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财落街道，是下辖的一个乡镇级行政单位。
行政区划
财落街道下辖以下地区：
。
参考资料 |
小儿情感交叉擦腿综合征的鉴别诊断？在诊断习惯性交叉擦腿之前，必须注意与颞叶癫痫或顿挫型癫痫相鉴别。颞叶癫痫：是导致癫痫发作的神经元放电或损害影响到整个或部分颞叶的局限性癫痫。这种形式的癫痫包括基本感觉(听、嗅或味觉)或运动(扭转或失语)发作，也可有精神(精神性癫痫发作)、精神感觉(错觉性或幻觉性发作)或精神运动(自动性癫痫发作)症状。 |
Matilda Elizabeth Keeper (born 16 August 1997) is an English actress, known for her role as Louise Mitchell on the BBC soap opera EastEnders. Shortly after leaving the soap, Keeper appeared in the BBC film Make Me Famous and has since appeared in the Netflix series You.
Early life
Keeper was born in London, England to Peter Keeper, one of the Spitting Image writers, and Amanda. Keeper also has two brothers. She attended the D&B Academy of Performing Arts in Bromley for 14 years, a school owned by her aunties. From the age of 4, Keeper took ballet lessons, before joining their agency at the age of 7. Keeper attended Bromley High School.
Career
Keeper began her career in 2004 when she made appearances in television advertisements. She then made her debut stage appearance in a production of Dick Whittington. Her television debut was as an uncredited school student in an episode of the ITV procedural drama The Bill. She then appeared in a theatre production of Oliver from March to July 2009, where she played a member of the Sovereign's team. In 2014, she appeared as a dancer in the film Cuban Fury, and later appeared in an Oral-B advert and the 2015 short film Female Dog. In 2016, Keeper made her television debut in an episode of the CBBC series Millie Inbetween.
In December 2015, Keeper was cast in the role of Louise Mitchell in the BBC soap opera EastEnders, appearing from 15 January 2016. Her storylines have included her father Phil's (Steve McFadden) alcoholism, being in a bus crash, getting caught in a fire causing her to have permanent burns, her mother's mental health issues, getting kidnapped, and becoming pregnant with Keanu Taylor's (Danny Walters) child. In December 2019, it was announced that Keeper had made the decision to depart from EastEnders, with her final scenes airing on 24 January 2020. In April 2020, it was announced that Keeper would star in the BBC Three film Make Me Famous as Helen Cott. On her casting, she stated: "I'm thrilled to be a part of this project. It's a really important story that I think we could all learn something from."
In 2021, she co-starred in the short film True Colours alongside Amy-Leigh Hickman. She then starred in the short film Do This For Me as Kat. In June 2021, it was announced that Keeper would star as Emily in the British psychological thriller Marooned Awakening. Principal photography took place on the island of Guernsey in September 2021. The film premiered in September 2022. In 2022, it was announced that Keeper had been cast in the fourth series of the Netflix series You. A year later, she was announced as a main cast member for the Channel 4 drama series Queenie.
Stage
Filmography
Awards and nominations
References
External links
1997 births
21st-century English actresses
Actresses from London
English soap opera actresses
English television actresses
English child actresses
Living people
People educated at Bromley High School
Actors from Bromley
Actors from Westminster |
沃洛季米里夫卡（），是烏克蘭的村落，位於該國北部切爾尼戈夫州，由諾夫哥羅德-謝韋爾斯基區負責管轄，面積0.44平方公里，海拔高度177米，2001年人口81，人口密度每平方公里184.09人。
參考資料
Погода в селі Володимирівка
切爾尼戈夫州村落
諾夫霍羅德-錫韋爾斯基區村落 |
Khia Danielle Edgerton (October 19, 1978 – July 21, 2008), better known by the stage name K-Swift, was an American DJ, MC, radio personality and entrepreneur.
Early years
Born to Joseph and Juanita Edgerton, K-Swift was raised in Randallstown, Maryland. She graduated from Randallstown High School in 1996 and went on to intern at 92Q after a brief stint at Catonsville Community College.
Entertainment career
After acquiring her first set of turntables at 15 years old, K-Swift began DJing and booking parties at afterhours venue The Twilight Zone in Arbutus. She began interning at 92Q when she was 18, and worked her way through the ranks at the station until she earned a co-hosting position in 1998. The show,"OFF THE HOOK RADIO" along with her co-host Squirrel Wyde was the number one radio show in all of Baltimore.
Entrepreneurship
Along with performing live and throwing parties, K-Swift owned and operated Club Queen Entertainment. K-Swift also began a Graphics Company and the Next Level Management Company, maintained a record pool, and sold her mixtapes online.
Music career
K-Swift was known for DJing at Hammerjacks and The Paradox.
K-Swift released her discs through Baltimore based company, Unruly Records (as well as Next Level). Her albums were so popular and had such an enormous following in the Baltimore area that she outsold mainstream artists such as Soulja Boy Tell 'Em and Pharaoh Gamo.
Death
On Sunday, July 20, 2008, just a day after she performed at Baltimore's Artscape, K-Swift hosted a pool party at her house. During the early morning of Monday, July 21, K-Swift reportedly jumped into her above-ground pool. Police reports state that there were about seven people in the pool at the time. When she did not resurface, she was pulled out and placed on an adjoining metal frame deck. K-Swift was later transported to Good Samaritan Hospital where she was pronounced dead. Thousands of fans attended her funeral, which was held at Morgan State University.
Legacy
in 2009, Radio One station WERQ-FM 92Q Jams selected 30 contestants to compete for the grand prize of a Scholarship to the Sheffield Institute for the Recording Arts and an Internship at 92Q WERQ-FM Baltimore. The contest was chronicled on YouTube under "I Wanna Intern for the Q," and followed the journey of K-Swift Scholarship and Internship hopefuls through weeks of challenges including the production of a Beyonce promo, artist (Bossman) interview, and marketing at Six Flags America for Raven-Symone. The culmination of the challenges elimination rounds resulted in the final four, Alissa Huber, Jazmine Sullivan, Tavon DJTigga Smith, and Earin Saunders. A surprise contestant, Brandon "Superman" Springfield, formerly eliminated, was reintroduced at the award ceremony. The "Final Five," along with friends and family joined 92Q and the Edgerton family for the reward ceremony at the Rowing Club in Baltimore where the winner was announced on live air. The Khia "K-Swift" Memorial Scholarship Contest and Internship was awarded to Earin Saunders who received the grand prize.
K-Swift's death was memorialized in Baltimore rapper Tate Kobang's Bank Rolls, in the verse "I swear the city ain't the same since we lost Swift. She'll live forever, to the city she was God's gift."
K-Swift was later praised for her role in bringing the genre of Baltimore club to a nationwide audience. Performer, filmmaker, and creative director TT the Artist named her label Club Queen in K-Swift's honor, with a goal to use the label to raise up works by female artists and pass on the sort of mentorship K-Swift offered others. TT the Artist's documentary Dark City: Beneath the Beat also pays tribute to K-Swift, emphasizing the influential role she had in making the club scene what it is today.
Discography
The Jumpoff Vol. 1
The Jumpoff Vol. 2
The Jumpoff Vol. 3
The Jumpoff Vol. 4 - The Holiday Edition
The Jumpoff Vol. 5
The Jumpoff Vol. 6 - The Return
The Jumpoff Vol. 6 - The Spring Break Edition
The Jumpoff Vol. 7 - Summer School Edition
The Jumpoff Vol. 8 - Next Level Edition
The Jumpoff Vol. 9
The Jumpoff Vol. 9 - Holiday Edition
The Jumpoff Vol. 10 - We Fly High Edition
The Jumpoff Vol. 11 - Not Guilty
The Jumpoff Vol. 12
The Jumpoff Vol. 13
The Jumpoff Vol. 14
K-Swift: Strictly for the Kids Part I
K-Swift: Strictly for the Kids Part II
The Club Queen Series Volumes 1 - 6
Awards
2001 - Best DJ, Awarded by Baltimore City Paper
2004 - Best Club DJ, Awarded by Baltimore City Paper
2005 - Best Club DJ, Awarded by Baltimore City Paper
2006 - Best Club DJ, Awarded by Baltimore City Paper
References
1978 births
2008 deaths
Accidental deaths in Maryland
Deaths by drowning in the United States
American hip hop record producers
American radio personalities
Club DJs
American women rappers
Rappers from Baltimore
Remixers
People from Randallstown, Maryland
American hip hop DJs
20th-century American women musicians
American women record producers
Women hip hop record producers
American women DJs
American women in electronic music
21st-century African-American women
21st-century African-American people
Hip hop women DJs
20th-century African-American women singers |
轻微鱼鳞病的治疗？注意饮食。患者平时可以多吃一些水果和蔬菜，这些里面含有非常丰富的维生素。但是对于辛辣类、烧烤类、腥类的食物，患者尽量少接触，以免因刺激导致病情加重。注意卫生。保持衣服清洁，多洗澡会令皮脂减少，此外，在洗澡时尽量少用一些含碱高的肥皂。尤其是到了冬季，为避免患者皮肤受损，建议多加衣服，注意保暖。注意皮肤保持湿润。保持皮肤的湿润可以有效缓解鱼鳞病的加重，在夏季的话，患者尤其要注意避免强光的照射。在冬季的话，因为天气干燥的缘故，患者要注意保暖和保湿，以避免感染和感冒现象的出现。鱼鳞病患者在清洗患处时，动作要轻揉，不要强行玻璃皮屑，以免造成局部感染，如红、肿、热、痛，影响治疗，使病程延长。鱼鳞病患者的居住条件要干爽、通风、便于洗浴。轻微的鱼鳞病拖延治疗有可能加重病情。最好去正规的皮肤病医院就诊。鱼鳞病患者皮肤较干燥，平素应避免过度洗浴，尤其不能用热水洗烫或用碱性太强的肥皂搓洗。冬季气候干燥的时候，注意外涂油脂类护肤品以使皮肤保持润泽。饮食上要注意多食用蔬菜、水果，适当吃一些动物肝脏、胡萝卜等富含维生素的食品，建议患者到正规的皮肤病医院做进一步的检查，明确病情及早治疗。精神问题。保持良好情绪，心态很重要，积极向上的心态有助于鱼鳞病的治疗，切勿消极对待或半途而废以免影响治疗，使之病情加重。心态决定成败。生活细节。鱼鳞病患者一般多在冬季加重，所以应关注天气变化，增减衣服，还应注意保暖，避免受冷风刺激，以免导致病情加重。多运动，注意劳逸结合。 |
康提王国（、、）是位于斯里兰卡岛中部和东部的的独立君主制王国。 它始建于15世纪后期，并持续至19世纪初。在不同的时期，康提王国曾与，南印度的，以及锡达瓦卡结盟以确保其生存。 从15世纪90年代起，它是斯里兰卡岛上唯一独立的本土政權。通过游击战的战和外交將欧洲殖民势力阻止在海湾，但在1818年被击败，並開始了英国殖民统治時期。 根据1815年的“”，王国成为大英帝国的保护国，并在1817年的之后明确失去了自治权。
名字
多年来，康提王国以众多名字闻名。包括：Kanda Uda Pasrata、The Senkadagala Kingdom、The Kanda Udarata、The Mahanuwara Kingdom、Sri Wardhanapura、Sinhalé、Thun Sinhalaya or Tri Sinhala、Kande Nuwara等。
已不存在的南亚君主国
斯里兰卡历史政权
15世紀斯里蘭卡建立 |
过敏性皮炎要对什么忌口？过敏性皮炎顾名思义就是因为过敏导致的皮炎，属于皮炎的一种。这种疾病最重要的预防和治疗措施就是一定要积极寻找到过敏源，积极避免与过敏源接触才好。其实有一些食物可能会影响过敏性皮炎，许多食物就不可以吃。首先，菌类食物属于发物，在过敏时如果再吃此类食物，会使过敏现象更加严重。同样的，不是海鲜过敏的人在过敏期间吃了海鲜也会加重过敏症状，海鲜因为其含有的蛋白质多，也属于发物之类，过敏性皮炎朋友要远离发物食品。辛辣食物是皮炎朋友们的一号禁忌，因有有些人发生了过敏，刚刚好了一点，出去吃一顿火锅麻辣烫什么的，本来不明显的过敏症状又会更加重。这是因为辛辣刺激的食物本身就是过敏原，就算不是对这种食物过敏，在过敏期间接触到这种食物后，也会使过敏现象加重，朋友为了不使病情加重请拒绝辛辣食物。人们都说吃水果对身体好，其实水果也是加重过敏现象的食物哦。像是芒果、桃子、柿子、杏等，这些水果都是会加重过敏的哦。此外，一些蔬菜，也是过敏源之一。有些人对胡萝卜、芹菜、扁豆、葱、姜、蒜、韭菜、香菜等会发生过敏，这些蔬菜也是会加重过敏，如果对这些食物过敏平时要禁忌。有过敏体质的人群都知道，酒类是过敏人群的大忌。发生过敏时千万不可以喝酒，喝酒不但会加重过敏现象，还会引起某些病变。肉类食物因为富含大量蛋白质，也会使过敏反应变重。像是羊肉、牛肉等。种子类食物：豆类、花生、芝麻等，也属于过敏原，在过敏期间，也应该少吃这类食物，为了自己的身体一定要注意了。总而言之，如果出现了过敏性皮炎的话一定要慎重食用，千万不要让过敏性皮炎因为吃了这些食物而变得更加的严重。其实只要是在食物上多多注意的话，就可以使得过敏性皮炎减轻。 |
長葉水蘇（学名：），又名针筒菜，为唇形科水蘇屬下的一种草本植物，高30至60厘米，根状茎横走，叶披针形，全草入药可治痢疾、久病体虚及外出血。
其种加词“oblongifolia”意为“长椭圆叶子的”。
参考文献
C
C
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is a 1980 Japanese animated science fiction adventure film based on the manga series Doraemon, particularly the first volume of the same name of the Doraemon Long Stories series. The film premiered on 15 March 1980 in Japan. It's the first feature-length Doraemon film.
