Renewal denominations are now able to lead worship services, read the Torah, and give drashes (sermons) just as men do, often contributing a different perspective. Islam Islam is a monotheistic religion founded in the early seventh century by Muhammad. The notion of a good life for a Muslim person is defined in Islam’s sacred text, the Quran. In addition, it is defined in the Hadith which are Muhammad's direct teachings. Although these sources covered a lot, there were still some situations that to interpretation. Thus, Islamic scholars formed consensus around a set of secondary sources, the most notable being the ijma, qiyas, ijtihad and fatwas. It is imperative to recognize that the Quran is not a static source with a fixed meaning but a dynamic, versatile one. After the introduction of Islamic principles, men kept the dominant position. Women were required to be obedient to their husbands, fathers, and sons. This was less due to the religion's teachings than to the cultural norms of the era in which it arose.	2.6875
15827736	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Women%20and%20religion	Women and religion	Islam recognized men and women as equals in their ability to carry out God's wishes and Muhammad's teaching. The three main things sharia law introduced were women’s rights to marriage, inheritance, and divorce. It also restricted polygamy, by limiting men to marrying a maximum of four women at a time, requiring the husband to take care of each wife equally and properly. Muhammad himself had several wives, marrying some widows to give them a home and protection. Muslims must observe the five pillars of Islam: praying five times a day, fasting during the month of Ramadan, making a pilgrimage to Mecca, donating to charity, and accepting God as the only god and Muhammad as God's prophet. Women have restrictions on praying in public, given instead separate private spaces. Also, women are not permitted to pray during menstruation as they are not considered clean. If women are pregnant or nursing during the month of Ramadan, they do not need to keep the sunup to sundown daily fasts. Segregation of men and women in Islamic centers gives Muslim women the right to work independently and not under men. Due to their isolation, it became the responsibility of the ummah, or Muslim community, to pass down the customs and traditions that mold a Muslim women's life. This guidance, sharia, and Islamic scripture outlined the structure for her education, employment opportunities, rights to inheritance, dress, public appearance, domestic 'duties', age of marriage, freedom to consent to marriage, marriage contract, mahr, permissibility of birth control, divorce, sex outside or before marriage, ability to receive justice in case of sex crimes, property rights independent of her husband, and when salat (prayers) are mandatory for her. East and Southeast Asian religions Taoism	2.96875
15827736	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Women%20and%20religion	Women and religion	Hinduism, has the strongest presence of the divine feminine among major world religions, from ancient times to the present. The goddess is viewed as central in Shakti and Saiva Hindu traditions. In Hinduism, women are portrayed as equal in value to men. For instance, Kali Ma (Dark Mother) "is the Hindu goddess of creation, preservation, and goddess of destruction." Her power included the origin of all creation's life, as well as the end of life. Due to her control over life and death, Kali was seen as a goddess who should be loved as well as feared. This leads to a higher status for the woman than the man, because everyone has to respect her in order to have a smooth life and live longer. Another important female figure is Shakti or Adishakti or Adiparashakti, the divine feminine - a goddess that embodies the energy of the universe, "often appearing to destroy demonic forces and restore balance". Because Shakti is a universal force, she embodies all the gods in Hinduism and is worshiped as the "mother goddess". In Hindu lore, the Goddess is referred as Devi or Devi Ma, meaning Mother Goddess. The Goddess is considered as the progenitor, sustainer and ultimately, the destroyer of the universe. She is worshipped as Durga - the warrior Goddess, Kali - the Goddess of time and death and regeneration, Lalita Tripurasundari - the divine lady of All Worlds and as Bhuvaneshwari, the Goddess of the Universe. The Goddess is worshipped in many forms as Lakshmi, the Goddess of wealth, fortune and prosperity and as Saraswati, the Goddess of knowledge, arts, education and learning.	2.90625
15827736	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Women%20and%20religion	Women and religion	Throughout history, Hindu women have held public religious positions as practitioners and conductors of Vedic Rituals. Hindu society has seen many female rulers, such as Rudramadevi, Rani Abbakka, Rani Durgavati, Rani Ahilyabai Holkar, Rani Chennamma of Keladi, women saints, such as Andal, philosophers, such as Maitreyi, and religious reformers. While Hinduism portrays women as figures who play an important role in understanding how the world works, women in Hindu society have often been marginalized and their importance has been diminished, as a result of "girls being made to feel lesser and not as important as boys". According to a 2017 study by the Pew Research Center, women (aged 20 years and over) are slightly less prevalent among worldwide Hindu population (49%). Devdutt Pattnaik asserts that "Hindu mythology reveals that patriarchy, the idea that men are superior to women, was invented", a societal shift in power occurred between men and women, sometimes to the point where a woman was in a subordinated position to a male. On the other side, matriarchal theology is quite prevalent in Sanskritic traditions and village Hinduism relating to the worship of Shakti, and there are numerous Hindu communities that are matriarchal. Where there has been societal inequality, reformers and feminists have utilized Hinduism's texts to reorient the social status of women to provide them with equal opportunities, and modern Hindu society has witnessed an upsurge in women taking up leadership roles in many contemporary institutions. Jainism Jainism is an ancient Indian religion founded around the sixth century BCE. Janism is a nontheistic religion currently practiced in multiple countries, due to Jain settlers who immigrated there (mainly United Kingdom, United States, Canada and some African countries). Jainism is inclusive of women. One of the cornerstones of the religion is the “fourfold" sangha which describes the Jainism community, which is made up of monks, nuns, laymen and laywomen.	3.171875
15827736	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Women%20and%20religion	Women and religion	The religious status of women is a very important aspect of the history of the religion and one of the most critical issues between the oldest religious divisions of the religion, Svetambar and Digambar. The major distinction between these two divisions is the position of women in their societies. Digambar Jains believe that women are not capable of being enlightened due to the belief that the male can let go of all his material possessions in order to attain enlightenment including clothes whereas a woman cannot because of social norms. While Svetambar Jains have opposite beliefs, believing that women are able to become renouncers, are capable of enlightenment and can become religious role models. Women, especially among Svetambar Jains, are believed to be deceitful, and that this characteristic is the main foundation of their character, to the extent that rebirth as a woman is a consequence of being deceitful in a former life. One of their sacred texts states: “As the result of manifesting deception, a man in this world becomes a woman. As a woman, if her heart is pure, she becomes a man in this world.” Women are important in Jainism, playing a major role in its structure (nuns and laywomen), making up two of the four categories within the community and participating in the continuation and spread of the religion. The Jain social structure is patriarchal, with men holding primary leadership roles in the society. Except for modern times, Jain women have been unable to speak for themselves or to tell their stories. Almost all the texts regarding Jain women's roles and experiences have been written by monks, who are males. The pan-Indian belief that women are “weak-minded”, “deceptive”, “fickle”, “treacherous” and “impure” are beliefs common to Jainism and mentioned various times in their sacred and later texts.	2.9375
15827736	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Women%20and%20religion	Women and religion	Jain women do have significant roles, however, especially in the performance of certain rituals. But there are various rituals women still aren't allowed to perform; for example, bathing or touching the statue of Gods. Though some temples have altered the rules, there are many temples who still don't allow it. Jain women are nuns and laywomen in this society. In the fourfold community, the mendicants (monks and nuns) center their lives around asceticism. There are stricter rules/restrictions on nuns in their daily routine and rituals compared to those for monks. And nuns are dependent and subordinate to monks. More years are needed by nuns to gain higher positions in comparison to monks. Although nuns may have seniority in tenure they may be subservient to monks with fewer years in their religious life. The laity, which consists of laymen and laywomen, are very important to Jainism for its survival and economic foundation. The laity support the mendicant orders, following rules which create the groundwork of the religion. For example, the doctrine of Jainism places great emphasis on dietary practices. Laywomen play a very important role in ensuring that the rules surrounding dietary practices are followed, as their first and major responsibility is the preparation of meals. Sikhism According to Sikhism, men and women are two sides of the same coin. There is a system of inter-relation and inter-dependence where man is born of woman, and woman is born of man's seed. According to Sikhism a man can not feel secure and complete during his life without a woman, and a man's success is related to the love and support of the woman who shares her life with him, and vice versa. The founder of Sikhism, Guru Nanak, reportedly said in 1499 that "It is a woman who keeps the race going" and that we should not "consider woman cursed and condemned when from woman are born leaders and rulers".	2.859375
15827736	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Women%20and%20religion	Women and religion	Sikhs have had an obligation to treat women as equals, and gender discrimination in Sikh society has not been allowed. However, gender equality has been difficult to achieve At the time of the Gurus, women were considered very low in society. Women were treated as mere property whose only value was as a servant or for entertainment. They were considered seducers and distractions from man's spiritual path. Men were allowed polygamy but widows were not allowed to remarry; instead, they were encouraged to burn themselves on their husbands funeral pyre (sati). Child marriage and female infanticide were prevalent and purdah (veils) were popular for women. Women were also not allowed to inherit any property. Many Hindu women were captured and sold as slaves in foreign countries. The Sikh faith is 500 years old. Guru Nanak spread the message of equality and love. Guru Nanak preached about a universal God which is not limited to different religions, race, colour, gender, and nation. The Sikh belief is made up of justice and human rights with historical examples of the Sikh Gurus as well as their followers that make sacrifices for their faith and religion.	2.984375
15827742	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John%20Carey%20Douglas	John Carey Douglas	John Carey Douglas (July 14, 1874 – December 10, 1926) was a Canadian politician. Born in Stellarton, Nova Scotia, the son of John and Ann (Carey) Douglas, Douglas was educated in public schools, in Stellarton, at Pictou Academy and Mount Allison University where he received a Bachelor of Arts degree in 1897 and a Master of Arts in 1909. He received a Bachelor of Law degree from Dalhousie University in 1899 and was called to the Bar in 1900. In 1901, he started a legal practice in Glace Bay, Nova Scotia. From 1908 to 1911, he was mayor of Glace Bay. From 1911 to 1916, he was a Liberal-Conservative member of the Nova Scotia House of Assembly for Cape Breton County. He was elected to the House of Commons of Canada as the Unionist candidate for the electoral district of Cape Breton South and Richmond in the 1917 election. He was defeated in the 1921 election. From 1925 to 1926, he was a member again of the Nova Scotia House of Assembly. He was also Minister of Lands and Forests and Attorney General in the cabinet of Edgar Nelson Rhodes. He was elected to the Canadian House of Commons as the Conservative candidate for the electoral district of Antigonish—Guysborough in the 1926 election. He died a short while later in December 1926.	2.0625
15827769	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Le%20Plan-de-la-Tour	Le Plan-de-la-Tour	The second part of the commune is made by the High Quartier de Saint-Pierre de Miramas and covers the hamlets of Prat-Bourdin, the Plan, Bagarri and Gassine. It is pegged at Sainte-Maxime and the hamlet of Revest that perpetuates the name of this stronghold deleted during the Revolution. During the 18th century, these people formed a self-governing community itself. The crisis of emancipation behind it crystallized, under the officially Catholic state, around the thorny issue of the erection of a parish in St. Martin. This attempt failed. It was taken during the Revolution, and 11 July 1790 the active citizens of Saint-Martin Plan de la Tour meet in the Church and proclaimed independent of La Garde-Freinet. Historically, La Garde showed a fierce opposition to secession. An incident is significant climate in which the events took place. The decision taken by the executive board of Fréjus, to take an oath, in 1792 the vicar Pelloquin, serving the branch of Saint-Martin, the directors of the Guard argued that they had yet to receive the oath. What denied the people of Plan de la Tour. A bailiff was committed to signify the act. On his return, it was made known to him that "people rioted against the municipality of La Garde-Freinet and that representatives of the latter could not travel safely in Saint-Martin, to receive the oath of Abbot." After many difficulties, the commune was officially established on 26 May 1792 by a decision of the executive board of Var serving in Brignoles. Paradoxically, it left outside its boundaries of the district Plan, which gave it its name and an integral part of Sainte-Maxime, and would not be attached later. Finally, the minutes of division and limitation of territory between the town of Plan de la Tour and La Garde-Freinet were established in 1796. Population	2.234375
15827855	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brue-Auriac	Brue-Auriac	Brue-Auriac (; ) is a commune in the Var department in the Provence-Alpes-Côte d'Azur region in southeastern France. It is an unusual village, having been created in the 18th century by the union of two decayed villages by the seigneur Georges Roux de Corse. History George Roux was born in Corsica in 1703, went to Martinique as a young man, and established himself in Marseille as a trader with the West Indies in 1727. He carried on this trade successfully for forty years, including the trade in African slaves. In 1730 he helped to introduce coffee to France and to make Marseille the place where coffee was traded throughout the Mediterranean. As a Marseille city official (échevin) he tried to make the city's finances more healthy. He was ennobled in 1750 as the marquis de Brue and became a conseiller d'État in 1765. The loss of three fleets of ships he owned in the Seven Years' War began his fall, although the commercial brokers who seized his goods, including the lands at Brue, themselves went bankrupt in 1774. He died in Brue, ruined, in 1792. His redevelopment of Brue-Auriac between 1746 and 1758 resulted in a small town which by 1765 had 832 inhabitants engaged in various industries such as silk, faience, cloth, tile works, and tanning, and despite the failure of Roux de Corse the regular planning of the town can still be appreciated. It was a closed economic truck system in which cash was replaced by tokens such as leather buttons with his portrait.	2.109375
15827887	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Business-education%20partnerships	Business-education partnerships	A business–education partnership is an agreement of collaboration between schools and businesses, unions, governments or community organizations. These partnerships are established by agreement between two or more parties to establish goals, and to construct a plan of action for achievement of those goals. Business-education partnerships may involve entire school boards and hundreds of students. Others pair private partners with a single class or individual students. Business-education partnerships serve business and industry by providing activities such as in-service training to employees, use of facilities, student directed projects, software development or marketing research. They also serve to strengthen instruction in academic skills and to enrich the educational process through the talents and ideas of the personnel of participating businesses. Types of business-education partnerships Frank and Smith (1997), have suggested four classifications for business-education partnerships based on the process the partnership employs. They found that most business-education partnerships could be categorized into one of the four classifications. Consultative partnerships are for the purpose of receiving public input around change or to gather ideas for policies. Contributory partnerships are formed to benefit an organization or the community. Operational partnerships are work-sharing arrangements in which the components of a given task are delegated to specific parties. Collaborative partnerships are set up to share resources, risks and decision-making.	2.640625
15827887	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Business-education%20partnerships	Business-education partnerships	Lessons learned: assessing the long-term impact of short-term results Donald M. Clark of The American Association for Career Education (AACE), concurs with the report to Congress on the implementation of the School-to-Work Opportunities Act of 1994 that "more must be done to involve employers." He states that studies of "business-education partnerships" since the White House announcement in 1983 urging this type of connection between the two sectors, have consistently pointed out that they have had little, if any, impact on producing fundamental change in the educational system. More specifically, they rarely encompass attempts to affect the curriculum, the overall educational process, or the acquisition of basic skills. Nor have they significantly affected the dropout rate of participating students (Clark, 1996). The evidence of this growing disenchantment by business and industry was seen in the nationwide surveys of employers conducted by the National Center on the Education quality of the Workforce (EQW). The surveys revealed that most partnerships have diffuse and unquantifiable goals and most of the partnership activities are brief and episodic and involve low levels of investment; they seldom run long enough to make a long-term difference.	2.15625
15827887	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Business-education%20partnerships	Business-education partnerships	HRDC’s evaluation of programs for in-school youth, taken from its June 1997 final report on the Effectiveness of Employment-Related Programs for Youth: Lessons Learned from Past Experience sheds more light on the long-term impact of limited short-term results. This study found that the most effective programs for young people provide sustained adult contact. Results indicate that the most effective strategies for keeping young people in school are those that build bridges to the world of work while young people are still in school. The most effective strategies were found to combine a training component with strong links to the employer community, more formal training linked to on-the-job training and work experience, and job search assistance and transitional wage subsidies (HRDC June 1997). There is some evidence that co-operative education programs lead to improved employment outcomes in post-secondary school although the number of work experience placements offered by employers is quite limited. There are a number of concerns regarding the presence of corporations in the school. There is a fear that the active involvement of business will encourage governments to retreat from their role as the primary funders of education (Torjman, 1998). Other issues of corporate involvement in schools reveal disquieting implications of a corporate ideology and ethos entering the learning experience of our young people (Hill and McGowan, 1996). Teachers are concerned that partnerships with corporations involved in military research and development send a clear message to students. The presence of military contractors in classrooms suggests that schools are not concerned with violence and oppression in the world (Hill and McGowan, 1996).	2.546875
15827914	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lorgues	Lorgues	Lorgues (; ) is a commune in the Var department in the Provence-Alpes-Côte d'Azur region in Southeastern France. It is situated 13 km (8 mi) southwest of the city of Draguignan, seat of the larger arrondissement of Draguignan. Geography Location Lorgues is situated in the center of the department of the Var between the Mediterranean Sea and the Gorges du Verdon/Lac Sainte Croix. The town can be reached via the A8 motorway (20 km away) or the SNCF Les Arcs-Draguignan railway station (12 km); by air, Toulon-Hyères Airport is 45 minutes away, Nice Côte d'Azur Airport 1 hour 10 minutes, and Marseille Provence Airport 1 hour 30 minutes. Its setting has been favourable for the town, with Lorgues lying where two ancient routes cross. One, north-south, climbs from the Mediterranean coast into the interior while the other, east-west, is part of the long inland route from Italy to the Rhône Valley that runs along the foot of the high plateaus. This focus of communication has resulted in Lorgues being an important market town and regional centre throughout its history. Relief In terms of geology Lorgues is, for the most part, underlain by Triassic and Jurassic limestones which give rise to gentle hills and narrow flat-bottomed valleys, the most important of which are the valleys of the rivers Argens and Florièye which border the commune on the south and east. The town centre stands at an elevation of 210m, with the hill of Saint Ferréol to the east rising to 320m. The limestones are important in that they absorb rainwater into cracks and crevices in winter, releasing it through countless springs during the heat of summer. Water is a precious resource in Provence and the relative abundance of springs and streams in the Lorgues area has been vital for cultivating crops and trees. In the years before steam power, running water supplied power for mills to grind olives and grain.	2.078125