Plot
Suneo shows a fossil of a dinosaur claw to everyone except Nobita. Being angry, Nobita claims he will be able to find a living dinosaur. As Doraemon refuses to help him, he digs on a hillside, but instead earns punishment from a landlord nearby who forces him to unearth a hole in the ground. He finds an egg-shaped stone underneath and quickly uses a time wrap to return it to its former form, and after warming it, the egg hatches to reveal a plesiosaur (Futabasaurus), who is subsequently named Piisuke by Nobita. Instead of immediately showing it to the others, Nobita waits for it to grow while making a deal with others. However, as Piisuke grows too large, Nobita and Doraemon hide him in the nearby lake. Worried about the risk of Piisuke being found and overwhelmed in having to take care of the dinosaur, Doraemon and Nobita transport him to 100 million years ago in the Late Cretaceous period. They are attacked by a mysterious assailant who previously tried to make a deal with Nobita to sell Piisuke, though they manage to escape. When Gian and Suneo confront Nobita about his claim about his living dinosaur, he runs into Shizuka, but after revealing that even she thinks he's lying, Nobita got furious and brings her, along with Suneo and Gian to his house to show Piisuke. Left with no proof, Nobita instead shows them Piisuke through a television monitor, but realizes that he and Doraemon had unknowingly transported Piisuke to the North American shore after the time machine was attacked by the assailant. They and the others decide to go there, but the time machine is overloaded and crashes off.
The group lands on the North American shore and finds Piisuke, proving Nobita's claim and making his friends apologize to him. Doraemon suggest the others have fun on the beach, while he quietly tries to fix the time machine. He only reveals that the time machine is broken and must be taken back to Nobita's desk in faraway Japan if they want to go back to the present time after he failed. At night, while having dinner, Gian starts singing songs and a huge Tyrannosaurus appears from the forests. Doraemon uses his Momotaro Dango (Dumplings) to tame it and orders him to go back and the group decided to travel across the land connecting North America and Asia to return home. In their way, they meet with various dinosaur species who either help or hinder their progress, such as Ornithomimus and Apatosaurus. At a cliff, they are attacked by a pack of Pteranodon, who break their bamboocopters. They are saved by several mysterious assailants, who reveal they are dinosaur hunters working for a fossil collector named Dollmanstein from the 24th century. They offer to return them back home in exchange for selling Piisuke. Refusing the deal, the group set a lure for the hunters by making mud statues of them and placing them in cars, while they escape across a river with a raft. However, they are eventually spotted and separated, with Gian, Suneo, and Shizuka captured by the hunters, while Nobita, Doraemon, and Piisuke fell from a waterfall.
Thankfully, one of Doraemon's gadgets saved the three. Leaving Piisuke behind for its safety, Doraemon and Nobita find the hunters' quarter downstream where Gian, Suneo, and Shizuka are used as baits for a Tyrannosaurus. The hunters demand that they hand over Piisuke in exchange for their lives, but the Tyrannosaurus is revealed to be the one they had previously used a Momotaro Dango for, and the group uses it to attack the hunters. The hunters are subsequently captured and imprisoned by the Future Time Patrols. Piisuke is transported to his homeland, the Late Cretaceous Japan, while Nobita and his friends bid it farewell and go back to the present day.
Cast
Release
Doraemon: Nobita's Dinosaur was released in Japan on 15 March 1980, where it was distributed by Toho. The film grossed in Japan and was the fifth highest-grossing Japanese film of the year, and the highest-grossing animated film.
Home media
The film was first released on Laserdisc in Japan on October 18, 1989.
The film was released on VHS by Shogakukan in December 1991. It was later re-released on VHS by Pony Canyon on May 17, 1996. Pony Canyon eventually released the film on DVD on March 14, 2001. The company later re-released the film on DVD on September 3, 2010.
References
Footnotes
Sources
External links
1980 films
1980 anime films
Dinosaurs in anime and manga
Nobita's Dinosaur
Plesiosaurs in fiction
Animated films about dinosaurs
Animated films about friendship
Animated films about size change
Films set in North America
Toho animated films
Films scored by Shunsuke Kikuchi |
小鸦葱是什么?？小鸦葱是菊科鸦葱属的植物。分布在哈萨克斯坦以及中国大陆的新疆等地，生长于海拔2,600米的地区，多生长于山地草坡，目前尚未由人工引种栽培。 |
Kaori Takeyama (born 12 January 1972) is a Japanese snowboarder. She competed in the women's halfpipe event at the 1998 Winter Olympics.
References
1972 births
Living people
Japanese female snowboarders
Olympic snowboarders for Japan
Snowboarders at the 1998 Winter Olympics
Sportspeople from Hokkaido |
?! (pronounced Punto interrogativo punto esclamativo, "Interrogation point exclamation point") is the first studio album by Italian rapper Caparezza, after two releases published under the former stage name Mikimix.
Description
It is the rapper's first official publication since the interruption of his musical activity as Mikimix. The music album has fourteen tracks, many of which are remakes of songs originally published in Caparezza's two demos, Ricomincio da Capa and Zappa.
There are some samples on the disc. Intro contains an item of Guida nel suono a tre dimensioni del Sei Fasi Superstereo, Tutto ciò che c'è contains a piece of the song La filastrocca by Raoul Casadei, and La fitta sassaiola dell'ingiuria contains part of the song Confessioni di un malandrino by Angelo Branduardi.
Reception
Reviewing the album for AllMusic, Jason Birchmeier wrote, "The Italian rapper drops his rhymes with just as much fluency and dexterity as his American peers throughout the album. [...] Caparezza's mastery of the Italian dialect [makes] this album so stunning."
Track listing
References
External links
?! on Spotify
2000 albums
Caparezza albums
Italian-language albums
Virgin Records albums |
直肠癌晚期疼能活多久？直肠癌晚期疼能活多久?患者家属关心病人的生存期，其心情可以理解。关于这个问题，首先要看患者年龄，还有得直肠癌的时候，身体素质是不是很差？也和患者的饮食有关，更和患者的病被发现时，是不是到了恶病质。当然了，一般说来，晚期，病本身就很严重，具体能活多久，与前面所说具有直接关系。人还有个体差异，所以，判断生存期，需要综合起来看，较难说一个适合所有晚期患者的生存期。大多数情况下，直肠癌晚期患者，大约3-6月左右。不过，由于有的患者接受西医治疗后，接受中医治疗，有生存了好多年的这样的患者。对于肠癌晚期患者而言，关心那天日子到头还不如重点改善自己的生活质量。尽可能的延长患者的生存时间。在临床上，用于肠癌晚期的方法有放化疗和中药治疗。放化疗在一定程度上能缩小癌肿，一致肿瘤的生长，但对人体伤害较大。而联合中药治疗没能有效的减轻放化疗的毒性，增强治疗效果。同时也能帮助患者调理身体。对于那些已不耐受放化疗的，也可以通过中药进行保守治疗，在改善患者生存质量上，有着明显的作用。在饮食方面，直肠癌患者强调的是少吃多餐。大量的食物积留在肠道，容易刺激到癌细胞使之发生扩散转移、出血和疼痛等。这是任何时期的肠癌患者都需要注意的。此外，要尽可能的补充营养成分，使身体强壮起来。多吃些新鲜的食物，以补充机体蛋白质、维生素等。做到清淡饮食，忌一切能诱发刺激的饮食因素。生命总有终点，只是早晚的不同。对于肠癌晚期患者而言，还是应保持一个积极乐观的心态，结合治疗食疗等，方能平静的走完最后一段路。 |