15827914	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lorgues	Lorgues	Climate Lorgues has been favoured with respect to climate. It is high enough above the plain of the Var to be cooled by summer breezes while being low enough and sufficiently sheltered to avoid the bitter winter winds that sweep across the plateau to the north. Nevertheless, it has known both droughts and deep frosts: both of which have had impacts on agriculture. Water Water is abundant in Lorgues, an essential for the growth of a town. The town long used two nearby water sources: the Canal and the Pond (today, the supply comes from the local springs of Ste Foy and Entraigues). The naturally sloping terrain of the town allowed maximum use of these canals. The wash-house and its fountain were the obligatory meeting point for women, young people and also animals. The canals were scrupulously maintained until the 1930s, as was the washhouse on Canal Street. The Canal flowed until the heat wave of 2003; now it flows intermittently, but its bed has been completely excavated, because of severe flooding in 2010. These canals, and the many fountains still present in the older parts of the town, were used to water the gardens, as at the Lower Fountain (Font basse, 13th century), and also served to run olive oil mills. They were also an ornament to the town, such the Fontaine de la Noix (1771) or more recently the Fontaine des Demoiselles (2011). Other older ones, as the Fountain of the Pump, brought their water to the inhabitants of the medieval town. History Pre-history to Roman times The oldest solid evidence of human settlement around Lorgues are two Bronze Age tombs (dolmen) in the hamlet of St Jaume, testimony to a very old settlement, around 2,000 to 3,000 BC. On the wooded hill of Saint-Ferréol that overlooks the town to the east are the remains of an oppidum: a fortified settlement that acted as a refuge for the community in the troubled centuries before Rome brought stability to the area.	2.859375
15827914	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lorgues	Lorgues	Lorgues’ status as a market town and regional centre began during the long period of stability (over 500 years) which marked Roman rule in Provence. Latin gave rise to the Provencal language, and the adoption of Christianity was to shape the history of Lorgues, as can be seen from its numerous chapels and other religious buildings. Medieval Lorgues The period from the end of the Roman empire to the 11th or 12th century is poorly documented. Lorgues developed as a small market town, deeply rooted in agriculture, a regional centre for church, education and legal matters, a place for matters of trade and travel. In the 12th century the Knights Templar of the Ruou Commandry (Commanderie du Ruou) acquired an interest in Lorgues and for nearly two centuries dominated the town where they probably took responsibility for the welfare of its inhabitants. Despite not being involved in fighting in France the Templars retained a military outlook and oversaw the creation of ramparts, towers and fortified gateways around the ancient part of Lorgues, which can still be seen even though only a few of the original twelve towers and nine gates now remain. During the 13th to 15th centuries Lorgues continued to grow. Its status as a free independent town within the County of Provence was confirmed in 1402 by Louis II and again in 1486 by René d’Anjou, Count of Provence. In 1474 Count René permitted the town to expand to the east of the old fortified area (the castrum). The result was Place Neuve (New Square) and additional buildings to the south. In 1486 the old county of Provence was absorbed into the kingdom of France, although French did not become the official language for another 60 years.	2.890625
15827914	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lorgues	Lorgues	16th to 18th century Despite episodes of epidemics and plagues, and the Wars of Religion, Lorgues continued to grow in the 16th century, with many new religious buildings (some have been converted to other use, others no longer exist) in addition to town houses. In 1579 the town withstood a siege of six weeks during the Wars of Religion, during which a fountain in the old town (still in use) kept working and so enabled the defenders to resist. Olives were the most important crop and the town had at least seventeen olive presses. In 1623 the present ‘campanile’ – open bell tower – was erected by raising the height of a tower at the corner of the old ramparts. Many houses were built to the south of what is now the Avenue de la Republique, in the area to the west of the new collegiate church of Saint Martin which was the town’s major building project in the early 18th century (1704–29). A livestock market was held from around the 18th century on the edge of the old town in Les Aires Neuves, now Place Accarisio, where wheat was also threshed. One of the eight olive oil mills in Lorgues, the mill of Saint Martin (1776) can be seen in the square; it got its power from the local canal. Lorgues was one of 12 vigueries (an area for administering justice and finance) in Provence, and the Palais de Justice (1768) in Place Neuve was built to house the law courts. A symbol of civil pride, the Fountain of the Walnut (Fontaine de la Noix) was erected in 1771. The period of the French Revolution at the end of the 18th century did not affect Lorgues greatly, even though the town retained sympathies to the monarchy. Under the new constitution of 1790, France was organised into 83 departments, and Lorgues became part of the Var.	2.90625
15827914	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lorgues	Lorgues	Modern Lorgues Nineteenth-century Lorgues was marked by prosperity, during which the population rose to around 5,000. Many large houses were built along the Boulevard de la République, a grand town hall (mairie) was also built and a large public school building erected. French olive oil began to face competition from cheaper imports, resulting in a switch to the vine as a preferred crop. The population began to decline at the end of the 19th century, and suffered a particular blow after the First World War when some 93 men were killed. The war memorial was erected in 1921 in a garden on the site of today’s Marius Trussy Square. War trophies – a cannon and four shells – contributed to its decoration. When it was decided in 1958 to level the garden at street level to make a square, the monument was moved to the Place d’Antrechaus, at the top end of Boulevard de la République, where it stands today, although without the war trophies. In the confusion of the Allied landings in Provence in August 1944, Lorgues suffered civilian deaths from air attack and also the loss of 22 of its young men by the retreating Germans. In consequence the town was awarded the Croix de guerre 1939-1945. After the war the population of Lorgues remained low and it continues as a small town dependent on agriculture. However the ‘discovery’ of the south of France as a holiday destination in the 1960s led to growth, especially with the construction of the A8 autoroute and the TGV train line. Tourism is now an important part of the economy. Many of the older buildings in Lorgues have become residences or put to other use: for example, the Cultural Centre was once a convent and some of the old olive mills are now homes or restaurants. Much work has been done to make the older part of the town fit for the 21st century without destroying its character. In the medieval part of the town, new squares have been created where older buildings have had to be demolished. The latest, inaugurated in February 2020, is the Square of Queen Joanna.	2.765625
15827914	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lorgues	Lorgues	Coat of arms Lorgues' coat of arms is first recorded in the mid-17th century. It has changed slightly over the years through Revolution and Restoration, but the emblems of the lion and the dog supporting a fleur-de-lys have been consistent: the animals symbolise the town’s motto “Strength and Fidelity” (Force et Fidélité). Politics and administration Lorgues is part of the Dracénie Provence Verdon agglomeration, created in 2000, which groups 23 communes (listed below in alphabetical order). Draguignan; Ampus; Bargemon; Bargème; Callas; Châteaudouble; Claviers; Comps-sur-Artuby; Figanières; Flayosc; La Bastide; La Motte; La Roque-Esclapon; Le Muy; Montferrat; Les Arcs; Lorgues; Saint-Antonin-du-Var; Salernes; Sillans-la-Cascade; Taradeau; Trans-en-Provence; Vidauban. In December 2020 Lorgues was chosen to become a Petite Ville de Demain (Small Town of Tomorrow) in recognition of its efforts to improve the life of its inhabitants and that of the small communities surrounding the town with a commitment to a more ecological development. Demography Lorgues reached a population peak of 5,509 in the late 18th century, which it was not to pass again until the 1980s. It stayed fairly stable at over 4,000 for the next 90 years, only starting to decline at the end of the 19th century. As with many French towns, the population dropped considerably after the First World War to around 2,500, and grew only slowly after that. It was not until the mid-1960s, when the area became popular as a holiday and retirement destination, that the population began to grow, which it steadily did from the late 1960s to reach around 9,000 in the 2010s.	2.53125
15827914	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lorgues	Lorgues	Lorgues old town (‘castrum’) The medieval town is the core of Lorgues, with its narrow, winding streets. Many towers from the old defensive system can still be seen, such as the Sarrasine Gate. Outside the original walls are rows of houses dating from the 16th century onwards, and later buildings such as the Palais de Justice, the 17th century lawcourts. Maps for exploring the old town, its chapels and its fountains are available from the Tourist Office. The town hall (mairie) and old school were built in the 19th century when the town was expanding. Religious buildings Lorgues has an important heritage of chapels. Many of the oldest are situated on the roads leading into the town and feature a porch, a “halle”, a protection against bad weather. Some of them took on a new function over time, as chapels to hamlets, others today are privately owned and have been converted to secular use or abandoned. In the 17th and 19th centuries some chapels were built by religious communities: Saint Ferréol and Saint François date from the 17th century; the 19th century chapels are now either in private hands or no longer used. The 18th century saw the building of the Collegiate Church of Saint Martin to replace the old parish church of the same name. Few chapels have been able to keep their original decoration, paintings, altarpieces, frescoes, reliquary busts and statues. Some that have are Sainte-Anne, Saint-Ferréol, Saint-François and especially Notre-Dame de Ben-Va, which contains early 16th-century frescos. Others have only preserved relics of furnishings, such as Saint-Honorat, Saint-Jaume, Saint-Jean-Baptiste and Notre-Dame de Florièyes. All have been altered by the vicissitudes of history: invasions, revolution and rural exodus. Some of the chapels can be visited by appointment with the Tourist Office or at certain other times of the year.	2.734375
15827914	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lorgues	Lorgues	Other monuments As mentioned in the section on pre-history, Bronze Age tombs (particularly the dolmen of Pey-cervier) and a pre-Roman fortification (oppidum) have been found in the area, although not much remains, particularly of the latter. Daily life Lorgues has a strong scholastic presence, with two nursery and two primary schools. The secondary schools (collège and lycée) draw in students from other towns and villages in the area. There is a long tradition of active societies in Lorgues, particularly those offering different kinds of sports, but there are also many cultural and social associations. The town is well supplied with doctors, dentists, nurses and other health professionals, and contains a number of pharmacies. The nearest hospital is in Draguignan. The Catholic parish of Lorgues includes Saint-Antonin and Le Thoronet. The main parish church is the large collegiate church of Saint Martin, which dominates the town. The Protestants have used the small chapel of Saint Honorat since 1980 for monthly services. An old shepherd's dwelling (bergerie) has been transformed into a mosque for Muslim worship.	2.4375