巴塞隆納高級管理學院（英文：EADA Business School，西班牙文：Escuela de Alta Dirección y Administración）是西班牙一所私立商學院，坐落在巴塞隆納。該院創建於1957年，是最早致力於商業學術研究的西班牙教育單位`。在眾多西班牙商學院中，該校排名位居第四，並於全歐洲排名位居25。
巴塞隆納高級管理學院本身只授予學生碩士學位，但它同時與其它教育機構合作辦學，為學生提供雙學位機會，也為和剛畢業的大學生提供培訓以及就業輔導。該院極為注重於上課所學以及實際應用（Learning by Doing），與約350間公司有合作。
歷史
創立的前兩年，EADA實際唯一間商業管理顧問公司。1959年，轉型成為致力於培養工商管理的專業人才。於1967年成為公眾有限公司。1990年，巴塞隆納高級管理學院遷移至巴塞隆納市中心，坐落於亞拉貢街，並於同年成立Collbató訓練中心，培養公共演講，職涯規劃，領導能力等不同能力的發展。此外，该校也是世界少數獲得AACSB、AMBA和EQUIS三項頂尖認證的商學院。
學術
巴塞隆納高級管理學院提供一年全日制工商管理碩士（MBA）以及半日制碩士，領域：市場行銷（Marketing），人力資源（Human Resources），財務金融（Fianace），飯店管理（Tourism and Hospitality），會計學（Accounting and Finance），並分別有英文為主以及西班牙文為主的課程。
除此之外，巴塞隆納高級管理學院亦從1967年起提供PGD（General management Program）以及PDA（Management and Administration Program）。
院校排名及招生
2008年，巴塞隆納高級管理學院在金融時報（Financial Times）公布的世界MBA課程排名中為95名。
2010年，於金融時報（Financial Times）公布的世界全日制MBA課程排名中為84名，並為歐洲第24名。
2011年，於經濟學人（The Economist）公布的全日制MBA排名為世界95名。
2013年，於金融時報（Financial Times）公布的Master in Management排名為世界20名，並且於畢業後職業發展排名第11名，Master in Finance 排名為21名。
報讀學院的巴塞隆納高級管理學院申請者來自於不同的背景和機構，至2013年為止，90%的學生皆為國際學生，數量以來自歐洲各國以及美洲居多，亞洲學生較少。院方根據他們在本科階段的學業情況以及GMAT的成績、托福、推薦信、書面申請等作出評估，之後面試。申請者過去的工作和現實經驗及其成就，也會作為其參考依據。
教師及學生
2013年資料統計，學區內48%教職員為非本國人，55%教職員擁有至少一個博士學位。
2013年資料顯示，畢業於巴塞隆納高級管理學院後（3年），MBA畢業生平均薪資為87093美元/年，EMBA為87690美元/年。
參考資料
西班牙商学院
1957年建立的教育機構
西班牙大學 |
输尿管痉挛的原因是什么？受凉，剧烈运动都会诱发。肾结石，外伤，应激 |
多维元素片(14)药物相作用？1 抗酸药可影响本品中维生素A的吸收。 2 不应与含有大量镁、钙的药物使用，以免引起高镁、高钙血症。 3 如正在服用其他药品，使用本品前请咨询医师或药师。 |
蒲安臣（，安森·伯靈格姆，）是美国著名的律师、政治家和外交家，美国对华合作政策的代表人物。他是唯一一位既擔任过美国驻华公使，又擔任中国使节的美国人。
生平
美国共和党創黨元老
1820年11月14日，蒲安臣出生在美国纽约州的新柏林。1823年随父母移居俄亥俄州，10年后再移居密歇根州。从1838年到1841年他在密歇根大学的一个分校学习。1846年从哈佛大学法学院毕业后，他在波士顿擔任律师，并开始投身政治。1848年，他为美国自由土地党（United States Free Soil Party，存在于1848年—1852年）所作的演讲使他赢得了广泛的声誉。1853年，他成为马萨诸塞州的参议员。那时他加入了一无所知运动。
不久，美国全国对奴隶制度产生激烈的争议。蒲安臣是一位坚定的废奴主义者。1856年6月2日发表著名演说《马萨诸塞州的抗辩》，为美国解放黑奴运动的重要文献。1854年，一群反对黑人奴隶制的人建立了一个新的政党，这就是今天的美国共和党，蒲安臣正是美国共和党的创始人之一，由于他的帮助，该党在马萨诸塞州成立。1855年，他进入美国国会，当了6年的国会众议员（1855年—1861年）。
美国驻华公使
1861年6月14日，林肯总统就职后不久，任命蒲安臣为美国第十三任驻华公使。任期共有6年。1862年7月20日，蒲安臣到达北京，成为第一批入驻北京的外国公使之一。在驻华公使任上，蒲安臣积极执行美国国务卿西华德提出的对华“合作政策”：开展“公正的”外交活动，以取代“武力外交”。“在条约口岸既不要求也不占领租界”，“也永不威胁中华帝国的领土完整。”相对于俄、法、德等国的横暴而言，美国的对华态度赢得清政府的好感，对蒲安臣也具有特别的信任。蒲安臣还曾协助中国，对付英国人李泰国。
中国首任使节
1867年11月27日，擔任驻华公使已达六年之久的蒲安臣即将离任回国，在总理衙门为他举办的饯行宴会上，“嗣后遇有与各国不平之事，伊必十分出力，即如中国派伊为使相同”。当时，清朝政府正在准备第一次派团出使外国，但是苦于缺乏合适的外交人才，并对礼节问题感到十分为难。恭亲王奕訢上了一道奏折，建议委任蒲安臣这个友好人士担任中国首任全权使节（办理中外交涉事务大臣），同去的还有同文馆的英文学生德明、凤仪（曾随斌椿去游历过）；俄文学生塔克什讷、桂荣；法文学生联芳（後官至外務部左侍郎、荊州將軍）、廷俊。代表中国政府出使美、英、法、普、俄诸国，进行中国首次近代外交活动，这个意见随即被采纳。
1868年2月25日，清政府第一个蒲安臣使团一行三十人，自上海虹口黄浦江码头乘坐“格斯达哥里”号轮船起航前往美国旧金山。随同出访的还有两名中国官员：总理衙门记名海关道志刚和礼部郎中孙家谷，以及翻译张德彝。蒲安臣的两名副手：左协理是英国使馆翻译柏卓安（John M.Brown），右协理是海关税务司法籍职员德善（E.de Champs）。为这次出访，蒲安臣还受委托设计了中国第一面国旗。
美国
1868年4月初，蒲安臣使团到达旧金山。5月中，加利福尼亚州州长在招待这个使团的宴会上祝贺蒲安臣是"最年轻的一个政府的儿子和最古老的一个政府的代表"。
6月2日，使团到达华盛顿，次日拜访了美国国务卿西华德。6月6日，美国总统安德鲁·约翰逊在华盛顿接受了中国的首封国书。他也以中国代言人的身份到处发表演说，强调中国欢迎美国的商人和传教士，而各国应该对中国保持一种明智的态度。“我希望中国的自主，应该维持。我希望它的独立，应该保全。我希望，它能获得平等，这样它就能以平等的特权给予一切国家”。
7月28日，蒲安臣与西华德签订了中国近代史上首个对等条约《中美续增条约》，史称《蒲安臣条约》。条约承认中国是一个平等的国家，反对一切割让中国领土的要求。规定：“大清国与大美国切念人民互相来往，或游历，或贸易，或久居，得以自由，方有利益。”美国在条约中声明不干涉中国内政，中国何时开通电报、修筑铁路，何时进行改革，完全由他们自己来决定。美国则通过这一条约得到廉价的华工，解决了内战后和修建太平洋铁路劳动力紧缺的问题。
英国
9月19日，蒲安臣使团继续以“中国钦差”身份，到达英国伦敦。10月20日，蒲安臣一行在温莎宫受到了维多利亚女王的接见。正在蒲安臣使团访英期间，12月4日，英国内阁改组，自由党获胜，葛莱斯东任首相，克拉兰敦取代司丹立出任外交大臣。12月26日，新任英国外交大臣克拉兰敦会见了蒲安臣等人。28日，克拉兰敦发表一份自制性的照会，表示英国政府愿意同中国政府“以和济事”，实行修约缓进政策，“不实施与中国的独立和安全相矛盾的一种不友好的压迫”；并且宁愿同中国的中央政府直接接触，不愿同各地方官吏交涉。交换条件是中国应当忠实遵守各种条约义务。蒲安臣在英国大体上完成了使命，达成了既定目标。1869年1月1日，蒲安臣以中国使臣的名义复信，表示完全同意。
法国
1869年1月2日，蒲安臣一行到达巴黎。法国一向反对美国的“不割让主义”，但由于英国已经表示采纳修约缓进政策，法国也只得与英国保持一致（1月5日法国外交部长拉发特向驻法英使表明态度）。1月21日，法国皇帝拿破仑三世接见蒲安臣。但是由于反对势力强大，蒲安臣一行在巴黎前后停留了半年多，仍然无法取得任何成果。既未能取得像在华盛顿那样的条约，或者像在英国那样的自制性照会，只好失望的离开法国。
普鲁士
使团于1869年9月21日前往瑞典，10月7日离开斯德哥尔摩，10月30日离开丹麦，11月18日离开荷兰，1870年1月前往柏林。在柏林，蒲安臣顺利地完成了谈判；首相奥托·冯·俾斯麦发表了与英国类似的对中国有利的声明。
俄国
1870年2月1日，使团由普鲁士前往俄国。2月16日，沙皇亚历山大二世在圣彼得堡接见了蒲安臣一行。当时俄国与英国在亚洲争霸，与后起的美国关系相对友好。但是沙皇在会谈中竭力回避中俄领土纠纷等实质性内容，令蒲安臣心情抑郁愁闷，日夜焦思：俄国“与中国毗连陆地万数千里。既恐办法稍差，失颜于中国；措语来当，又将贻笑于俄人”，于会见次日就感染肺炎病倒，而且病势日加。
去世
1870年2月23日，蒲安臣因肺炎在圣彼得堡突然逝世，终年50岁。清朝政府为表彰蒲安臣其担任驻华公使时“和衷商办”及出使期“为国家效力”，竭力维护中国主权和领土完整。授与一品官衔，以及抚恤金一万两银子。他的遗体从俄罗斯送回美国。波士顿市政府在著名的法尼尔厅（Faneuil Hall）为他举行了隆重的遗体告别仪式，大厅内挂起美国的星条旗和中国的黄龙旗。
家庭：
兒子愛德華（ Edward Burlingame ) 創辦Scribners magazine.
身后
今天，在美国加州旧金山附近、堪萨斯州、威斯康辛州，各有一座以蒲安臣的姓或者名命名的城市，加州的那一个伯灵格姆建立于1908年。
美国著名作家马克吐温就蒲安臣的逝世写下如下悼词：“他对各国人民的无私帮助和仁慈胸怀，已经越过国界，使他成为一个伟大的世界公民。”
注释
参考书目
马士：《中华帝国对外关系史》
威廉士：《蒲安臣与中国第一次造使出国》
志刚：《初使泰西记》
Frederick Wells Williams, Anson Burlingame and the First Chinese Mission to Foreign Powers (New York: Scribner's, 1912).
John Schrecker, ""For the Equality of Men -- for the Equality of Nations": Anson Burlingame and China's First Embassy to the United States, 1868," Journal of American-East Asian Relations 17.1 (2010): 9-34.
外部連接
Anson Burlingame and the Daimyo Oak
美國駐華外交官
美國駐奧地利大使
美国外交官
美国共和党联邦众议员
美國共和黨黨員
美國律師
清朝外交官
清朝—美国关系
哈佛大學校友
密西根大學校友
紐約州人
葬于奥本山公墓
美国决斗者 |
隱身洞摩崖造像位於四川省巴中市通江縣，文物遺址年代判定為清。2012年7月16日公佈為第八批四川省文物保護單位。
隱身洞摩崖造像位於四川省巴中市通江縣民勝鎮彎柏樹村二組，分佈在邱家河百盤寺隱身洞一青砂岩壁，開鑿于清同治聖申年（1872），面向東南，分佈立面寬1.86米，高5.06米，幅面9.41平方米。造像龕呈塔形四層分佈，共8龕，雕像13尊。以佛教造像為主，有道教造像一龕，龕窟形制除3號龕為圓形龕外，其余依自然岩體而鑿，造像題材以一佛二弟子、彌勒佛、天王、道教造像組合。從上至下、從左至右編號，最大8號龕位於造像底層，為空龕，寬1.86米，高1.71米，深1.9米；最小3號龕位於二層中上部，為圓形龕，寬0.2米，高0.22米。3號龕內雕彌勒佛一尊，光頭，圓臉，大耳，面帶微笑，身穿雙領下垂式僧衣，袒胸開懷，大肚，雙手扶膝，結半蜘跌座。8號龕上據刻一圄形香爐，上有右讀橫排“大清同治壬申年海元設敬聖像”題記，1號龕頂刻“即是靈山”四字。隱身洞石窟造像保存完整，形制特別，多龕造像於一體，組合特別，雕刻精細，在清代石窟藝術中堪稱佳作，對研究清代石窟造像具有一定的參考價值。1994年，隱身洞摩崖造像被通江縣人民政府公佈為縣級文物保護單位。
註釋 |
服用小儿肺热咳喘颗粒须注意的事项？运动员慎用 |
磷霉素钙颗粒的用法用量？注意：同种药品可由于不同的包装规格有不同的用法或用量。本文只供参考。如果不确定，请参看药品随带的说明书或向医生询问。口服。成人：每次2袋，每日3～4次。儿童：每日3～4次，每次用药剂量为：1～6个月1/8袋，6～12个月1/6袋，1～2岁1/4袋，2～4岁1/3袋，4～6岁3/8袋，6～9岁1/2袋，9～14岁1袋。 |
吃什么食物可以淡斑？俗话说：一白遮百丑，长斑毁所有。女人长斑实在是太忧伤了，别人的脸简单上个气垫就光洁靓丽，长斑的脸上涂上厚厚的粉底才能看得过去。但是有很多长斑的女性并不会通过医美去祛斑，这种情况下，就可以通过一些食物来达到祛斑的目的。女性可以通过吃一些食物来淡化色斑，这些食物主要有：1、番茄汁。每天喝1杯番茄汁或经常吃西红柿，对预防和治疗雀斑有较好的效果。因为西红柿富含维生素C，被称为“维生素C仓库”。维生素C能抑制皮肤中酪氨酸酶的活性，有效减少黑色素的形成，使皮肤白嫩，淡化黑斑。2、黄瓜粥。米饭，新鲜黄瓜，盐，姜。黄瓜洗净，去皮，切成薄片。米洗姜洗姜碎。锅中加入约1000毫升水，放在火上，放下米饭和生姜，待火煮沸后，用小火慢慢煮沸，直到米饭腐烂，然后加入黄瓜片，煮沸直到汤浓，加入盐调味。每天两次温暖的衣服可以滋润皮肤，去除雀斑，减肥。3、冰糖柠檬汁。混合柠檬汁，加入冰糖饮用。柠檬富含维生素C，100克柠檬汁中可含有50毫克维生素C。此外，它还含有钙、磷、铁和B族维生素。经常饮用柠檬汁，不仅可以美白、养颜，防止皮肤血管老化，消除面部色素沉着，还可以预防和治疗动脉粥样硬化。4、黑木耳和红枣汤。将黑木耳洗净，红枣去核，加水，煮半小时左右。每天吃早饭和晚饭后吃一次。经常吃东西，可以祛斑，健美和丰肌，并用于治疗面部黑斑，瘦弱。因为长斑对于外观真的影响很大，所以应该在平时的生活中对它进行预防：1、要注重清洁去角质，一天下来，脸会受到大量的辐射，还残留了很多空气里的灰尘，尤其是冬天还有雾霾的侵袭。所以一定要定期的清洗角质。2、要注意防晒，紫外线是皮肤的天敌，由于皮肤在面对紫外线照射的时候会产生很多的黑色素来保护人体的免疫力受伤害，所以才会导致越晒越黑，而黑色素一旦没有代谢出去，就会形成色斑。 |
波片（），又称相位延迟片，它是由双折射的材料加工而成。用于调整光束的偏振状态。常见的波片由单轴晶体（如石英晶体）制作而成，其表面与光轴平行，垂直于光轴的偏振分量（o光）与平行于光轴的偏振分量（e光）在晶体中不发生双折射，但传播速度不同，因而通过波片后它们仍然沿着原有的方向传播，且会产生相位偏移。相移量取决于波片的厚度，材料和工作波长。常用的波片包括半波片和四分之一波片。
半波片
偏振光通过半波片后，仍为线偏振光，但是，其合振动的振动面与入射线偏振光的振动面转过2θ。若θ=45°，则出射光的振动面与原入射光的振动面垂直，也就是说，当θ=45°时，半波片可以使偏振态旋转90°。
四分之一波片
偏振光的入射振动面与波片光轴的夹角为45°时，通过四分之一波片的光为圆偏振光，反之，当圆偏振光经过四分之一波片后，则变为线偏振光。当光两次通过四分之一波片时，作用相当于一个半波片。
参考资料
光学矿物学
偏振
光學元件 |
拉珀斯維爾-約納是瑞士的城鎮，位於該國東北部，由聖加侖州負責管轄，面積22.25平方公里，海拔高度409米，2011年人口26,271，人口密度每平方公里1181人。
外部連結
Rapperswil-Jona (official site)
Capuchin monastery
University of Applied Sciences Rapperswil, HSR (university)
A brief history of Rapperswil
圣加仑州的市镇 |
Chironitis is a genus of Scarabaeidae or scarab beetles.
References
Scarabaeidae genera |
小肠危象的治疗和预防方法？放射性工作者应严格遵守操作规程和防护规定，以减少不必要的照射。辐射源与工作人员之间应按射线性质安置屏蔽物;操作要熟练，缩短接触放射源的时间;设法增加与放射源之间的距离，以减少照射剂量。应进行严格的就业前体检。活动性肺结核、糖尿病、肾小球肾炎、内分泌及血液系统疾病，均属接触射线的禁忌证。定期体格检查，建立个人健康和剂量档案资料。使用放射源时应设置醒目标志，以防意外。 |
南滩古墓葬群，位于中国青海省西宁市城中区南滩，为青海省市县级文物保护单位，公布日期为1987年9月3日，类型为古墓葬。
南滩古墓葬群的历史年代为汉、清。
参考文献
青海省市县级文物保护单位 |
成人隐睾症手术后注意事项？男性出现了隐睾之后，很多都需要通过手术来治疗。现在我们就来看看在做完隐睾手术后，都需要注意哪些事项，避免术后病复发，对人造成额外的伤害。1、如果患者在手术后神志清醒的话，可以在五个小时后吃一些流质食物，最好是采用少吃多餐的方式。在神志还没有清醒的时候，要让患者去枕平卧，而且要让头偏向一边。2、由于手术后需要卧床，肠蠕动会比较慢，很容易出现便秘。在手术后的转天，要吃易消化、纤维含量高的食物，要多摄入一些水份，可以减少便秘的机率。3、患者在手术之后，要保持伤口的干净和干燥，在被水浸湿的时候，要及时更换敷料，以免伤口感染。在干燥清洁的情况下，可以在一周后将敷料换为创可贴。4、在手术之后不要过早的活动，否则很容易增加阴囊的血液内渗。如果有皮肤发红、肿胀以及疼痛加重，要及时的就医。在做完隐睾手术后，必须要遵守以上所介绍的注意事项。而且还要进行定期随访，在术后的1个月要到医院复查。相信大家都听说过隐睾，但是对于这种疾病能够具体了解的却很少。接下来，我们就一起来了解隐睾是怎么引起的。1、内分泌：在睾丸本身发育不良时，对于促性腺激素的反应就会缺乏敏感度，进而产生隐睾的情况。而且在睾丸下降的时候，母体中的促性腺激素浓度过低的时候，也会使睾丸下降停滞，这就会出现隐睾。2、遗传：隐睾是会遗传的，如果直系血亲中也发生过隐睾，其家族后辈中就很容易也出现隐睾的情况。3、解剖因素：在男性还是胎儿的时期，如果睾丸系带比较短的话，就会使睾丸的下降不完全，这就会导致隐睾。如果在睾丸系膜和腹膜出现了粘连的情况，也无法使睾丸正常下降。此外，在睾丸的血管发育出现了异常的话，睾丸就会因为上方的牵拉，而无法落入阴囊。有很多的因素都会使男性出现隐睾，以上为大家所介绍的就是最常见的原因。如果男性有隐睾的情况，就必须及时的进行治疗。 |
MJ Pelser (born ) is a South African rugby union player for the in United Rugby Championship. His regular position is flanker.
In 2020 Pelser was named in the Lions squad for the Super Rugby Unlocked competition. Pelser made his Lions debut in Round 1 of the Super Rugby Unlocked competition against the .
In 2021 He also played for the in Pro14 Rainbow Cup and in Currie Cup from 2020 to 2022
He was also first to sign for the Italian team in United Rugby Championship for 2022−23 season.
References
Alumni of Monument High School
South African rugby union players
Living people
1998 births
Rugby union flankers
Lions (United Rugby Championship) players
Golden Lions players
Zebre Parma players |
苏门答腊兔（学名：Nesolagus）也称条纹兔，是兔形目兔科下的一属，现存两种：苏门答腊兔（Nesolagus netscheri）和阿纳米兔（Nesolagus timminsi），数量稀少，前者分布于印度尼西亚苏门答腊岛，后者分布于老挝、越南的长山山脉。2007～2008年期间，北京大学广西崇左生物多样性研究基地和中国科学院古脊椎动物与古人类研究所有关人员联合进行地质古生物调查，在广西崇左发现了一件苏门答腊兔下颌骨标本，是亚洲首次发现的苏门答腊兔化石种类，被称为中华苏门答腊兔（Nesolagus sinensis ）。
参考资料
S |
30岁卵巢囊肿严重吗？卵巢肿瘤是女性生殖器常见肿瘤，有各种不同的性质和形态，即一侧性或双侧性、囊性或实性、良性或恶性，其中以囊性多见，有一定的恶性比例。卵巢囊肿症状典：下腹不适感，表现为下腹或骼窝部充胀、下坠感。按腹部而发现腹内有肿物，感觉腹痛，月经出现紊乱，囊肿若发生扭转，则有严重腹痛腹帐、呼吸困难、食欲降低、恶心及发热等。较大的囊肿会对膀胱附近造成压迫，引起尿频和排尿困难。很多女性三十岁患有卵巢囊肿，这是一种不正常的情况，会危害我们的身体，使女性朋友的子宫和输卵管等部位产生炎症，还会使身体的组织发生破坏，给女性朋友自身和家庭造成严重的伤害，我想每个人都知道一个宝宝可能就是一个家庭的全部，它会使女性朋友自己和家庭承受很大的痛苦，卵巢囊肿是常见的妇科疾病，可能发生在任何年龄段，而且还会导致患有其它各种妇科疾病，卵巢囊肿的女性患者会出现卵巢长期不排卵的现象产生，女性的卵巢囊肿还会严重的影响女性卵巢分泌雌激素，会影响正常的激素分泌和排卵，会严重的危害每个患者的生育能力，导致女性朋友产生不育的现象。预防卵巢囊肿保持碱性体质，避免酸性体质：常吃碱性食物以防止酸性废物的累积，因为酸化的体液环境，是正常细胞癌变的肥沃土壤，调整体液酸碱平衡，是预防癌症的有效途径，定期体检：30岁以上的妇女，每年应行妇科检查，高危人群(未婚妇女、未生育妇女、有卵巢癌家族史的妇女等)最好每半年检查一次，注重保养卵巢：女性朋友25岁就应该开始卵巢保养了。在卵巢保养路上的女性朋友，百合茯苓是卵巢保养食物中的佼佼者，但也要营养均衡，适当摄入维生素E、叶酸、含钙的食物和豆类的食物，注重饮食问题：要少食高脂肪，多吃高纤维食物，医学证明，合理控制饮食能有效抑制肿瘤的恶性病变，注重卫生问题：包括个人卫生和伴侣卫生两方面，因为由阴道炎、宫颈炎等如果发生逆行感染，可能导致盆腔炎，造成卵巢炎性包块。 |
女僕咖啡廳（；），又稱女僕喫茶（），為角色扮演系餐廳的一大類型。在女僕咖啡廳內，女服務生會穿著女僕的裝束，把顾客視為如同在私人住宅中的主人一般提供服務，而不單是视为普通喫茶店或咖啡店的顧客。第一家正式的女僕咖啡廳「Cure Maid」於2001年3月在日本東京都秋葉原電氣街成立。隨後各家女僕咖啡廳開始於日本各處紛紛成立，逐漸形成一種御宅族次文化的流行風潮。
儘管女僕咖啡廳最早出現在日本，其風潮也立即擴展至海外，包括中国大陆、韓國、台灣、香港、墨西哥、馬來西亞、新加坡、加拿大和美國等地都有女僕咖啡廳的出現。
歷史
早期
如果從類似概念來看，早在「」連鎖餐館的女服務生制服上便可以看見一些影子。這家連鎖店的制服在日本受到熱烈的歡迎，其服裝設計包括有白色的上衣，搭配著橙色或粉紅色的圍裙裝和迷你裙，此外每位女服務生還得另外配戴一個心形的名稱標誌。值得注意的是，該圍裙裝特別將開口開至胸前，直到腰擺處才將其收攏。
這種制服使得日本許多御宅族男性特別熱衷欣賞「Anna Miller's」，因為他們認為該套制服相較於其他店家還要來的可愛。根據統計這成功吸引許多觀年輕男性族群光顧餐館，不過主要是為了女服務生而不是食物的提供。「Anna Miller's」的女服務生年紀多在18至25歲之間，使得有許多人將它和另一家以女服務生為特色的連鎖餐廳「Hooters」互相作比較。
也因為「Anna Miller's」的女服務生制服於在日本愛好者如此受到歡迎，讓這套制服一度成為Cosplay界中的熱門話題之一。同時在許多日本動畫、漫畫和電腦遊戲的角色身上，都曾看見其所穿著的制服與「Anna Miller's」的制服相類似。如1993年的《姬武神傳說》和1996年的歡迎來到Pia Carrot!!系列等電腦遊戲中都有出現過相似的概念，並廣泛受到電腦玩家的支持。特別是在《歡迎來到Pia Carrot!!》遊戲中便直接將遊戲背景設定在虛構的連鎖餐廳「Pia Carrot」，而遊戲中的女性角色則多為該餐廳的女服務生。
創立
1998年8月，第一家可體驗女僕服務形式的咖啡廳店面是為了在東京角色展推廣成人遊戲《歡迎來到Pia Carrot!!》而設置的。Broccoli藉著一群女服務生穿著遊戲中的制服，為前來參觀的觀眾提供食物和飲料的銷售。這一次促銷戰略的成功，也代表著第一家角色扮演餐廳的出現，也讓之後許多遊戲或動畫以類似的方式進行推廣。如在2000年2月25日時，Broccoli為宣傳《銀河天使》而另行設計展示了專屬的角色精品店「」，並以女僕的概念為其設計了象徵吉祥物Di Gi Charat。而在2003年4月6日，為宣傳《朝霧的巫女》也有相關主題的咖啡廳出現。
第一家被認定真正從創店開始便以女僕為導向的咖啡廳，則為2001年3月30日開設的「」。在當時，她們身上的女僕裝是由cosplay服裝廠商「Cospa」承包製成。在一開始的時候，「Cure Maid」的目標便是在類似19世紀的裝潢下，提供一個供客人休息的宜人且私密的環境，並嘗試建立一個主僕關係的女僕咖啡廳。在這裡，女服務生會穿著維多利亞時代的女僕服，給客戶擁有了一種禮貌、服從的印象。
「Cure Maid」咖啡廳除了偶爾作為一些演講或活動地點外，會與Cospa合作進行一些動畫遊戲的Cosplay展示。此外，在每個禮拜六，「Cure Maid」會邀請學生於此演奏小提琴、長笛或豎琴等樂器。雖然直到今日，許多女僕咖啡廳已經改變當初原本的初衷，大多是以「萌」作為自身的主要目標；但「Cure Maid」仍堅持保留其自開業以來的理念，這些年間並沒有變化甚大。雖然與現今的有些不同，但「Cure Maid」由於在意義上為首家將女僕裝列為女服務生制服的咖啡廳，因此被大多數人認定為第一家真正的「女僕咖啡廳」。
而最早以萌作為特色的女僕咖啡廳，則是同樣位在秋葉原的「」。該家咖啡廳是源自作為個人電腦零售商店下轄的咖啡廳、於2002年7月19日創立的女僕咖啡廳─「Mary's」，到了同年10月1日時改名為今「Cafe Mai:lish」的名稱。該餐廳大量邀集與日本動畫、遊戲相關的活動，並也會讓女僕咖啡廳內的女服務生與顧客一同參與Cosplay活動。同時「Cafe Mai:lish」也是第一家禁止拍攝女服務生的咖啡廳，不過仍允許顧客拍攝桌上的飲品與食物。
隨著秋葉原地區不斷舉辦與女僕咖啡廳相關的活動，使得其也開始被大眾媒體播導，也讓社會大眾得知這一新興產業。繼「Cure Maid」和「Cafe Mai:lish」等於秋葉原快速發展的女僕咖啡廳之後，各家女僕咖啡廳也於日本各處開始紛紛成立。基本上，女僕咖啡廳為顧客所提供的基本服務與傳統咖啡店的服務是一致的，但通常還會加上與女僕的各式互動，如拍照、共同玩電玩遊戲或者一同欣賞日本動畫等。隨著女僕咖啡廳的成功，這類藉由Cosplay來吸引客戶的店面也紛紛出現，儼然成為一種次文化。包括酒吧、居酒屋、餐廳等一些店家都開始有扮成女僕的女服務生出現，而這些店又大多以御宅族為主要的客戶對象。而在一些日本漫畫、動畫、遊戲、電視節目中，女僕咖啡廳的形象也更加的鮮明。
發展
隨著女僕咖啡廳的日益普及，也讓一些服務員成為非常受歡迎的人物，猶如偶像一般的存在。有些除了在女僕咖啡廳擁有工作外，也會在外進行一些廣告代言或者表演的工作。第一批由女僕所組成的偶像團隊，於2005年由「@home」成立。而在其他情況下，也有偶像反而是在女僕咖啡廳打工工作。如在「@home」這家女僕咖啡廳中，就共有16位女僕同時擁有了女服務生和偶像的雙重角色定位。2005年被認為是女僕咖啡廳的巔峰。但不久之後，由於有許多經營者仍對女僕咖啡廳沒有一個明確的概念，或者因當地民眾反應並不熱烈的緣故，而出現有部分店家倒閉的情況。如2003年2月14日「Cafe Mai:lish」於武藏野市的吉祥寺開設了第二家分店，卻仍於2004年2月15日宣布停止營運。