15827916	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Saint-Mandrier-sur-Mer	Saint-Mandrier-sur-Mer	Saint-Mandrier-sur-Mer (, "Saint-Mandrier on Sea"; ), commonly referred to simply as Saint-Mandrier (former official name), is a commune in the southeastern French department of Var, Provence-Alpes-Côte d'Azur region. Across the harbour from the military port of Toulon, first naval base in Europe by size and homeport of the aircraft carrier Charles de Gaulle, flagship of the French Navy, Saint-Mandrier-sur-Mer is home to a fishing port of its own, tucked into a small inlet. History Situated on the Isle de Sépet until a causeway was constructed between 1630 and 1657, what is now the town shows evidence of long habitation. A Phoenician tower once stood on the island, while the area was cleared for farming in the 6th century. The Phoenician tower was converted to a Christian chapel in 566 and the church of Saint-Honorat was built in 1020. The causeway to the mainland (the Isthme des Sablettes) not only led to the creation of an independent town, but the use of the area as a battery station for the heavily fortified port of Toulon. Fishing and naval work dominated the town, with the construction of the "Infirmerie Royale Saint-Louis" naval hospital, becoming the 1818 the "Hôpital Maritime Saint-Mandrier" in 1818. In the 19th century, Saint-Mandrier-sur-Mer also was home to sailmaking. Naval aviation and the Fleet Mechanics and Pilots School (École des Mécaniciens et Chauffeurs de la flotte, GEM) were located in the town in the 1930s.	2.203125
15827916	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Saint-Mandrier-sur-Mer	Saint-Mandrier-sur-Mer	In World War II, Saint-Mandrier-sur-Mer was fortified with two turrets, each mounting a pair of 340mm naval guns taken the French battleship Provence. This fortress controlled the approaches to Toulon; the range and power of these guns was such that a considerable Allied naval force was required to destroy them. Part of the fleet and the first to engage the battery was the Free French battleship Lorraine, sister ship to the Provence and mounting the same type of gun. The Allies, who termed the battery 'Big Willie', dedicated a battleship or heavy cruiser to shelling it every day; eventually silenced the guns on 23 August 1944, although the fortress would not be taken until 28th. In 1948, the World War I cemetery in Saint-Mandrier-sur-Mer was made a national necropolis. In 1961, it received the remains of an additional 975 Italian soldiers killed in World War II while fighting for the Allies. The cemetery also features the necropolis of Admiral Louis-René Levassor de Latouche Tréville, who served as commander of the naval forces in the Mediterranean under Napoleon. On 11 April 1950, Saint-Mandrier was made an independent commune from La Seyne-sur-Mer. Louis Clément of the Socialist Party (PS) served as its first mayor for over 20 years. On 16 April 1951, it was officially renamed Saint-Mandrier-sur-Mer. Geography Climate Saint-Mandrier-sur-Mer has a hot-summer Mediterranean climate (Köppen climate classification Csa). The average annual temperature in Saint-Mandrier-sur-Mer is . The average annual rainfall is with October as the wettest month. The temperatures are highest on average in August, at around , and lowest in January, at around . The highest temperature ever recorded in Saint-Mandrier-sur-Mer was on 7 July 1982; the coldest temperature ever recorded was on 9 January 1985. Demographics Its inhabitants are called Mandréens (masculine) and Mandréennes (feminine) in French.	2.71875
15827938	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Prince%20Ludwig%20of%20Bavaria%20%281913%E2%80%932008%29	Prince Ludwig of Bavaria (1913–2008)	Prince Ludwig of Bavaria (22 June 1913 – 17 October 2008) was a member of the Bavarian Royal House of Wittelsbach. Early life Prince Ludwig was born at Nymphenburg Palace, Munich, Kingdom of Bavaria. He was the eldest son of Prince Franz of Bavaria, the third son of King Ludwig III, and his wife Princess Isabella Antonie of Croÿ. After graduating from the Maximilians-Gymnasium (located in Schwabing, Munich), Ludwig studied forestry at the university in Hungary. In 1939, as most young German men of his age, he was drafted into the military, serving as a Gebirgsjäger. However, his career in the German Army was short lived. In early 1941, Ludwig was relieved from all combat duties as a result of the Prinzenerlass which prohibited members of Germany's royal houses from participating in military operations. He spent the rest of the war at Sarvar in Hungary where his family owned a castle. In 1945, his family fled Hungary and settled at Leutstetten near Starnberg in Bavaria. Marriage and issue On 19 July 1950, Ludwig married his first cousin Princess Irmingard of Bavaria (29 May 1923 in Berchtesgaden – 23 October 2010 in Leutstetten), daughter of Crown Prince Rupprecht of Bavaria and Princess Antonia of Luxembourg. The civil wedding took place at Leutstetten, and the religious ceremony followed a day later at Schloss Nymphenburg in Munich. The couple had three children: Prince Luitpold of Bavaria (born 14 April 1951 in Leutstetten), married to Katrin Beatrix Wiegand from 1979 to 1999. They had five children. Princess Maria of Bavaria (born and died 3 January 1953) Princess Philippa of Bavaria (born and died 26 June 1954) Later life After the death of Crown Prince Rupprecht of Bavaria in 1955, Ludwig and Irmingard moved into Schloss Leutstetten, where Irmingard continued to live. Ludwig was a Grand Prior of the Bavarian Order of Saint George, a Knight of the Order of Saint Hubert, and from 1960 a Knight of the Order of the Golden Fleece.	1.921875
15827955	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ioan%20Dumitrache	Ioan Dumitrache	Ioan Dumitrache (25 August 1889 – 6 March 1977) was a Romanian major general during World War II, in command of the 2nd Mountain Division. His troops (vânători de munte) were recognized as the elite troops of the Romanian Army throughout the campaign on the Eastern Front. He was a recipient of the Knight's Cross of the Iron Cross of Nazi Germany, awarded to him for capturing Nalchik on November 2, 1942. Biography Early life He was born in Ciorăști in 1889, in what was then Râmnicu Sărat County (now Vrancea County), in the Muntenia region of Romania, the son of Gheorghe and Ioana Dumitrache. He attended the gymnasium in Râmnicu Sărat and the Alexandru Ioan Cuza High School in Focșani. In 1909 he was admitted to the Military School of Infantry Officers in Bucharest, from which he graduated in 1911 with the rank of second lieutenant. In 1913 he participated in the Second Balkan War, and was promoted to lieutenant in 1914. World War I and the interwar After Romania entered World War I on the side of the Entente, Dumitrache took part in the Flămânda Offensive in 1916. He was wounded in the battles of 1916 and 1917, and advanced to the rank of captain in 1917. After the war, he was admitted to the Higher War School in 1919. Promoted to major in 1920, he graduated in 1921 and was assigned as staff officer with the 1st Vânători de munte Division in Arad. In 1924 he was reassigned to the 1st Mountain Division in Sinaia. In May 1929 he was promoted lieutenant colonel and named commanding officer of the 2nd Mountain Battalion in Caransebeș.	1.96875
15827955	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ioan%20Dumitrache	Ioan Dumitrache	Reassigned after two years to the Inspectorate-General of Territorial Command in Bucharest, he was promoted to colonel in October 1935, and put in command of the 4th Mountain Group in Bistrița. Between February 1938 and March 1939 he also served as prefect of Năsăud County, being appointed to this position by Prime Minister Miron Cristea. In the fall of 1939 he was appointed commander of the 2nd Mixed Mountain Brigade, which covered the Tisa–Maramureș sector. After Northern Transylvania was ceded to Hungary in the wake of the Second Vienna Award, his unit withdrew to the Alba Iulia–Hațeg area, with the command post in Deva. World War II On 10 May 1941 he became brigadier general and was named commanding officer of the 2nd Mountain Brigade, subordinated to the Mountain Corps of the Romanian 3rd Army, under the command of General Petre Dumitrescu. From 20 June, the Mountain Corps, commanded by General Gheorghe Avramescu passed under the operational command of the Wehrmacht's 11th Army. Romania joined Operation Barbarossa on 22 June in order to reclaim the lost territories of Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina, which had been annexed by the Soviet Union in June 1940. The 3rd Army started the offensive in Northern Bukovina on 2 July as part of Operation München, attacking in the direction of Rădăuți–Cernăuți–Hotin. Dumitrache's 2nd Mountain Brigade was the spearhead of the attack on Cernăuți, which was taken on 4 July. Together with the 8th Cavalry Division, it forced the Prut River and liberated the Herța region; by 9 July, the entire northern part of Bukovina was under control of the Romanian Army. The 3rd Army carried out heavy fights for Hotin with the retreating forces of the Soviet 12th Army. Dumitrache was awarded in October 1941 the Order of Michael the Brave 3rd class for his actions in the reoccupation of Hotin.	2.453125
15827955	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ioan%20Dumitrache	Ioan Dumitrache	The 2nd Mountain Brigade was upgraded to a Division on 15 March 1942, and Dumitrache became its commanding officer. The 2nd Mountain Division left for the front on 6 July, at the start of the Battle of the Caucasus. On 31 July it was in combat disposition with the 3rd Army in the Rostov area, from where it crossed the Don River and advanced southwards, subordinated to the 1st Panzer Army under the command of General Paul von Kleist. The first serious fighting occurred during the forcing of the Baksan River and the establishment of a bridgehead beyond it on Height 910. In mid-October, the mountain division started a strong offensive, occupying the village of Saiukovo, and taking 400 POWs. On 25 October Dumitrache's troops started the offensive towards Nalchik, in the foothills of the Caucasus Mountains, forcing the Baksan River once again. The front was broken between the Soviet 295th Rifle and 2nd Guards Rifle Divisions; on 28 October, after fierce fighting in the hills and forests near Nalchik, the 2nd Mountain Division taking its objective. The Battle of Nalchik ended as one of the biggest Romanian victories on the Eastern Front, with the capture of 3,079 prisoners and a large amount of weaponry and war materiel. In the battles of Baksan and Nalchik, the 2nd Mountain Division lost 820 soldiers (157 dead, 647 wounded and 16 missing). For this action, Dumitrache received 2 November 1942 the Knight's Cross of the Iron Cross, in the rank of Knight, the highest Order of the Third Reich.	2.359375
15827955	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ioan%20Dumitrache	Ioan Dumitrache	After the Soviet breakthroughs at the Battle of Stalingrad, the Axis forces in the Caucasus were put on the defensive, and began to withdraw. The 2nd Mountain Division arrived at the Taman Peninsula on 28 January 1943; subordinated to the German 52nd Corps from the 17th Army, it established defensive positions in the Kuban bridgehead, on the western bank of the Beysug River. After several more weeks of fighting, Dumitrache's mountain division was removed from the front line on 20 March, and was sent to the Alma Valley in Crimea for reorganization. Between July and October, the 2 Mountain Division carried out wear and tear battles with the Red Army and partisan detachments. On 10 November, after the 4th Ukrainian Front started its offensive on the North Crimean Canal, Dumitrache took over the command of a Romanian detachment, made up of troops from the 1st and 2nd Mountain, as well as 10th and 19th Infantry Divisions, that contained a Soviet bridgehead south of the Sivash Bay. After being relieved on 12 December by the German 336th Infantry Division, Dumitrache returned to the 2nd Mountain Division, and, together with a detachment led by Leonard Mociulschi, eliminated over 3,700 partisans in the Yaila Mountains. During the 4th Ukrainian Front's Crimean Offensive from April 1944, when the Soviet troops broke into Crimea, Dumitrache's division was divided in two: one part at Sevastopol, where it repulsed 24 Soviet attacks between 15 and 30 April 1944, while the other part was sacrificed by the German command in order to allow the retreat of the Axis troops from the Kerch Peninsula. During the last days of the battle for Sevastopol, the remnants of the 2nd Mountain Division were evacuated, and Dumitrache returned to Romania.	2.296875