時間的推移也讓誕生地秋葉原的女僕咖啡廳數量快速增加了。到了2008年時，遊客可很容易地在秋葉原附近找到近20家的咖啡廳，這還不包括其他類型的店家，如果包含有穿著女僕服的女服務生在內的店面則會更多。隨著女僕咖啡廳是如此受到歡迎，不同類型的店家也開始在原本的服務上加入女僕地成份，如酒吧、按摩治療師等等。女僕咖啡廳也成為秋葉原的特有現象，在秋葉原預估有五十多家各類近似的店家。
不過雖然女僕咖啡廳可說是秋葉原的特有文化，一些女僕咖啡廳也已經打開日本和海外市場。包括沿著東京首都圈的池袋、澀谷、新宿、中野、橫濱等都開始有女僕咖啡廳的出現。其中在池袋車站與太陽城前的「乙女路」，由於其以腐女為主的客戶群跟以御宅族為主的秋葉原不同，導致該處的角色扮演餐廳與秋葉原有著不同的變化，也就是2005年時出現的執事咖啡廳。到了2006年為止，該地區已經有近8家類似的店開設於此。除了東京外，為了吸引居住在日本各地的御宅族，各地區皆有女僕咖啡廳的開設。如在2002年9月13日，名古屋市的大須開設了當地第一家女僕咖啡廳「M's Melody」；2003年2月17日時，札幌市開設了當地第一家女僕咖啡廳「Cafe Primevere」；2003年2月17日時，神戶市開設了當地第一家女僕咖啡廳「KANON」。2004年10月16日時，大阪市開設了當地第一家女僕咖啡廳「CCOちゃ」，2005年9月18日時，仙台市開設了當地第一家女僕咖啡廳「fairy tale」。自此，從北海道到九州等較為偏遠的日本地方也都有開設女僕咖啡廳。
這股風潮也在2006年加拿大多倫多開設第一家海外的女僕咖啡廳後，迅速擴展至其他海外國家。到了今日，包括北京、上海、广州、韓國首爾、臺灣台北、台中、台南、高雄、泰國曼谷、香港、新加坡、墨西哥、美國和法國巴黎等地都有女僕咖啡廳的出現。
店鋪特色
女僕
女僕咖啡廳的女服務生大多都很年輕，往往是可愛且有吸引力的少女。例如在一家頗受歡迎的女僕咖啡廳「Royal Milk」中，其女服務生的平均年齡為20歲左右。她們主要穿著著為一件黑色衣料和白色圍裙組成的女僕服，其中又可細分成維多利亞式和法國式風格。這些制服的樣式和顏色常因隸屬不同的店家而有所不同，較常見的差異包括在緞帶、頭飾上，或者是另外戴上貓耳等額外的配飾。
一些女僕咖啡廳也會僱用男性服務生，它們通常會穿著著侍從的衣服，但在作用上往往不比女僕來的重要 。在秋葉原的女僕咖啡廳，為節省店租，往往開店於小巷或單一樓層中，在許多地圖中並不會標示這些店面的位置。因此，有許多女僕咖啡廳除了在網際網路上宣傳，還會額外派遣女僕於街上發送傳單，以增加客戶的來源。
依隸屬不同的女僕咖啡廳，女服務生所穿著的女僕服也隨之不同。女僕服可能從一家咖啡廳到另外一家咖啡廳，兩者差距十分的大。儘管有些人把女僕服分成維多利亞式和法國女僕式，但絕大多數女僕咖啡廳的制服是採用法國女僕服為範本。這些女僕服通常由一系列的衣服、襯裙、圍裙以及蕾絲頭飾組成，腳上則通常會穿上絲襪或膝上襪等。有時，服務生可能會在平常所穿的制服外，另外戴上兔耳或貓耳的頭飾，以增添更多的吸引力。但不論在衣物上有多大變化，女僕服的配飾大多仍是白色色調。
其中維多利亞式受到傳統英國的影響，最大的特點是其簡潔的外觀。維多利亞式女僕的裙子大都長到自己的膝蓋處，或者是更低處的地方；而衣袖亦跟法國式相比也是相對來得長，頸部也多會被衣領包覆起來不讓外人看見。法國女僕式的女僕服則相對維多利亞式開放許多。事實上這種風格的制服，早在女僕咖啡廳大量穿著前，已被日本許多愛好這類衣物的人士歡迎。法國女僕式由一件短裙外加襯裙組成，裙子的長度從膝蓋直到大腿一半到都有。上半部則多為短袖設計，領子則不一定會擁有。有些甚至會故意讓客戶看到胸部頂端處，但通常並不會直接大剌剌地露出乳溝。在傳統上，女僕服多為深色系，包括黑色、深棕色、海軍藍等；但到了現在，已有許多不同顏色的樣式出現，如粉紅色、藍色、綠色、黃色等都有人穿著。不過無論底色如何變化，位在腰附近的圍裙則多是白色設計。
儘管有各種樣式的差異，幾乎很多服裝上仍擁有反复出現的要素設計，也有些制服則採修改這些元素另外又有差異性。女僕服通常會包含圍裙的穿著，而圍裙通常是和底下裙子相似大小或略小，且通常是白色樣式附有蕾絲。在圍裙當中，又有兩種常見的類型。第一種是圍裙僅穿在腰間以下，只占底部裙子正面一部份的樣式；第二類則是自肩膀開始戴上，涵蓋了整個上半身衣物和裙子的正面。大多數女僕的頭飾上也會裝飾蕾絲邊，但除了一圈戴上的髮箍外，有些還會附有貓耳。許多與萌有關的要素都可讓女服務生自行加入，以讓客戶覺得這些女僕更有吸引力，包括統一的蕾絲邊、緞帶、胸針等。髮型有鮑伯頭、姬髮式甚至綁成雙馬尾等。有些女僕也戴有眼鏡（儘管她們可能並不須要戴眼鏡），以吸引喜歡這項要素的顧客。
除了典型的女僕裝以外，有的女僕咖啡廳會常態性或是在特定的日子，讓女僕改穿著校服、和服甚至兔女郎等不同的衣服，以增加新鮮感，提高回客率。
菜單
在女僕咖啡廳中，菜單上會標示供應飲料、膳食以及甜品等食物。常見的食物有蛋糕（有時直接由店家親自烘烤）、冰淇淋、西式蛋餅、蛋包飯、義大利麵、咖哩等，而飲品則可能有可口可樂、茶、牛奶等。但店裡菜單不僅限於食物方面，許多咖啡廳還提供遊樂、與女僕合照和其他促銷項目於他們的菜單中。
大多數女僕咖啡館和其他典型的咖啡廳所提供的菜單相似。客戶可以訂購咖啡或其他飲料，以及各式各樣的主食和甜品。然而在女僕咖啡廳的服務中，服務生通常會另外在客戶的菜色上賦予可愛的裝飾，並與客戶有另一層面的互動。常見的如以跪在桌邊的姿態，將奶油和糖攪拌到客人的咖啡中。或者是用糖漿或番茄醬等，在甜點和蛋包飯（日文：オムライス）等處畫上可愛的臉蛋、動物或者是心形，藉由這種服務來為女服務生增加一種可愛的女僕形象。
通常每家女僕咖啡廳是有最低消費的，在日本女僕咖啡廳的入門價格大概為500日圓左右。而為了減少其他客戶等候時間，以最大限度地增加客源來提高收入，一些女僕咖啡廳也禁止客戶在店裡面逗留超過一個小時。
服務
女僕咖啡廳大多是參照ACG當中女僕的角色，由女店員擔任女僕，並製作許多各種餐點供到店消費的客人食用。剛進入一家女僕咖啡廳時，扮演女僕的女服務生會說道：「主人，歡迎你回來！」（，如果是客人是女性的話稱呼則為變成） ，而在客人離去時，通常會另外說：「祝你一路平安」（）。這些話語在日本文化中是一個非常禮貌性的說法，而且通常是用來當家裡有人進出時才會使用。此外，女服務生在店裡時也都使用「主人」（）的字樣，來稱呼客人們。
在許多女僕咖啡廳中，通常會提供許多額外的服務。有些會由一位女僕親自送上給客戶提供擦拭用的毛巾和咖啡廳的菜單，也有越來越多的女僕咖啡廳為客人提供了美容服務，如清理耳朵以及客戶在穿著衣服的狀態下在腿部、手臂和背部等處按摩，不過通常這些服務都需要支付額外的費用。
另外，有些店允許客戶和女服務生拍照，而客戶可對女服務生要求拍出自己所喜愛的服裝和姿勢。在拍完照後，還可請女僕在其上寫些話語。這些照片有時被稱做，名字來自於亞洲有廣大市場的富士照相機。有時，客戶還能跟女僕一起玩剪刀、石頭、布、撲克牌、棋盤遊戲或者是電玩遊戲，贏過女僕的客戶通常會贈有一個小禮物。一些女僕咖啡廳還提供小型的歌曲和舞蹈表演，或者是以團康遊戲的方式來招待她們的客戶。
顧客
女僕咖啡館最初的設定客群為那些熱衷並博精於動畫、漫畫及電腦遊戲（ACG）的御宅族。由於女僕的形象已經普遍出現在許多漫畫、動畫系列和美少女遊戲中，也因此女僕咖啡廳可說是迎合這群男性的喜愛女僕甚至是對其的幻想而開設。在女僕咖啡廳中，御宅族有一可慰藉的場所，並能更加親近他們所喜愛的「萌」。許多御宅族不惜花費一筆不小的金錢，收集不同的女僕的照片，或者購買和女服務員形象有關促銷產品。
女僕咖啡廳與一般餐飲業最大的不同在於提供消費者獨特的體驗，多半為體驗過去貴族或資產階級享受僕役服侍的快感。因此女僕咖啡廳內女僕的服務方式被視為一種演出，而消費者也可以參與這種演出來更深入享受女僕喫茶的獨特體驗。而直至今日，女僕咖啡廳的出現不在只是於男性御宅族中流行，它也吸引了許多女性、情侶、遊客等一般民眾前往。這也吸引了一些好奇的日本本地或者是外國前來的遊客。女僕咖啡廳已成為一鮮明的形象，在許多秋葉原的旅遊指南或網頁，也專門提到了這一特殊產業。幾家咖啡廳也因此開始在菜單上附上翻譯，為客戶提供英語交流的服務。這些常被御宅族稱讚極為「萌」的女僕服務生，有時會被解釋成為滿足人們對浪漫或者是性慾的需求所出現。但現在女僕咖啡廳的設立在一般社會大眾中，也漸漸可以接受。但雖然女僕和客戶間並沒有性交易的情況，甚至店家大多禁止有隨意的肢體碰觸，但由於女僕的形象對某些人來說有強烈的性涵義，因此在一些18禁的作品中也會加入這一類要素。
顧客禮儀
客戶在一家女僕咖啡廳光顧時，仍必須遵守著基本禮儀。有些店家會明列出禁止事項放在入口或菜單上，要求客戶遵守。以一家女僕咖啡廳的規定為例：
不可觸摸女僕的身體。
不可詢問女僕的電話號碼。
不可要求女僕的電子郵件地址。
不可侵犯女僕的隱私，如問她什麼時候下班。
不可長期地跟蹤女僕。
不可等待女僕她進出，或者在咖啡廳外徘徊。
不可傷害咖啡館的員工、客人或鄰居。
不可於咖啡廳內或外對女僕拍照。
不可攜帶外食或飲料進入咖啡廳。
不可在咖啡廳外的樓梯上吸煙。
要求符合相關規定，以保護女僕他們的私人生活是合理的。但女僕咖啡廳寧願多採取預防措施，因為一些顧客會對女服務生進行非禮的舉動。也因此，這些要求頻繁地在秋葉原的各家女僕咖啡廳中出現，以提醒客戶尊重女服務生。不過禁止在咖啡廳內私自拍照則還有另外一層的商業考量，因為拍照已多被列為一個菜單的選項，且須要另外收費才可以。而經過利益的考量，同時也禁止私自拍攝咖啡廳外散發傳單的女僕。
相關產業的發展
女僕類型
隨著女僕咖啡廳的高知名度 ，許多店家的的服務生也改打扮成女僕來提供服務。除了如酒吧、居酒屋、餐廳般，提供客戶飲食服務的店家外，還有娛樂等其他行業跟隨這股潮流。這包括麻將、賭場、髮廊、全身按摩或足底按摩、耳朵清潔、理髮師、導遊、出租車服務等，都有女服務生穿著女僕服提供服務。
如在2000年8月於神田車站開幕的「蔵・太平山」便是一個例子，原本該家居酒屋只有在周日有cosplay的服務，但後來這廣受到民眾的歡迎，甚至接受了角川書店的《》採訪。還有像於2001年11月10日在台東區創立的「ひよこ家」，這家店在白天為一般的女僕咖啡廳，不過到了夜晚便會提供酒類飲品，成為另類的女僕居酒屋。其他還有於2003年5月3日創設的「MJ+C」，該酒吧同時融合了Pub、燒肉店和精品商店。不過也因為女僕咖啡廳的發展，使得也有部分酒店或酒吧提供女僕的服務，甚至一些風俗店也開始有穿著這類衣物服務的女性。
動漫類型
隨著女僕咖啡廳的蓬勃想法，許多店家也要求自己家的服務生進行指定的Cosplay，並儼然成為另一個流派。如在2003年2月到11月間，於名古屋大須曾推出一陣子的「大須の巫女茶屋」，便是利用在遊戲中常會出現於神社的巫女概念來創設。同樣是在名古屋，「」也以類似的巫女服裝吸引顧客。
此外還有另一種類似服務，但改由男性服務員服務的店家，這些常被稱為執事咖啡廳（）。第一家執事咖啡廳「執事喫茶Swallowtail」於2006年，在東京池袋開設。同年，東京澀谷跟著開了一家以白種人為男服務生的執事咖啡廳「外國人執事喫茶」，並提供英文會話的服務項目。這類店的男性服務生穿著管家的服裝，其中有些咖啡廳特別在這些服裝衣著上十分講究，甚至穿著如燕尾服這類典型的管家制服。如同女僕咖啡廳所針對的客群為御宅族一樣，執事咖啡廳主要地針對客群則為腐女族群，以滿足他們對BL劇情的期待。另外，也有一種由男性服務生穿著女性衣物，或者是女性穿著男性服飾，以變裝的樣貌服務客人的店家，這些於日文則稱呼它們為「男装系」。
參見
Cosplay
萌
參考資料
參考文獻
外部連結
Cafeterías de sirvientas ─ Un mundo chiflado donde los clientes son señores
Daisuki
女僕咖啡廳情報處
秋葉原におけるメイド喫茶・コスプレ喫茶の歴史
秋葉原のメイド・コスプレ喫茶&リフレのリスト
Cosplay
萌
咖啡店
日本發明
平成時代文化
東亞茶文化
2001年日本建立
21世纪发明
日本飲食 |
Baralabari is a village in Kamrup rural district, in the state of Assam, India, situated in north bank of river Brahmaputra.
Transport
The village is near National Highway 27 and connected to nearby towns and cities like Rangiya, Baihata and Guwahati with regular buses and other modes of transportation.