15827955	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ioan%20Dumitrache	Ioan Dumitrache	On 1 August 1944, Dumitrache was appointed to the command of the newly reorganized Mountain Corps that was deployed on the Romanian-Hungarian frontier in Southwestern Transylvania. The day after King Michael's Coup of 23 August 1944, when Romania switched sides and joined the Allies, the German troops occupied key positions in Brașov. Dumitrache's detachment reacted quickly, and on 25 August, cleared the city of German troops, capturing 500 POWs and 6 guns. For the next few days his Mountain Corps, together with General Grigore Bălan's 1st Mountain Division, defended the front line between Întorsura Buzăului and Homorod, repulsing attacks of German and Hungarian troops, and blocking the roads for the Germans retreating northward from Muntenia. At the beginning of September, the Mountain Corps (which was subordinate to the 4th Army, under the command of Gheorghe Avramescu) went on the offensive, in cooperation with the Soviet 33rd Army, the subordinate of which was the Tudor Vladimirescu Division. During the Battle of Turda, Sfântu Gheorghe was liberated on 8 September and Târgu Mureș on 28 September. The next offensive started on 9 October; Dumitrache's Mountain Corps pursued the retreating German 8th Army westwards, entering Gherla on 14 October. The next day, the corps units were withdrawn to Brașov and Sinaia, while the 2nd and 3rd Mountain Divisions continued the offensive towards Hungary. On 22 November, Dumitrache was decorated by King Michael I with the Order of Michael the Brave, 3rd class with swords "for the way in which he distinguished himself in the heavy but successful actions during the period 24 August–12 October 1944, undertaken in Brașov, Sfântu Gheorghe, Târgu Mureș, Gherla, for the liberation of Transylvania." Only two other Romanian generals (also mountain troops commanders) received the model 1941 3rd and 2nd classes and the model 1944 3rd class of the order.	2.28125
15827985	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Golden%20Rose%20Synagogue%20%28Lviv%29	Golden Rose Synagogue (Lviv)	The Golden Rose Synagogue (; ; ), known also as the Nachmanowicz Synagogue, or the Turei Zahav Synagogue () was an Orthodox Jewish synagogue, located in Lviv, in what is now the Lviv Oblast in western Ukraine. The Golden Rose Synagogue, established in 1582 in the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, was the oldest synagogue in what is now Ukraine. From September 1603 until 1801, the Golden Rose served as the main communal synagogue while the Great City Synagogue expanded its facilities. Both the Golden Rose and Great City synagogues were destroyed by Nazis during World War II. History A midtown plot of land was bought in 1580, and the synagogue was founded and funded in 1581 by Yitzhak ben Nachman (Izak Nachmanowicz), a financier to Stefan Batory, King of Poland. Therefore, the oldest name of the synagogue was the Nachmanowicz Synagogue. It was built in 1582 by Paulus Italus ("Paolo the Italian") from Tujetsch (Tschamut) village in canton Graubünden, Switzerland, a master builder known by his guild nickname Paweł Szczęśliwy (Paul the Fortunate, in Polish). In 1595, the same Paolo, assisted by Ambrogio Nutclauss (alias Ambroży Przychylny), by Adam Pokora, and by master Zachariasz (most probably, Zachariasz Sprawny, alias Zaccaria de Lugano) built a vestibule and a women's gallery in the synagogue. Men prayed in a hall that was spanned by a cloister rib vault with pointed lunettes above the windows. An alabaster Torah ark in renaissance style was located at the eastern wall. A bimah was located in the middle of the prayer hall. The building was topped by an attic in Mannerist style.	1.914063
15827985	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Golden%20Rose%20Synagogue%20%28Lviv%29	Golden Rose Synagogue (Lviv)	In 1606 the building was confiscated by the Jesuits. In 1609, after paying a ransom of 20,600 guilders the synagogue was returned to the Jewish community. A local legend (first published in 1863) ascribed the merit of the restitution of the synagogue to Rosa bat Ya'akov, Yitzhak's daughter-in-law. The synagogue was therefore also called the Golden Rose Synagogue after her. Rabbi Yitzhak ben Shemuel HaLevi composed in 1609 Shir Ge'ula (a Song of Deliverance) – which was read each year as a part of the shacharit prayer on Shabbat following Purim. The Song of Deliverance compared the return of the synagogue to the Jewish community to the salvation of the Jews from the Babylonian and Egyptian captivities. In 1654-67, rabbi David HaLevi Segal, called TaZ after his main work Sefer Turei Zahav, the younger brother of Yitzhak HaLevi and his pupil, prayed in this synagogue. For that reason the building was also named the TaZ Synagogue. In 1941, the synagogue was desecrated, and in 1943 ruined by the Nazis. There is a plaque commemorating the Golden Rose Synagogue: "Remnant of the old temple called 'Di Goldene Royz'. Built during 1580-1595 by the Nachmanowicz family in the memory of Nachmanowicz's wife. The building designed by the Italian architect Pablo Romano was destroyed by Nazis and burnt in summer 1942." The members of the Jewish community of Lviv desire a reconstruction of the synagogue "as it once was". The project by the Office of Historic Environment Preservation of Lviv City Council, commissioned 2016, envisages a commemorative space. "Rebuilding of the Golden Rose Synagogue is not foreseen in the plan." Conservation The synagogue was located in the Old Town of Lviv, that was designated as a UNESCO World Heritage Site on 5 December 1998.	2.75
15827987	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Edgardo%20Vega%20Yunqu%C3%A9	Edgardo Vega Yunqué	Edgardo Vega Yunqué (May 20, 1936August 26, 2008) was a Puerto Rican novelist and short story writer, who also used the pen name Ed Vega. Early years Edgardo Vega Yunqué was born in Ponce, to Alberto Vega, a Baptist minister, and Abigail Yunqué, and lived in Cidra, Puerto Rico, until his family moved to the South Bronx in 1949. Even as a child he loved to read, and became familiar with many of the great European works. His seminal influences included Miguel de Cervantes, Azorín, Borges, Unamuno, Lope de Vega, Victor Hugo, and members of the Generation of '27 literary movement. Upon graduating from high school in 1954, he joined the United States Air Force. During his free time Vega focused on reading and analysis of American literature, after finding a large collection of books at his sister's house. After Vega's Air Force service, he attended Santa Monica College, and eventually got his degree from New York University. Vega temporarily dropped out of school after the assassination of U.S. President John F. Kennedy, and worked in East Harlem as part of the war on poverty. Personal life Vega was married to Pat Vega née Patricia Jean Schumacher on December 31, 1961; their marriage ended in divorce in 1997. They had three children: Alyson, Matthew, and Tim. Vega was also the stepfather of folk singer Suzanne Vega, whose hit "Luka" deals with the emotional and physical abuse she and her step-siblings allegedly suffered from Vega. Work Vega focused on writing since 1972 and published his first short story "Wild Horses" in Nuestra Magazine in 1977. He wrote fourteen novels and three story collections. He said that he often worked on several books at once and had no problem keeping track of them: Since my work is about people and my affection for them, I don't lose track of who they are just like I don't lose track of my children or other relatives and acquaintances. I have friends – and characters – whom I don't see for a long time, but as soon as we get together we pick up where we left off.	2.078125
15828045	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brazil%E2%80%93France%20relations	Brazil–France relations	Brazil–France relations are the bilateral relations between the Federative Republic of Brazil and the French Republic. France and Brazil share a 730km long-border via. the French department of Guiana, the longest international border of France. The two countries are committed to strengthening their bilateral cooperation in the areas for which working groups have been created: nuclear energy, renewable energies, defence technologies, technological innovation, joint cooperation in African countries and space technologies, medicines and the environment. Brazil and France entered a formal strategic alliance in 2008. France supports Brazil's ambition to become a global player on the international scene, and has been a strong supporter of the Brazilian bid for a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council. Through significant technology transfers, France intends to help Brazil acquire key technologies of a major world power in the military, space, energy and technology sectors. According to a 2013 BBC World Service Poll, 54% of French people view Brazil's influence positively, with 32% expressing a negative view, while 50% of Brazilians view France's influence positively, with 19% expressing a negative view. History In 2019, Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro commented that he would only accept $20 million in G7 aid to fight the Amazon rainforest wildfires if French President Emmanuel Macron retracted criticisms which he found offensive, accusing Macron of a "colonialist mentality". After a period of relative isolation and neglect under Bolsonaro, Brazil re-engaged in parterships with France under President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, notably in green policies and defense projects such as the extension of the Franco-Brazilian Submarine Development Program.	2.703125
15828045	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brazil%E2%80%93France%20relations	Brazil–France relations	Trade relations Brazil is France's leading trade partner in Latin America and its fourth most important partner outside OECD. Over 500 French companies are established directly in Brazil and employ over 250,000 people. Total trade between the two countries surpassed $6.5 billion dollars in 2009. Cultural relations Brazil is France's leading partner in Latin America for cultural, scientific, and technical cooperation. Three French secondary schools (Brasília, Rio, and São Paulo) have a total of 2,150 students; 1,000 of whom are French. The Alliances françaises in Brazil constitute the oldest and most extensive in the world (74 establishments in 52 cities). Brazil, through its past and present connections to France, is eligible for membership with the Organisation internationale de la Francophonie. Both countries also share the distinction of being the largest Roman Catholic-majority countries by population on their respective continents. Cross-border cooperation Brazil and France share a 730 km border between the state of Amapá and the overseas department of French Guiana. The cross-border cooperation between the two countries has enjoyed increased vitality. This cooperation makes it possible to better integrate French Guiana into its geographical environment, to respond to the concerns of both parties about the various cross-border risks, to encourage human exchanges and trade and to develop the economy of the Amazon region, respecting the local populations and extraordinary environment. The granting to France, on the initiative of Brazil, of observer status within the Amazon Cooperation Treaty Organization, will strengthen this cooperation. The construction of the Oyapock River Bridge over the Oyapock River, decided during President Lula’s visit to France, made the Cayenne-Macapá road link possible. The bridge was opened in 2017.	2.484375