See also
Bardangrikuchi
Bardal
References
Villages in Kamrup district |
早期宫外孕的症状？宫外孕是指孕卵在宫腔外植入和发育的异常妊娠过程。输卵管妊娠是最常见的原因。输卵管管腔内或周围的炎症通常会导致管腔通畅性差，这阻碍了怀孕卵子的正常运行，并使它们在输卵管中停留、植入和发育，从而导致流产或输卵管妊娠破裂。月经将停止，宫外孕将以与正常妊娠相同的症状开始。月经将停止大约六到八周。妊娠早期会出现恶心和呕吐等反应。妊娠试验可以是阳性的。异位妊娠的不规则阴道出血和阴道出血大多呈滴状，深褐色，少量不超过月经量。阴道出血是由于子宫内膜剥离或输卵管出血通过子宫腔向外排出引起的。腹痛伴有阴道出血者，常为胚胎受损的征象。所以当出现阴道出血时也应该提高警惕因为这也是宫外孕早期症状之一。腹痛，宫外孕早期可有下腹一侧隐痛，这是胚胎发育，使输卵管膨胀而引起。痉挛性下腹痛，极其剧烈，可使病人面色发白，出冷汗，这是输卵管痉挛性收缩所引起，片刻可自行缓解。下腹剧痛，如撕裂样，伴大便感，这是输卵管妊娠破裂出血所引起。出现晕厥，宫外孕在突然晕倒，醒后头昏、眼花。轻者的不会倒下，只有头晕和眩晕。这是由更多的腹腔内出血、大脑供血减少和脑贫血引起的。在严重病例中，急性腹腔内出血可能导致血容量减少、严重腹痛和休克。在日常护理的情况下，应注意工作和休息的结合，不要做繁重的体力劳动，尽可能降低腹部压力，便秘可以用泻药来防止肿块破裂。根据病人的焦虑和恐惧，给予理解和同情，安慰患者，缓解病人的心理压力，获得病人及其家人的合作，使病人有安全感，并以良好的心态接受治疗。 |
Azua樂團（Azua是排灣族語「那個」的意思），是由五位國立屏東大學的原住民專班學生於2017年暑假成立的樂團，曲風以流行民謠 、國語及全族語音樂創作為主。
團員
吉他手：楊起恩
吉他手：從缺
貝斯手：從缺
鼓手：從缺
玩具手/合音：林孟琴
活動經歷
2F Music Pub 首場演出
2F Music Pub音樂會演出
駁二月光劇場青春尬歌決賽演出
kapanan音樂節
大屏東創新育成聯盟成立活動邀演
屏東縣作家專區啟用暨作家贈書儀式邀演
原住民族課程發展協作中心邀演
屏東大學排灣學研討會演出
屏東聖誕快閃活動
原住民專班人文藝術週音樂會邀演
姐妹校交流會邀演
得獎紀錄
高雄市流行音樂中心－青春尬歌冠軍。
外部連結
Azua（那個）樂團官方粉絲專頁
Street Voice(可試聽音樂創作)
Alian原住民族廣播電台2018/02/03 - 武勇音樂聊天室 -Azua樂團（那個）樂團專訪（上）
排灣族人
國立屏東大學校友
2017年成立的音樂團體
2017年台灣建立
台灣原住民樂團 |
Arneiroz is a municipality in the state of Ceará in the Northeast region of Brazil.
See also
List of municipalities in Ceará
References
Municipalities in Ceará |
埃斯托埃（，；）是法国东比利牛斯省的一个市镇，属于普拉德区。
地理
（）面积，位于法国奧克西塔尼大區东比利牛斯省，该省份为法国大陆部分最南部的省份，涵盖了北加泰罗尼亚，北起奥德省，西接阿列日省和安道尔，南与西班牙接壤，东临地中海。
与接壤的市镇（或旧市镇、城区）包括：。
的时区为UTC+01:00、UTC+02:00（夏令时）。
行政
的邮政编码为，INSEE市镇编码为。
政治
所属的省级选区为。
人口
于时的人口数量为人。
参见
东比利牛斯省市镇列表
参考文献
东比利牛斯省市镇 |
福建省福州铜盘中学，简称铜盘中学、铜中 ，位于福州市鼓楼区铜盘路，是创办于1975年的一所完全中学。校园坐落于五凤山旁，左海湖畔，占地约20000平方米，校建筑面积24891平方米。2017年，学校教职工175人，初、高中教学班共48个，在校生有2252人。该中学为福建省二级达标学校。
历史沿革
学校办于1975年，最初是小学附设的初中班。2005年5月20日被福建省教育厅评为福建省三级级达标校，2010年2月10日被评为省二级达标校。
铜盘中学是军民双拥共建学校，周边有中国人民解放军福建省军区、福建省武警总队等众多军、警单位。学校多次与军队、武警、边防单位举行横向联谊会，还在师生中组织拥军活动。
在2008至2009学年度，铜盘中学被评为“福建省爱国拥军模范单位”。
教育情况
截至2017年，福州铜盘中学教职工175人，其中高级教师49人，中级教师87人、省市名优骨干教师47人。初、高中共设48个教学班，在校生2252人。
学校连续四届被评为“福建省文明学校”，先后获得“全国特色教育项目学校”“福建省爱国拥军模范单位”“福建省教学技能大赛优秀组织奖”“福建省心理健康教育特色校”“福州市基础教育改革先进学校”“福州市实施素质教育先进学校”“福建省五四红旗团委”“福州市德育先进学校”“福州市足球特色校”等30多项荣誉称号。
学园文化
该校设定了自己的校训、校风、教风、学风，以及其他愿景与口号。
校训：博学、敦行、求是、致远。
校风：严谨、勤奋、求实、文明。
教风：敬业、博学、爱生、奉献。
学风：勤勉、诚实、求真、创新。
办学思想：以尊敬唤起自尊，以成功重塑信心，用意志赢得荣誉，用规律提升成绩。
办学理念：各美其美，汇聚成长快乐；美人之美，共享教育幸福。
办学目标：办有特色的优质完全中学，为每一位学生成功人生奠基。
学生培养目标：基础扎实，素质全面，勤思好问，崇尚科学，心怀祖国，热爱人民，志向高远的社会主义建设者与接班人。
教师发展目标：爱岗敬业，为人师表，关爱学生，不断提高专业水平和教学能力，努力成为学生健康的建设者和引路人。
铜盘中学校歌由孙文超作词，骆季超作曲。
参考链接
外部链接
福州铜盘中学门户网
福州中等学校
鼓楼区 (福州市)
1975年建立的教育機構 |
香社-{里}-為台灣新北市板橋區轄下之一里，該里由社後里分出。昔有平埔族擺接社居住於此，舊名「番社」或「社口」，後取雅麗語，流芳後世之意，故以為里名。。
參考文獻
板橋區 |
丝裂霉素是什么?？丝裂霉素，属抗生素类的抗肿瘤药，用以治疗癌症，如：胃及胰脏的腺癌、膀胱癌。作用在于减缓或停止体内癌细胞的生长。 |
孕妇患丙肝可以治愈吗？丙肝就是病毒性肝炎丙型，肝炎一般是传染性肝炎，有五型，甲、乙、丙、丁、戊，丙型就是第三型肝炎。是通过输血叫体液性传播的一种肝炎，最多见的是输血，现在丙肝已经有了治愈的办法，所以孕妇患丙肝可以治愈的，丙型肝炎也分急性的丙型肝炎和慢性的丙型肝炎。一般大多数情况都是慢性的丙型肝炎，慢性的丙型肝炎一般没有特别的症状，大多数都是通过体检发现的，发现以后是可以完全治愈的。目前丙肝主要有四种传播方式，第一种方式是母婴垂直传播，患有丙肝的母亲可能会把丙肝病毒传染给她的孩子，这个过程主要通过产道感染，真正的宫内感染出现的几率比较低。第二种传播方式是血液传播，这是国内最常见的一种传播方式，现在有很多丙肝患者，都是通过大量输血传染的丙型肝炎病毒。第三种传播方式是性传播。第四种传播方式是医源性传播，包括吸毒者共用针头导致的有创性传播方式。与丙肝患者的日常接触，如吃饭、拥抱等不会传播丙肝。像丙肝的症状相对乙肝来讲更加隐袭。首先对于急性丙型肝炎来讲，大概80%左右的患者会变成慢性，急性感染迁延6个月以上可以变成慢性肝炎。急性期时如果症状比较严重，主要表现为全身症状，有些人会有发热、乏力，以及一些消化道的症状，主要是恶心、呕吐、腹痛、腹泻、腹胀等。特别严重的，患者可能出现排尿颜色加深、皮肤巩膜黄染的症状，部分患者可能发生比较严重的肝功能衰竭，甚至出现胆红素升高、凝血机制异常、有出血倾向的情况，甚至出现肝性脑病、腹水。 |
Little Berger is an unincorporated community in Gasconade County, in the U.S. state of Missouri.
History
A post office called Little Berger was established in 1872, and remained in operation until 1901. The community takes its name from nearby Little Berger Creek.
References
Unincorporated communities in Gasconade County, Missouri
Unincorporated communities in Missouri |
Cepola pauciradiata, the Guinean bandfish (also known as the red bandfish, a name given to most of the other members of the genus Cepola, especially the European species, Cepola macrophthalma), is a species of marine ray-finned fish belonging to the family Cepolidae, the bandfishes.. It is found on the Atlantic coast of Africa.
Taxonomy
Cepola pauciradiata was first formally described in 1950 by the French ichthyologist Jean Cadenat with the type locality given as the coast of Senegal. The specific name pauciradiata is a compound of pauci meaning "few" and radiata which means "rayed", a reference to the lower counts of soft rays in the dorsal and anal fins relative to other members of the genus. C. pauciradiata may be a junior synonym of C. macrophthalma.
Description
Cepola pauciradiata attains a maximum total length f . It is an elongated fish with the rearmost soft rays of both the elongated dorsal and anal fins connected to its lanceolate caudal fin by a membrane to form a continuous fin.
Distribution and habitat
Cepola pauciradiata has been recorded as occurring on the Atlantic coast of western Africa from Mauritania in the north to Angola in the south. It is most commonly found at depths between on muddy or sandt bottoms.
Biology
Cepola pauciradiata occurs either singly or in small aggregations on muddy and sand bottoms. They hide within burrows that they dig themselves or else they are seen swimming above the substrate. They mostly feed on zooplankton, especially small crustaceans and chaetognaths. The biology of this fish is little known.
References
pauciradiata
Fish described in 1950
Taxa named by Jean Cadenat |
黑色素直肠癌能活多久？直肠癌是常见的消化系统恶性肿瘤，该病典型的症状为大便性状，以及大便习惯改变，以及里急后重等症状，诊断也需要有明确的病理学检查依据。发病的确切原因目前还不是十分明确，和饮食习惯，以及家族遗传易感性等，都有一定的关系，确诊之后应首选手术治疗的。直肠癌是指从齿状线至直肠乙状结肠交界处之间的癌，是消化道最常见的恶性肿瘤之一。直肠癌位置低，容易被直肠指诊及乙状结肠镜诊断。但因其位置深入盆腔，解剖关系复杂，手术不易彻底，术后复发率高。中下段直肠癌与肛管括约肌接近，手术时很难保留肛门及其功能是手术的一个难题，也是手术方法上争论最多的一种疾病。我国直肠癌发病年龄中位数在45岁左右。青年人发病率有升高的趋势。直肠癌的病因目前仍不十分清楚，其发病与社会环境、饮食习惯、遗传因素等有关。直肠息肉也是直肠癌的高危因素。目前基本公认的是动物脂肪和蛋白质摄入过高，食物纤维摄入不足是直肠癌发生的高危因素。一般在临床上应对大便出血的病人予以高度警惕，不要轻率地诊断为“痢疾”、“内痔”等，必须进一步检查以排除癌肿的可能性。对直肠癌的早期诊断，必须重视直肠指检、直肠镜或乙状结肠镜等检查方法的应用。通过镜检可获得病理诊断。黑色素瘤能活多久需要看具体情况和患者的身体状况，但黑色素瘤早期的治愈率仍相对较高，主要以积极治疗为主，早期可以通过手术治疗，术后、放疗治疗，这种治疗效果较好，但在晚期，患者一般活不到一年。r.对于老年患者，可以配合中药治疗，减轻手术或放疗的一些副作用，增强患者的免疫功能，减少治疗的毒副作用，抑制癌细胞的生长发育，有效预防复发和转移。在日常生活中不可以空腹辛辣食物，其次饮食应规律，定量，少吃，多餐。少食多餐对消化道癌患者更为合适。不要吃咸味和熏制食物，特别是已经焦化的食物。不暴饮暴食，不过多摄服冷饮、冷食。 |
冶城，一般认为南京历史最早建筑的城池，位于鼓楼区冶山。明代以来，中国学界相继提及，冶城是吴王夫差在此地所设的冶铸作坊，规模较大，围有土墙，但并不是政区治所或军防城垒。其址今为朝天宫。
历史
现代学者周建国考证，吴王夫差所设的说法来自明代陈沂《金陵古今图考》一书，冶城“传云，夫差治铸于此”，此说被修志者广为采用。周建国指这是对刘孝标《世说新语》注的误解。周建国推测冶城应为西汉时建成的秣陵县县城所在。孙权“徒县治空城而置治尔”。故，越城才是南京历史第一城。目前尚无出土文物佐证两种说法。
东晋大兴初年，王导久病未愈，听信方士之言将冶炼作坊迁至石头城东，以冶城为西园。太元十五年（390年），在此建冶城寺，元兴三年（404年）桓玄废寺为别苑，桓玄兵败后复为冶城寺，刘宋时设总明观。梁绍泰元年（555年），陈霸先派徐度立栅于冶城，抵挡北齐将领徐嗣徽的进攻。隋灭陈后，冶城寺遭废弃。
参考文献
南京古地名
南京建筑史
前5世纪南京建立
地理位置有争议的中国城池 |
共产主义联盟（）是英国的一个已不存在的小型托洛茨基主义组织。该组织原名争取社会主义未来运动，成立于1990年，分裂自马克思主义党。该组织自称最忠诚于托洛茨基主义理论家格里·希利的思想。1994年，该组织创建了一个小型国际组织，命名为“共产主义者第五国际”。2005年6月，该组织解散，并入一个名为“赢得世界”的组织。该组织曾出版杂志《社会主义未来评论》。
参见
第五国际
英国的共产党
托洛茨基主义政党 |
Greatest Hits is a 1966 greatest hits album for The Temptations, released by the Gordy (Motown) label. It peaked at #5 on the Billboard 200 album chart and remained on the chart for 120 weeks. Included are popular Temptations hits such as "The Way You Do the Things You Do", "Get Ready", "Since I Lost My Baby", "My Baby", "Don't Look Back", and their signature #1 hit, "My Girl". One non-album single, "Beauty Is Only Skin Deep", is also included; it was a #3 hit in the summer and fall of 1966.