15828075	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cefn%20yr%20Ystrad	Cefn yr Ystrad	Cefn yr Ystrad is a mountain in the Brecon Beacons National Park in Wales. It is an outlier of the Central Beacons group. The broad northeast - southwest aligned ridge reaches an elevation of . One of the southernmost peaks in the Brecon Beacons, it rises to the east of Pontsticill Reservoir. The summit area is a great stretch of wild moorland, with the highest point marked by a trig point. Geology The hill is formed from successive layers of Carboniferous Limestone and the overlying Twrch Sandstone (formerly known as the Basal Grit of the Millstone Grit). The rock strata generally dip to the south but are locally disrupted by foundering of the sandstone as the underlying limestone has dissolved away. There are extensive ice-smoothed pavements of the latter and loose rock abounds. The crest and southern slopes of the hill are home to dozens of shakeholes, some of which reach considerable proportions. Archaeology The hill is scattered with archaeological sites from the Bronze Age through to the industrial period. Pre-eminent amongst these are Garn Felen and Carn-y-Bugail; the latter, which translates as ‘cairn of the shepherd’, is a 15m diameter burial cairn southeast of the summit. It stands at 3m high but has been partly disturbed. Numerous nineteenth century boundary stones can traced across the hill bearing the engraved letters ‘D of B, TM’ on the one side and ‘GH’ on the other, marking the boundary between the estates of the Duke of Beaufort, Tretower Manor and of the Gwynne Holford’s who were established at Buckland Hall near Bwlch A number of more recent structures and tracks are associated with the now-abandoned limestone quarries of Cwar Blaen-dyffryn, Cwar y Hendre and Cwar yr Ystrad on the northern and northwestern flanks of the hill. Access The hill lies entirely within open country and so access on foot is freely available. A bridleway running northeast from Pontsticill skirts the northwestern edge of the hill bound for Dyffryn Crawnon and the Usk Valley.	2.5
15828108	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tournai-sur-Dive	Tournai-sur-Dive	Tournai-sur-Dive (, literally Tournai on Dive) is a commune in the Orne department in north-western France. Geography The commune is made up of the following collection of villages and hamlets, Montmilcent, Miguillaume and Tournai-sur-Dive. The commune has the River Dives running through it and two streams Pont aux Anes & the Foulbec. Tournai-sur Dives during the Second World War At the centre of the Falaise Pocket, the small village of TOURNAI- sur- DIVES took a very important part in the outcome of the Battle of Normandy. Just 23 inhabitants stayed in their village with the priest of the commune (parish): l'Abbé Launay. Some German soldiers lived there as well with their officer. Everybody was exhausted due to the heat of July and the non-stop bombing of the Allies. Finally, the priest and the German officer decided to both go to the Canadian and Polish battle line near Trun and ask to surrender. They travelled in a tank bearing the red cross and white flag. However, German officer became afraid to meet Polish soldiers because of their reputation of not taking prisoners, so they changed their objective and went to the American unit in Chambois. There, Americans kept the German officer as hostage and the abbey returned to Tournai-sur-Dives where all the Germans gave themselves up. It was the first day of the end of the Battle of Normandy; 21 August 1944. Notable buildings and places National heritage sites Menhir dit la Pierre au Bordeu is a Neolithic Menhir classified as a Monument historique in 1938. Sport The commune has an 18 hole golf course, Golf du Bief.	2.28125
15828205	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/M%C3%A9nil-Gondouin	Ménil-Gondouin	Ménil-Gondouin () is a commune in the Orne department in north-western France. Geography The commune is made up of the following collection of villages and hamlets, La Coconière, La Haute Bruyèreand Ménil-Gondouin. The commune is part of area known as Suisse Normande. Menil-Gondouin only has one watercourse running through it, the Ruisseau de Vienne. Notable buildings and places The living and talking church of Ménil-Gondouin Saint-Vigor du Ménil-Gondouin church is a nineteenth century church that has been covered in statues and dozens of inscriptions by a single person, the parish priest Victor Paysant (1841-1921). The church contains the head of a statue, of the Crowned Virgin, that is dating back to the 14th/15th Century and was listed as a Monument historique in 1984. National heritage sites The Commune has 2 other buildings and areas listed as a Monument historique Domain of the Court a set of remains of an old 16th century Chateau that belonged to Antoine de Turgot, that was listed as a Monument historique in 1983. Logis Saint-Honorine an 18th Century chateau with outbuildings dating back to the 15th century, listed as Monument Historique in 1975	2.171875
15828215	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Almen%C3%AAches	Almenêches	Almenêches () is a commune in the Orne department in north-western France. Geography The commune of is made up of the following villages and hamlets, Saint-Hippolyte, Almenêches, Fligny, La Gare, Le Mesnil, Les Champs Bouchers, Le Friche, Surônes and Les Essarts. The Commune is one of 30 communes that make up the Natura 2000 protected area of Bocages et vergers du sud Pays d'Auge. Almenêches along with another 70 communes is also part of a 20,593 hectare, Natura 2000 conservation area, the Haute vallée de l'Orne et affluents. Almenêches has a total of 15 water courses running through it, three rivers The Orne, la Dieuge and Le Don. The other twelve watercourses are all streams; la Gironde Fausse Rivière Querpont L'Epinet Noës Essards Essards Essarts Rogneux Calvaire Joncerai Plessis Places of interest National heritage sites Almenêches church a 16th century Church that was part of Almenêches Abbey and listed as a Monument historique in 1948. Population The inhabitants are known as Almenéchois in French. Notable people Louis-Guillaume Perreaux (1816 -1889) an inventor who submitted one of the first patents for a working motorcycle in 1869, was born here. Heraldry	2.109375
15828239	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bazoches-au-Houlme	Bazoches-au-Houlme	Bazoches-au-Houlme () is a commune in the Orne department in northwestern France. Geography The commune of Bazoches-au-Houlme is part of the area known as Suisse Normande. The commune is made up of the following collection of villages and hamlets, Bazoches-au-Houlme, La Guilberdière, Le Pont de Baize and La Thiboudière. The river Baize runs through the commune, along with four of its tributaries, Ruisseau des Vaux Viets, Ruisseau du Val Lienard, Ruisseau du Val and Ruisseau des Vallees. Notable buildings and places National heritage sites Saint-Pierre Church is a church built during the 12th century that contains a group of sculptures of The Virgin Bringing Communion to Saint Avoie, from the old church of Saint-Pavin is classed as a Monument historique. Château de Bazoches-au-Houlme is a stately home built in many stages. At first it was castle fortress remnants from the 12th century that was partly destroyed by Geoffrey Plantagenet with a watchtower that was built in the 14th century added to the structure. Later in the 15th to 18th century a stately home was added to the structure. This is classed as a Monument historique. Notable people Remy de Gourmont, a French symbolist poet, novelist, and influential critic, was born in Bazoches-au-Houlme. Maurice Ephrussi, owned the Haras du Gazon, a breeding farm in Bazoches-au-Houlme which produced several horses of notable ability. Population	2.21875
15828251	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bellou-en-Houlme	Bellou-en-Houlme	Bellou-en-Houlme is a commune in the Orne department in northwestern France. Geography The commune is made up of the following collection of villages and hamlets, La Forêterie,Laubesnière, Le Val du Breuil, La Longrais,Le Clos,Le Pont and Bellou-en-Houlme. There are 10 watercourses that traverse through the commune, two rivers The Val du Breuil, and The Gine, in addition to eight streams. The eight streams are the Laurenciere, the Roussieres, la Haie, the Grand Ros, La Prevostiere, the Loget, the Lange and La Source Philippe. Bellou-en-Houlme also has the largest marsh in the Orne department, shared with Briouze at 167.41 Ha, called the Grand-Hazé. Population Points of Interest Grand-Hazé is a 500 acres of Marshland that has been under the protection of the Natura 2000 since 2002, that is shared with Briouze. The Marshland features Camargue horses and Highland cattle. National heritage sites The Commune has one buildings listed as a Monument historique, which is the Château de Dieufit, a farm house built in 1862, and listed in 2012. Notable People Foulques du Merle - (1239 - 1314) was Seigneur of Gacé and Bellou-en-Houlme, and Baron of Le Merlerault, Briouze and Messei. Twin towns – sister cities Bellou-en-Houlme is twinned with: Wehretal, Germany	2.34375
15828261	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James%20Madison%20Dukes%20football	James Madison Dukes football	The James Madison Dukes football program represents James Madison University in the sport of American football. The Dukes compete in the NCAA Division I Football Bowl Subdivision (FBS) as a member of the Sun Belt Conference (SBC), beginning play within the conference for the 2022 season. The university first fielded a football team in 1972, and the Dukes play at the on-campus Bridgeforth Stadium in Harrisonburg, Virginia. The Dukes are currently coached by Bob Chesney. The JMU football team has been the centerpiece of JMU sports since the early 1990s. Under former head coach Mickey Matthews the Dukes continued their rise in national prominence, winning the 2004 FCS National Championship. The Dukes won their second national championship in 2016 and finished as national runners-up in 2017 and 2019. Notable Dukes include Charles Haley, one of two players to win five Super Bowl rings and is also an inductee of the College Football Hall of Fame and Pro Football Hall of Fame; Scott Norwood, of the Buffalo Bills; Gary Clark, an All-Pro wide receiver for the Washington Commanders; Arthur Moats, a linebacker for the Buffalo Bills and Pittsburgh Steelers who is known for delivering the sack that led to the end of the record streak of consecutive starts made by Brett Favre in the National Football League (NFL); and Aaron Stinnie, an offensive guard for the New York Giants who won a Super Bowl with the 2021 Tampa Bay Buccaneers. History Early history (1972–1998) Just five years after (then) Madison College had become a coeducational institution, the Dukes fielded their first football team. Football was the brainchild of Dr. Ronald Carrier, Madison's president at the time, who was attempting to change the psychology of the campus away from an all-women's teachers college. The first game took place on October 7, 1972, against Shepherd College's junior varsity team at Harrisonburg High School. The team consisted of a few dozen walk-ons and was coached by 30-year-old Challace McMillin.	2.21875
15828384	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mattiwilda%20Dobbs	Mattiwilda Dobbs	Mattiwilda Dobbs (July 11, 1925 – December 8, 2015) was an American coloratura soprano and was one of the first black singers to enjoy a major international career in opera. She was the first black singer to perform at La Scala in Italy, the first black woman to receive a long-term performance contract and to sing a lead role at the Metropolitan Opera, New York and the first black singer to play a lead role at the San Francisco Opera. Biography Dobbs was born in Atlanta, Georgia, one of six daughters of John and Irene Dobbs, who were leaders in the state's African-American community. She began piano lessons at the age of seven, and sang in community and church choirs. Education Dobbs attended Spelman College where she studied home economics and considered becoming a fashion designer. Her teachers encouraged her to study music, however, and she began to study voice, graduating with a degree in Spanish and music in 1946. Following her graduation, she moved to New York City and studied with German soprano Lotte Leonard while completing a Master's degree in Spanish at Columbia University. Dobbs won a number of scholarships, including the Marian Anderson Award in 1947, and a John Hay Whitney Fellowship. The funds from these awards enabled her to move to Europe in 1950 and pursue her studies there, notably with Pierre Bernac. Performance career in Europe Dobbs initially performed in Europe as a concert recitalist; however, after winning the International Music Competition in Geneva, Switzerland, in 1951, she went on to sing at the major festivals and opera houses throughout the continent. She made her professional operatic debut at the Holland Festival, as the Nightingale in Stravinsky's The Nightingale, in 1952. She made her debut at the Glyndebourne Festival, as Zerbinetta in Ariadne auf Naxos, in 1953. Her success at this festival led to a performance contract at London's Covent Garden from 1953 to 1958.	2.578125