The album was included in Robert Christgau's "Basic Record Library" of 1950s and 1960s recordings, published in Christgau's Record Guide: Rock Albums of the Seventies (1981).
Track listing
Side one
"The Way You Do the Things You Do" (Smokey Robinson, Robert Rogers) (lead singer: Eddie Kendricks)
"My Girl" (Robinson, Ronald White) (lead singer: David Ruffin)
"Ain't Too Proud to Beg" (Edward Holland, Jr., Norman Whitfield) (lead singer: David Ruffin)
"Don't Look Back" (Robinson, White) (lead singer: Paul Williams)
"Get Ready" (Robinson) (lead singer: Eddie Kendricks)
"Beauty Is Only Skin Deep" (Holland, Whitfield) (lead singer: David Ruffin)
Side two
"Since I Lost My Baby" (Warren Moore, Robinson) (lead singer: David Ruffin)
"The Girl's Alright with Me" (Holland, Eddie Kendricks, Whitfield) (lead singer: Eddie Kendricks)
"My Baby" (Moore, Robinson, Rogers) (lead singer: David Ruffin)
"It's Growing" (Moore, Robinson) (lead singer: David Ruffin)
"I'll Be in Trouble" (Robinson) (lead singers: Eddie Kendricks, Melvin Franklin)
"Girl (Why You Wanna Make Me Blue)" (Holland, Whitfield) (lead singer: Eddie Kendricks)
Chart and singles history
Singles
Year-end charts
See also
List of number-one R&B albums of 1966 (U.S.)
List of number-one R&B albums of 1967 (U.S.)
Greatest Hits, Vol. 2
References
Albums produced by Norman Whitfield
Albums produced by Smokey Robinson
1966 greatest hits albums
The Temptations compilation albums
Gordy Records compilation albums
Albums recorded at Hitsville U.S.A. |
杰登·佩奇（，），澳大利亚男子田径运动员。他曾代表澳大利亚参加2022年英联邦运动会田径比赛，获得一枚银牌。他也曾参加2020年夏季残奥会。
参考资料
澳大利亚男子田径运动员
澳大利亚残奥田径运动员
2020年夏季残疾人奥林匹克运动会田径运动员
2022年英联邦运动会田径运动员
2022年英联邦运动会奖牌得主
英联邦运动会田径奖牌得主
澳大利亚英联邦运动会银牌得主 |
嗜睡是肝腹水的症状？肝腹水形成后由于液体大量渗入腹腔，使血液浓缩，有效循环血容量减少，血液黏制度增大，血流缓慢，可引起低血压或休克，是肝脏血流量减少，加剧肝脏缺血缺氧，加剧肝细胞坏死，这也是肝腹水的危害。大家都了解肝腹水的危害，所以出现疾病的时候都想及时治疗，那么出现嗜睡是肝腹水的症状吗？肝脏病变像肝硬化及肝癌都可能引起的腹水。出现嗜睡症状一般都处于肿瘤的终末期，但也可能是其他原因导致的，如果出现有嗜睡，首先要明确病因，有没有合并肝性脑病及电解质紊乱等情况，然后根据病因治疗。患者的生存时间取决于肝功能的好坏，有没有合并严重并发症及对治疗的的反应。肝腹水的早期症状是比较难以察觉的，一般的患者都会出现腹胀这个情况，但是往往被大家认为是胃肠的问题，很容易会被误以为是消化不良等情况。当只出现了少数的肝腹水的时候，就只能通过超声波才能检查出来。所以如果不经过超声波检查的话，误诊的可能性很大，所以如果出现腹胀，而且本身自己的肝部就有问题的话，一定要做一个超声检查，确诊是否是肝腹水。当患者的肝腹水加重或者是腹水增加速度比较快的话，患者就会出现明显的不适，在临床上就会出现食欲低下、恶心、呕吐、腹泻等病症，而且肝腹水患者如果更加严重的话，患者就会出现下肢严重的浮肿，甚至出现呼吸困难的病情。这些表现就证明了肝腹水患者出现了病情正在加重，肝腹水患者应该及时的重视这些病情，做进一步诊断治疗。从上面我们知道了肝腹水会后期会出现嗜睡的症状，但并不是所有的嗜睡都是因为肝腹水才有的，得了肝腹水千万不要放弃治疗，事实证明多数经过专业治疗的肝腹水能活很久，肝腹水治好后只要注意生活细节，保持乐观的精神状态，遵循医嘱，防止肝腹水的复发，出院后肝腹水患者可以活很久，并且有着较好的生活质量。 |
Marya Lilien, also Maria Lilien-Czarnecka (March 27, 1900 or 1901 – January 12, 1998) was a Polish architect, university professor and the first woman architect to apprentice under Frank Lloyd Wright. She created and headed the Department of Interior Design at the School of the Art Institute of Chicago.
Early life and education
Marya Lilien was born on March 27, 1900 or 1901, in Lviv, in a Polish-Jewish family of Adolf Lilien (1863–1911) and Emma née Nierenstein (1867–1934). Her siblings were the economist, lawyer and diplomat Artur Lilien-Brzozdowiecki and the singer Klara Janina Bloomfield (1893–1965). Marya completed studies in architecture at the Lviv Polytechnic, where she studied descriptive geometry under Kazimierz Bartel. She was among the first women to graduate from the university.
Career
Lilien belonged to the young artistic circles of Lviv. In the first half of the 1930s she worked as an architect in Warsaw and Lviv, then traveled to the US in 1935. Upon being invited by Frank Lloyd Wright, who offered her a scholarship, she joined the Taliesin studio and became the first woman apprentice under Wright.
Lilien returned to Poland in the late 1930s. At the start of World War II she was in Lviv, but she managed to escape to the US via Romania and Italy, traveling on a last ship from Naples before Italy went to war. She received a travel visa to come to America thanks to Wright's help. In 1941, she spent some time at Taliesin. As she did not want to overstay her welcome, she moved to Chicago, where she started teaching at the School of the Art Institute, where she founded its interior architecture program and was subsequently appointed Head of the Department of Interior Design. Her focus was to treat interior architecture as its own field of architecture instead of just perceiving it as decoration; her program changed the nationwide approach to teaching the subject. She taught at the university for over 25 years, becoming a mentor to generations of architecture students. Eventually, she became a US citizen. After retiring from the School of the Art Institute in 1967, she gave classes in history of architecture at Columbia College Chicago.
Apart from teaching, Lilien also engaged in promoting Polish art. In 1943, together with Maria Werten, she organized an exhibition of Polish woodcuts at the Art Institute of Chicago. She was also the initiator of the Treasures from Poland exhibition presented in 1966 at the Art Institute to commemorate the millennium of the Polish State. Her Chicago home became an artistic salon where she welcomed Polish artists and immigrants, such as Arthur Rubinstein, Witold Lutosławski, Witold Rowicki, Wanda Wiłkomirska, Krzysztof Penderecki, Mira Zimińska and Walentyna Janta-Połczyńska. She was friends with Felicja Krance.
Lilien was a member of the board of directors of the Kosciuszko Foundation, a member of the Chicago Architectural Foundation and the Polish Institute of Arts and Sciences of America, as well as an honorary member of the Polish Arts Club of Chicago.
Her name bears The Marya Lilien Foundation for the Advancement of Interior Design which awards scholarships to the best students of interior architecture. It was founded in the late 1960s or in the 1970s.
Personal life
A portrait of Marya Lilien painted by Polish artist Antoni Michalak, called Lady in Blue Gloves, was exhibited in the late 1930s at the Venice Biennale, then in Pittsburgh and finally at the 1939 New York World's Fair. Later, it was also shown at the Carnegie Museum of Art.
Marya Lilien was married to Wlodzimierz Czarnecki. She returned to Poland at the end of her life. She died on January 12, 1998, in Zakopane.
References
20th-century Polish architects
Architects from Lviv
Polish women architects
School of the Art Institute of Chicago faculty
Lviv Polytechnic alumni
1998 deaths
Year of birth uncertain
Ukrainian women architects |
摩拉維亞學院（Moravian College）是位于美國賓夕法尼亞州利哈谷伯利恒的私立文理學院，莫拉維亞神學院（Moravian Theological Seminary）也依附于它。該學院由波西米亞改革中追隨的约翰·阿摩司·夸美纽斯的摩拉維亞人成立於1742年，當時稱伯利恆女子神學院（Bethlehem Female Seminary），是美國最早的女子寄宿學校。不過該學院直到1862年才獲得正式頒發學士學位的許可。 2017年《美國新聞與世界報道》將其列在全國文理學院排名中的第159位。
参考文献
外部連結
Moravian College Official Athletics Website
1740年代建立的教育機構
賓夕法尼亞州文理學院 |
1996 in television may refer to:
1996 in American television for television related events in the United States.
1996 in Australian television for television related events in Australia.
1996 in Belgian television for television related events in Belgium.
1996 in Brazilian television for television related events in Brazil.
1996 in British television for television related events in Great Britain.
1996 in Scottish television for television related events in Scotland.
1996 in Canadian television for television related events in Canada.
1996 in Croatian television for television related events in Croatia.
1996 in Danish television for television related events in Denmark.
1996 in Dutch television for television related events in the Netherlands.
1996 in Estonian television for television related events in Estonia.
1996 in German television for television related events in Germany.
1996 in Irish television for television related events in Ireland.
1996 in Italian television for television related events in Italy.
1996 in Japanese television for television related events in Japan.
1996 in New Zealand television for television related events in New Zealand.
1996 in Norwegian television for television related events in Norway.
1996 in Philippine television for television related events in the Philippines.
1996 in Portuguese television for television related events in Portugal.
1996 in Spanish television for television related events in Spain.
1996 in Swedish television for television related events in Sweden.
Mass media timelines by year |
顺产后宫颈下垂怎么办？一个家庭多了一个新成员，一家人自然都会很高兴，都围在宝宝周围逗宝宝。但妈妈却会觉得腹部刚生完宝宝的子宫在下垂，这是顺产后宫颈脱垂了。顺产后宫颈脱垂该怎么办呢？治疗宫颈脱垂最好的办法还是手术治疗。顺产导致的宫颈脱垂是因为生产时需要用力把宝宝生出来，期间盆腔的韧带被强行拉伸和肌肉被迫扩张，之后难以自行迅速的恢复原来的样子。最好的办法还是到医院借助手术的治疗帮助盆腔韧带和相关肌肉的恢复。产后防治子宫脱垂应注意产后下床劳动不可过早、避免过度体力劳动，尤其不可做上举劳作;保持大便通畅，或早晚服蜂蜜，以润肠通便，绝对禁止排便困难时过分用力;注意保暖防寒、防止感冒咳嗽，患有慢性咳嗽者，应积极治疗;加强盆底肌和提肛肌的收缩运动，如抬臀运动。若已发生子宫脱垂，应绝对卧床休息，可多食补气升阳益血的药。如果宫颈脱垂的情况并不是太严重，也可只是到医院做产后的康复治疗。顺产完后子宫会从正常的位置沿着阴道的方向移位，有的时候子宫甚至会脱垂至阴道外。一旦有这个情况，女性会感觉到腹腔不舒服，体内有东西在垂吊着，夫妻生活也会受到影响，还是尽早治疗比较好。除了建议接受专业的医学治疗外，建议平时尽量不要蹲着，在上厕所排便时也不要太过于用力。在前面也说了，宫颈脱垂是与盆腔韧带的韧性和肌肉的舒张有关。尽量在平时也不要施加太大的压力给这两个部位，给予充足的时间恢复。自疗注意事项(1)注意卧床休息，睡时宜垫高臀部或脚部，抬高二块砖的高度。(2)产后不过早下床活动，特别不能过早地参加重体力劳动。(3)避免长期站立或下蹲、屏气等增加腹压的动作。(4)保持大小便的通畅。(5)及时治疗慢性气管炎、腹泻等增加腹压的疾病。(6)适当进行身体锻炼，提高身体素质。(7)增加营养，多食有补气、补肾作用的食品，如鸡、山药、扁豆、莲子、芡实、泥鳅、淡菜、韭菜、大枣等。 |
東森可以指：
公司
東森媒體集團，台湾媒体公司
東森購物，东森媒体旗下电视购物公司
東森電視，原东森媒体旗下电视公司，現由茂德國際集團掌控。
車站
東森車站，日本北海道铁路车站 |
占利尤索夫（），马来西亚政治人物，吉打州议会反对党领袖兼为吉打州州议员。前吉打州水供、能源及水务委员会主席。
选举成绩
参考文献
!Colspan="3" style="background: #ccccff"|州议会职务
|-
吉打第14届州立法议会议员
公正党吉打州议员 |
雅虎香港（）是雅虎於1999年在香港成立的分站。雅虎在創立初期的市場佔有率巨大，競爭對手為Google、MSN、新浪網。雅虎香港曾推出多個功能，例如雅虎網上對戰遊戲、拍賣、聯盟等，不過多個功能歷經重整後均取消，現時主力於發展新聞及資訊內容，為用戶轉載大量不同網站的文章，另亦邀請多位名人擔任專欄作家。截至2021年10月，雅虎香港在Alexa的流量統計中佔全港第6位。
Yahoo!搜尋人氣大獎
2005年起，雅虎香港每年舉辦Yahoo!搜尋人氣大獎，根據網民於雅虎香港搜尋器的搜尋數據所反映的互聯網熱門程度，向受歡迎的娛樂圈人物頒發相關年度獎項，是香港首個由網站所舉辦之綜合頒獎禮。
Yahoo TV
2017年4月推出影音直播平台Yahoo TV，「速食電視」要為觀眾提供「幾分鐘一集，一眼睇晒」的自家製節目。
歷代標誌
參考資料
外部連結
雅虎香港
Yahoo TV
香港網站
雅虎
1999年香港建立 |
The economic history of Brazil covers various economic events and traces the changes in the Brazilian economy over the course of the history of Brazil. Portugal, which first colonized the area in the 16th century, enforced a colonial pact with Brazil, an imperial mercantile policy, which drove development for the subsequent three centuries. Independence was achieved in 1822. Slavery was fully abolished in 1888. Important structural transformations began in the 1930s, when important steps were taken to change Brazil into a modern, industrialized economy.