15828384	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mattiwilda%20Dobbs	Mattiwilda Dobbs	Her La Scala debut in 1953 was at the invitation of conductor Herbert von Karajan. Dobbs performed the role of Elvira in L'italiana in Algeri, which also marked the first time a black artist sang in that opera house. In a review of her performance, the British magazine Opera called her "the outstanding coloratura of her generation". She made her debut at the Royal Opera House in London, as the Woodbird in Siegfried, in 1953. She also appeared at the Paris Opéra, the Vienna State Opera, and at the opera houses of Hamburg and Stockholm. In 1954, she sang before Queen Elizabeth II and the King and Queen of Sweden at Covent Garden Theatre and performed at the Edinburgh International Festival In the 1960s Dobbs continued to perform in Europe, particularly in Sweden, where she lived with her husband. Her successful, high-profile European career is considered significant in setting an example to younger black female singers such as Leontyne Price, Shirley Verrett, Jessye Norman and Kathleen Battle. Performance career in the United States Her American debut was a recital with the Little Orchestra Society, in New York City, in 1954. She made her Metropolitan Opera debut, as Gilda in Rigoletto, on November 9, 1956, becoming the first African American singer to perform in a romantic role. In a review of her performance, Carl Van Vechten wrote that Dobbs' was "glorious ... a warm and brilliant coloratura, and the best Gilda in my experience." Although African-American singer Marian Anderson had performed at the Met the previous year, Dobbs was the first African-American to be offered a long-term contract by the Met. In eight seasons, she performed 29 times, including Zerbinetta in Ariadne auf Naxos, Zerlina in Don Giovanni, Olympia in The Tales of Hoffmann, Lucia in Lucia di Lammermoor, and Oscar in Un ballo in maschera. She also appeared at the San Francisco Opera in 1955, where she was the first African-American to play a lead role.	2.40625
15828384	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mattiwilda%20Dobbs	Mattiwilda Dobbs	Following the example set by other African-American performers, Dobbs refused to perform for segregated audiences. She later stated that this hurt her career as she declined offers of work in the southern states. When the Atlanta Municipal Auditorium was desegregated in 1961, Dobbs was the first person to sing to an integrated audience in the city. After de-segregation, she performed in Atlanta in a series of operas produced by Blanche Thebom. Retirement Dobbs retired from performing in 1974, and began teaching at the University of Texas, where she was the first African-American on the faculty. She continued her teaching career as professor of voice at Howard University in Washington, D.C., before retiring to Arlington County, Virginia. In 1989 Dobbs was elected to the board of directors of the Metropolitan Opera. Recordings Dobbs's coloratura soprano was praised for its freshness and agility, as well as tonal beauty, and was considered an ideal voice for sound recording. However, she can be heard in relatively few recordings, as she spent her early career in Europe. When she returned to the United States in 1954 Roberta Peters had become a top soprano recording artist. Dobbs's notable recordings include Die Entführung aus dem Serail (in English), opposite Nicolai Gedda (who was born the same day as she was, July 11, 1925), and conducted by Yehudi Menuhin, Les pêcheurs de perles conducted by René Leibowitz, and a recital of opera arias and songs, released in 1998 by Testament Records. She sang both Olympia and Antonia in a complete recording of The Tales of Hoffmann featuring Leopold Simoneau and Heinz Rehfuss, and conducted by Pierre-Michel Le Conte, which was issued in 1958 by Epic in stereo in the USA and by Concert Hall in Europe, and reissued on CD in 2008. She also recorded the title role of Zaide under Leibowitz in Paris in 1952, and excerpts from Rigoletto alongside Rolando Panerai. Recognition In 1954, the King and Queen of Sweden awarded Dobbs the Order of the North Star.	2.5
15828455	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sainte-Marguerite-de-Carrouges	Sainte-Marguerite-de-Carrouges	Sainte-Marguerite-de-Carrouges (, literally Sainte-Marguerite of Carrouges) is a commune in the Orne department in north-western France. As of 2021, the commune had a total population of 211 residents. The commune is named for Marguerite de Carrouges (née de Thibouville; 1362, Château de Fontaine-la-Soret, Eure. Normandy – c. 1419), a French noblewoman and the wife of Sir Jean de Carrouges, Viscount of Bellême (c. 1330s, Carrouges, Normandy – 25 September 1396, Nicopolis, Ottoman Empire). Geography The commune is made up of the following collection of villages and hamlets, L'Aubesniére, Le Grand Chandon, La Bissonnière, La Blanchardière, La Bommerie, L'Être Gautier, L'Être Blanchet, Ste Marguerite Carrouges, L'Être Chapelle and Sainte-Marguerite-de-Carrouges. It is in size. The highest point in the commune is . The commune is within the Normandie-Maine Regional Natural Park. Sainte-Marguerite-de-Carrouges along with another 69 communes is part of a 20,593 hectare, Natura 2000 conservation area, called the Haute vallée de l'Orne et affluents. The commune has one river, the Udon, with three streams, Grand Pied, Moulin de Besnard and Coupigny, which are the only watercourses flowing through its borders. Notable buildings and places National heritage sites Sainte-Marguerite-de-Carrouges Church a 12th century church, which was classified as a Monument historique in 1978.	2.375
15828456	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sainte-Marie-la-Robert	Sainte-Marie-la-Robert	Sainte-Marie-la-Robert () is a commune in the Orne department in north-western France. As of 2021, the commune had a population of 88 inhabitants. Geography The commune is made up of the following collection of villages and hamlets, La Sorière, La Chabossière and Sainte-Marie-la-Robert. The commune is within the Normandie-Maine Regional Natural Park. Sainte-Marie-la-Robert along with another 69 communes is part of a 20,593 hectare, Natura 2000 conservation area, called the Haute vallée de l'Orne et affluents. It is in size. The highest point in the commune is . The river Udon along with two streams, the Coupigny and the Moulin de Besnard are the three watercourses that traverse the commune. Politics and administration Sainte-Marie-la-Robert is governed by a conseil municipal composed of seven members, consisting of both a mayor and deputy mayor. Notable buildings and places National heritage sites Manor a sixteenth century Manor House, located in Sainte-Marie-la-Robert was classified as a Monument historique in 1926.	2.296875
15828540	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John%20Rabe%20%28film%29	John Rabe (film)	John Rabe (released in the United Kingdom as City of War: The Story of John Rabe) is a 2009 biographical film directed by Florian Gallenberger, based upon John Rabe's published wartime diaries. An international co-production between Germany, China and France, the film focuses upon the experiences of Rabe (Ulrich Tukur), a German businessman who used his Nazi Party membership to create a protective International Safety Zone in Nanjing, China, helping to save over 200,000 Chinese from the Nanjing Massacre in late 1937 and early 1938. The massacre and its associated atrocities were committed subsequent to the Battle of Nanjing by the invading Imperial Japanese Army after they defeated the Chinese Nationalist forces defending the city during the Second Sino-Japanese War. Filming commenced in 2007, and it premiered at the 59th Berlin International Film Festival on 7 February 2009. Upon release, it did not receive theatrical distribution in Japan and was the subject of vociferous refutations by Japanese ultranationalists who denied the events ever took place. The film was released elsewhere to mixed critical reception. Plot The film begins in Nanjing during late 1937, where German businessman John Rabe, director of the local Siemens subsidiary, and his wife Dora have resided for almost thirty years. The thought of transferring management to his successor Fliess and returning to Berlin is a substantial professional setback for him. During the farewell ball in his honour, Nanjing is bombarded by planes of the Japanese air forces. Rabe opens the company gate and saves the panicked civilians.	2.15625
15828556	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ioan%20Mihail%20Racovi%C8%9B%C4%83	Ioan Mihail Racoviță	Ioan Mihail Racoviță (7 March 1889, Bucharest – 28 June 1954, Sighet Prison) was a Romanian general during World War II, and Minister of Defense in the aftermath of King Michael's Coup of August 1944. Biography In 1906 he was admitted to the Infantry and Cavalry Officers' School. After one year he was sent to pursue his training at the Military School in Hannover, Germany, from where he graduated in 1909. Upon returning to Romania, he was assigned with the rank of second lieutenant to the 2nd Roșiori Regiment from Bârlad. He went back to Germany in 1910 to attend the Officers Riding School at Paderborn, which he completed in 1911. Promoted to lieutenant, he served with the 2nd Regiment in the Second Balkan War of 1913. He fought during the Romanian Campaign of World War I, being promoted to captain in 1916, and to major in 1917. After the war, Racoviță was admitted to the Higher War School, graduating in 1921. In 1923 he became a lieutenant colonel, and in 1928 a colonel. He was promoted to the rank of brigadier general in May 1936, and to major general in June 1940. He commanded the Romanian Cavalry Corps during the initial phase of Operation Barbarossa in June 1941. With his corps he advanced from Romania to the Caucasus. He participated in Operation München, the Battle of the Sea of Azov and the Battle of the Caucasus. In May 1942 he was promoted to lieutenant general. He was replaced on 1 January 1943 and called back to Romania. Racoviță was recalled into active service on 25 January 1944 and took over the command of the 4th Army, which had to be completely rebuilt after the Battle of Stalingrad. He led the army in spring and summer of 1944, in defensive battles in Northern Romania against the advancing Red Army. Together with the Wehrmacht, the 4th Army repulsed several Soviet attacks in the First Jassy-Kishinev Offensive, First Battle of Târgu Frumos and Second Battle of Târgu Frumos. In July 1944 he was awarded the Knight's Cross of the Iron Cross of Nazi Germany.	2.28125
15828575	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Saint-Lambert-sur-Dive	Saint-Lambert-sur-Dive	Saint-Lambert-sur-Dive (, literally Saint-Lambert on Dive) is a commune in the Orne department in north-western France. Significance Saint-Lambert-sur-Dive is recognised as the place where the 4th Canadian Armoured Division (specifically the South Alberta Regiment and Argyll & Sutherland Highlanders of Canada) fought tenaciously in the closing stages of the Battle of Normandy. It is the place where Major David Vivian Currie won his Victoria Cross. The action centred on the stone bridge across the Dives and later, down to the ford at Moissy, both of which provided the Germans with escape routes across the river. The commune has a memorial called the Belvédère des Canadiens or Canadian lookout which overlooks the key area of the battlefield and explains the history of the battle. Geography The commune has two water course running through it, the River Dives and a stream, the Foulbec. History World War II The full name Saint-Lambert-sur-Dives recognises the river Dives that runs along the south edge of the village, location of the final battle of the Normandy campaign of 1944. While often referred to as the Battle of the Falaise Gap, Saint-Lambert was the last village in the narrowing gap between the Canadians and Polish forces advancing southwards from Falaise and Trun, and the American and Free French forces pushing northwards from Argentan and Chambois. The capture of Saint-Lambert would finally close the gap, and trap tens of thousands of German troops in the Falaise pocket.	2.265625
15828575	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Saint-Lambert-sur-Dive	Saint-Lambert-sur-Dive	On August 18, 1944, Major David Vivian Currie, commanding the Sherman tanks of C Squadron of the 29th Armoured Reconnaissance Regiment (The South Alberta Regiment), with attached infantry from "B" and "C" companies of the Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders of Canada and the Lincoln and Welland Regiment (all of the Canadian 4th Armoured Division), was ordered to move from Trun to capture and hold the village, and to attempt to link up with the American forces understood to be advancing towards the village from Chambois, less than two miles away. Events in and around St. Lambert over the next three days would eventually be recognized by the awarding of the Victoria Cross to Major Currie. During the early hours of the action, four unarmed personnel from the Canadian Army Film and Photo Unit arrived in St. Lambert in two jeeps. They were able to record the events as they unfolded in black and white photographs (taken by photographer Lt. Donald I. Grant) and on cine film (taken by cameraman Sgt. Jack Stollery). The cine film captures the moment when Major Currie sees a German convoy coming towards the Canadian position, pulls his pistol and steps out to take the officer commanding the convoy by surprise, forcing him to surrender his troops. Lt. Grant's still photo captures the German officer in the seconds after his surrender, his arms still in the air, and also captures Sgt. Stollery at the far left of the photo, his cine camera clearly visible in his hands as he films the events as they unfolded. The series of black and white still photographs taken on August 19 by Lt. Grant are readily available through the Library and Archives of Canada. The original cine film was destroyed in a fire during the 1960s while under the care of the National Film Board of Canada. However, pieces of the original footage were picked up by newsreel companies and can be seen in several newsreels released shortly after the battle. For an account of the battle of St. Lambert in August 1944, see here.	2.09375
15828606	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ngu%E1%BB%93n%20language	Nguồn language	Nguồn (also Năm Nguyên) is a Vietic language spoken by the Nguồn people in the Trường Sơn mountains in Vietnam's North Central Coast region as well as in nearby regions of Laos. Most Nguồn speakers in Vietnam live in the secluded Minh Hóa district of Quảng Bình Province, with others in the area around Đồng Lê, the seat of Tuyên Hoá District, approximately from the National Highway 1. The Nguồn language has been variously described as a dialect of Vietnamese or as the southernmost dialect of Mường. Some researchers who consider it more closely related to Mường find that those who connect it more closely with Vietnamese are more influenced by ethnographic and/or political concerns than linguistic evidence. Chamberlain (2003) and Sidwell (2009) count it as a third Viet–Muong language. Geographic location Most Nguồn live in Tuyên Hóa District (alongside the neighboring Sách people, a subgroup of the Chứt people who also speak a Vietic language) and in Minh Hoá District (living with the neighboring Việt peoples). There are also Nguồn living in Laos, but with conflicting reports as to their exact location. According to Chamberlain (1998), there is a Nguồn village in central Laos known as Ban Pak Phanang in Boualapha District, Khammouane Province. Genealogical relations Chéon (1907), Maspéro (1912), and Cuisinier (1948) considered Nguồn to be more closely related to Mường while Mạc (1964), Nguyễn Đ. B. (1975), and Phạm (1975) connected it with Vietnamese. Later linguistic comparison by Nguyễn V. T. (1975) and Nguyễn Ph. Ph. (1996) suggest a closer link with the Mường dialects, and this is echoed by Barker (1993) (and others). Jerold A. Edmondson, Kenneth J. Gregerson, and Nguyen Van Loi mention that this language is of "great interest to those studying the history of Vietic languages" due to its distinct historical developments.	1.992188
15828606	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ngu%E1%BB%93n%20language	Nguồn language	Nguyễn V. T. (1975) notes that Nguồn speakers can communicate with Mường speakers with each speaking their own language, but Vietnamese speakers who do not know Mường cannot understand Nguồn. Although closer to Mường generally (especially concerning sound system similarities), in some aspects Nguồn is more similar to Vietnamese. For example, the negative marker in Vietnamese is the particle không, which is ultimately a loanword from Chinese that became grammaticalized. The native negative marker chẳng, which is attested in earlier stages of Vietnamese, was largely replaced by the Chinese borrowing. Mường, in contrast, has preserved the original chẳng. Nguồn has, like Vietnamese, lost chẳng to không. In this feature of the loss of the native negative marker, Nguồn is like Vietnamese rather than Mường. Language variation Nguyễn Ph. Ph. (1996) notes that there are two varieties of Nguồn: Cổ Liêm Yên Thọ (or An Thọ) Cổ Liêm is named after the village of the same name; Yên Thọ is the name of a cooperative in Tân Hoá village. The Yên Thọ variety is closer to Vietnamese than Cổ Liêm with respect to certain phonological developments. History In 1905, Cadière reported that the Nguồn (as well as the Sách people) were to be found in valleys of the Nguồn Năn river in eleven villages. Originally there were two groups of five villages. The northern group was in Cơ Sa canton (along with some Việt villages) and consisted of the following villages: Qui Đạt An Đức Ba Nương Thanh Long Tân Kiều Tân Kiều was later split into two villages resulting in a sixth village in the northern group: Tân Hợp The more southerly village group consisted of Kổ Liêm Bốk Thọ Kim Bãng Tân Lí An Lạk	2.546875
15828624	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sumerogram	Sumerogram	A Sumerogram is the use of a Sumerian cuneiform character or group of characters as an ideogram or logogram rather than a syllabogram in the graphic representation of a language other than Sumerian, such as Akkadian, Eblaite, or Hittite. This type of logogram characterized, to a greater or lesser extent, every adaptation of the original Mesopotamian cuneiform system to a language other than Sumerian. The frequency and intensity of their use varied depending on period, style, and genre. In the same way, a written Akkadian word that is used ideographically to represent a language other than Akkadian (such as Hittite) is known as an Akkadogram. In the transliteration of ancient texts Sumerograms are normally represented by majuscule letters. Most signs have a number of possible Sumerian sound values. The scribes and readers of texts using these Sumerograms would not necessarily have been aware of the Sumerian language, with the Sumerograms functioning as ideograms or logogram to be substituted in pronunciation by the intended word in the text's language, such as Akkadian. Transliteration and examples In modern Assyriological convention, a cuneiform sign used in this way is transliterated according to its Sumerian pronunciation in non-italic majuscule letters with dots separating the signs. Determinatives appear only as superscripts. For example, the Babylonian name Marduk is written in Sumerograms, as . Hittite Kurunta is usually written as (), where is the Sumerogram for 'stag', the Luwian deity Kurunta being associated with this animal. In the Amarna letters, Lady of the Lions is the name of a Babylonian Queen mother, spelled as . While the meaning 'lady () of the lions' () is evident, the intended pronunciation is Assyrian and must be conjectured from external evidence.	2.796875
15828657	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/All%20Saints%20Church%2C%20Loughton	All Saints Church, Loughton	At the north-east of the nave is a late 15th-century three-light window with a four-centred head and modern tracery, and further west are the doorway and window mentioned above, the former being completely blocked. The window, which is a tall single light, appears to have been considerably heightened about 1700. Opposite to this on the south is another tall single-light window which has been similarly treated, but was originally of two lights and probably dates from a century later. The south doorway has a two-centred drop arch, and is of about 1400. Opening to the aisle at the south-east is a late 15th-century arcade of two pointed arches with an octagonal pillar and responds of the same details as the arch on the south side of the chancel. The pointed tower arch on the west, which is pierced through a wall of considerable thickness, is of four moulded orders supported by responds composed of three flat segmental shafts divided by fillets, these shafts having coarsely moulded capitals and plain bases. The chancel has a segmental plastered ceiling, and the nave a low-pitched open-timber roof of the late 15th century. The south chapel and aisle form one rectangular building, which is lighted from the south by three windows of the late 15th century, each of four cinquefoiled lights with tracery in a four-centred head, and from the east by a three-light window of the same character. Between the easternmost windows of the south wall is a small plain doorway. On the east wall are two brackets with carved heads. The moulded lean-to roof is also of the late 15th century and has carved bosses, one of which bears the arms of Boteler. The porch is of slightly earlier date than the aisle and originally had a gable over the entrance, the outline of which is still visible. It is lighted by a plain square-headed window in the west wall, and has an entrance on the south with a depressed arch in a square head. The walls of the chapel, aisle and porch are crowned by a continuous embattled parapet.	2.21875
15828702	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jou%C3%A9-du-Bois	Joué-du-Bois	Joué-du-Bois () is a commune in the Orne department in north-western France. Geography The commune is made up of the following collection of villages and hamlets, La Raitière, Le Hamel, La Retourdière, La Brousse, Le Theil, La Vallée, La Fontenelle and Joué-du-Bois. It is in size. The highest point in the commune is . The commune is within the Normandie-Maine Regional Natural Park. Joué-du-Bois along with another 70 communes is part of a 20,593 hectare, Natura 2000 conservation area, called the Haute vallée de l'Orne et affluents. The commune has one river, The Gourbe flowing through it, plus two streams, The Noes Morins and the Bois Tesselin. Notable buildings and places National heritage sites The Commune has four buildings and areas listed as a Monument historique. Joué-du-Bois Manor is a 15th century Manor house, declared as a monument in 1991. la Grandière Dolmen is a Neolithic Dolmen, registered as a monument in 1889. The Wolf Stone Dolmen is a Neolithic Dolmen, registered as a monument in 1889. The Outres Menhir is a Neolithic Menhir, registered as a monument in 1889.	2.578125

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