A socioeconomic transformation took place rapidly after World War II. In the 1940s, only 31.3% of Brazil's 41.2 million inhabitants resided in towns and cities; by 1991, of the country's 146.9 million inhabitants 75.5% lived in cities, and Brazil had two of the world's largest metropolitan centers: São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro. The share of the primary sector in the gross national product declined from 28% in 1947 to 11% in 1992. In the same 1947–92 period, the contribution of industry to GNP increased from less than 20–39%. The industrial sector produces a wide range of products for the domestic market and for export, including consumer goods, intermediate goods, and capital goods.
Through the 1980s and 1990s, the Brazilian economy suffered from rampant inflation that subdued economic growth. After several failed economic initiatives created by the government, in 1994 the Plano Real was introduced. This plan brought stability and enabled Brazil to sustain economic growth over that of the global economy through the coming decade. Despite this rapid development the country still suffers from high levels of corruption, violent crime, functional illiteracy and poverty.
Colonial period
Brazil belonged to the Kingdom of Portugal as a colony. European commercial expansion of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Blocked from the lucrative hinterland trade with the Far East, which was dominated by Italian cities, Portugal began in the early fifteenth century to search for other routes to the sources of goods valued in European markets. Portugal discovered the maritime passage to the East Indies around the southern tip of Africa and established a network of trade outposts throughout Africa and Asia. After the discovery of America, it competed with Spain in occupying the New World.
Initially, the Portuguese did not find mineral riches in their American colony, but they never lost the hope of someday finding such riches there. Meanwhile, in order to settle and defend the colony from European intruders, the Portuguese established a pioneer colonial enterprise: the production of sugar in the Northeast. Beginning in about 1532–1534, cattle began arriving in Brazil, and a cattle industry developed rapidly in response to the needs of the sugar industry for transportation and food for workers. The discovery of precious metals in the colony's Center-South (Centro-Sul), a relatively undefined region encompassing the present-day Southeast (Sudeste) and South (Sul) regions, came only in the eighteenth century.
Sugar cycle (1540–1640)
By the mid-16th century, Portugal had succeeded in establishing a sugar economy in parts of the colony's northeastern coast. Sugar production, the first large-scale colonial agricultural enterprise, was made possible by a series of favorable conditions. Portugal had the agricultural and manufacturing know-how from its Atlantic islands and manufactured its own equipment for extracting sugar from sugarcane. Furthermore, being involved in the African slave trade, it had access to the necessary manpower. Finally, Portugal relied on the commercial skills of the Dutch and financing from Holland to enable a rapid penetration of sugar in Europe's markets.
Until the early seventeenth century, the Portuguese and the Dutch held a virtual monopoly on sugar exports to Europe. However, between 1580 and 1640 Portugal was incorporated into Spain, a country at war with Holland. The Dutch occupied Brazil's sugar area in the Northeast from 1630 to 1654, establishing direct control of the world's sugar supply. When the Dutch were driven out in 1654, they had acquired the technical and organizational know-how for sugar production. Their involvement in the expansion of sugar in the Caribbean contributed to the downfall of the Portuguese monopoly.
The Caribbean sugar boom brought about a steady decline in world sugar prices. Unable to compete, Brazilian sugar exports, which had peaked by the mid-seventeenth century, declined sharply. Between the fourth quarter of the seventeenth century and the early eighteenth century, Portugal had difficulties in maintaining its American colony. The downfall of sugar revealed a fragile colonial economy, which had no commodity to replace sugar. Paradoxically, however, the period of stagnation induced the settlement of substantial portions of the colony's territory. With the decline of sugar, the cattle sector, which had evolved to supply the sugar economy with animals for transport, meat, and hides, assimilated part of the resources made idle, becoming a subsistence economy. Because of extensive cattle production methods, large areas in the colony's interior were settled.
Realizing that it could maintain Brazil only if precious minerals were discovered, Portugal increased its exploratory efforts in the late seventeenth century. As a result, early in the eighteenth century gold and other precious minerals were found. The largest concentration of this gold was in the Southeastern Highlands, mainly in what is now Minas Gerais State.
Economy at independence (1822)
Despite Brazil's economic troubles, the early nineteenth century was a period of change. First, the Napoleonic Wars forced the Portuguese royal family to flee to Portugal's colony of Brazil in 1808, and for a short period the colony became the seat of the Portuguese empire. Moreover, in 1808 Britain persuaded Portugal to open the colony to trade with the rest of the world, and Portugal rescinded its prohibition against manufacturing (Strangford Treaty). These events paved the way for Brazil's independence on September 7, 1822. Indeed, during this period, the Portuguese royal family and the noblemen who had established themselves in the territory, started many reforms which developed the educational, cultural and economical sectors of Brazil. By 1814, the Portuguese and their allies had defeated Napoleon's armies in the Peninsular War, after had been victorious in the war against the French invasion of Portugal by 1811. However, the King of Portugal remained in Brazil until the Liberal Revolution of 1820, which started in Porto, demanded his return to Lisbon in 1821, but his son Pedro remained in Rio de Janeiro as regent and governor of the newly created Kingdom of Brazil, a Portuguese possession within the new United Kingdom of Portugal, Brazil and the Algarves (1815–22).
Brazil's early years as an independent nation were extremely difficult. 1820-1872 for Brazil was a combination of stagnation and regional diversity. According to Leff (1982, 1997), from the time of Brazil's independence in 1822, its rate of GDP growth failed to outpace its population growth. Hence, while the population did expand at a rapid pace (nearly 2 per cent per annum), the country's efforts to improve its performance in per capita terms were largely frustrating until the start of the twentieth century. This protracted and very difficult period of stagnation was, however, the net results of widely varying trends in different regions of the country. The north-eastern part of Brazil, which was a platform for sugar and cotton exports and which accounted for 57 per cent of the country's exports at the start of this period, saw a steady decline in its external sales. In 1866–70, these crops represented just 30 per cent of exports, while the share of coffee exports-the leading product in the south-eastern portion of the country-jumped from 26 to 47 per cent.
Leff (1982, 1997) explains the decline experiences in the north-east in terms of Dutch disease. As coffee exports came to play a greater role in the foreign exchange market, the real exchange rate increasingly reflected the importance of that product, which had a negative impact on the less competitive regions, such as the north-east. It was neither possible to restructure the sugar industry very quickly, nor easy to promote large-scale inter-regional migration flows, although a large number of slaves did move from the north-east to the south-east. Throughout this period, the expansion of the coffee industry was not hindered by any increase in labor costs, since up to 1852 (end of the slave trade), wages were depressed by the presence of slave labor and later by subsidized immigration flows, particularly from Italy (Leff 1997:5). This strengthened the existing pattern in Brazil: an export sector that generated high levels of earnings alongside a large sector that catered to the domestic market and a large subsistence economy, both with very low levels of productivity, with the outcome being low per capita income levels but a high export coefficient relative to the other Latin American economies.
Exports remained low, and the domestic economy was depressed. The only segment that expanded was the subsistence economy. Resources (land, slaves, and transport animals) made idle by the decline of the export economy were absorbed into mostly self-consumption activities.
American–Brazilian economic relations (1870–1930)
In 1870 Brazil's trade with America was valued at about 31 million dollars while the combined trade of all the South American countries was valued at about $29 million. Brazil was a significant producer of coffee and because of this the United States imported about four times as much as it exported to Brazil. In 1885 Brazil was producing more than one half of the world's supply of coffee. Brazil's trade in 1890 was more than $71 million while that of Argentina and Uruguay was $14 million and $6 million respectively. Soon after 1896, the production of coffee started to surpass consumption and prices began to fall in Brazil. Brazil then stored their coffee instead of selling all of it, and when there was bad season of coffee production they would use what they had previously stored from the year before.
The Monroe Doctrine appeared to some South American states as a US attempt of preserving their control over that hemisphere. Brazil viewed this doctrine as a measure of protection against the interference of the US and from European nations. Brazil's first ambassador to the United States, Joaquim Nabuco, 1905–1910, was a partisan of the Monroe Doctrine. Brazil borrowed money from many nations but it was not until after World War One that it actually borrowed substantial amounts from the US. With the outbreak of the First World War, Brazil continued to share the most significant trade with America with a trade that was valued at $154 million.
Coffee cycle (1840–1930)
The impact of coffee on the Brazilian economy was much stronger than that of sugar and gold. When the coffee surge began, Brazil was already free from the limitations of colonialism. Moreover, the substitution of slave labor for wage labor after 1870 (slavery was abolished in 1888) meant an increase in efficiency and the formation of a domestic market for wage goods. Finally, the greater complexity of coffee production and trade established important sectorial linkages within the Brazilian economy.
Coffee was introduced in Brazil early in the eighteenth century, but initially it was planted only for domestic use. It took the high world prices of the late 1820s and early 1830s to turn coffee into a major export item. During the initial phase, production was concentrated in the mountainous region near Rio de Janeiro. This area was highly suitable for coffee cultivation, and it had access to fairly abundant slave labor. Moreover, the coffee could be transported easily on mule trains or on animal-drawn carts over short distances to the ports.
An entrepreneurial class established in Rio de Janeiro during the mining surge was able to induce the government to help create basic conditions for the expansion of coffee, such as removing transportation and labor bottlenecks. From the area near Rio de Janeiro, coffee production moved along the Paraíba Valley toward São Paulo State, which later became Brazil's largest exporting region. Coffee was cultivated with primitive techniques and with no regard to land conservation. Land was abundant, and production could expand easily through the incorporation of new areas. However, it soon became necessary to ease two basic constraints: the lack of transportation and the shortage of labor.
The cultivation of coffee farther away from ports required the construction of railroads, first around Rio de Janeiro and into the Paraíba Valley, and later into the fertile highlands of São Paulo. In 1860 Brazil had only of railroads; by 1885 this total had increased to . The main rail link between São Paulo's eastern highlands and the ocean port of Santos allowed for a rapid expansion of coffee into the center and northwest of the state.
After the initial coffee expansion, the availability of slaves dwindled, and further cultivation required additional slaves. However, by 1840 Brazil was already under pressure to abolish slavery, and a series of decrees were introduced, making it increasingly difficult to supply the new coffee areas with servile labor. In the 1870s, the shortage of labor became critical, leading to the gradual incorporation of free immigrant labor. The coffee expansion in the west-northwest of São Paulo State after 1880 was made possible largely by immigrant labor. In 1880 São Paulo produced 1.2 million 60-kilogram coffee bags, or 25% of Brazil's total; by 1888 this proportion had jumped to 40% (2.6 million bags); and by 1902, to 60% (8 million bags). In turn, between 1884 and 1890 some 201,000 immigrants had entered São Paulo State, and this total jumped to more than 733,000 between 1891 and 1900. By 1934, over 40% of the coffee production in São Paulo was produced by the 14.5 percent foreign population of the state. International mass immigration to Brazil during the 19th century caused a significant human capital increase because of the immigrants' superior formal and informal education and training. Slavery was abolished in 1888.
The Brazilian economy grew considerably in the second half of the nineteenth century. Coffee was the mainstay of the economy, accounting for 63% of the country's exports in 1891, and 51% between 1901 and 1910. However, sugar, cotton, tobacco, cocoa, and, during the turn-of-the-century rubber boom, rubber were also important. During the first three decades of the 20th century, the Brazilian economy went through periods of growth but also difficulties caused in part by World War I, the Great Depression, and an increasing trend toward coffee overproduction. The four-year gap between the time a coffee tree is planted and the time of the first harvest magnified cyclical fluctuations in coffee prices, which in turn led to the increasing use of government price supports during periods of excess production. The price supports induced an exaggerated expansion of coffee cultivation in São Paulo, culminating in the huge overproduction of the early 1930s.
The 1840 to 1930 period also saw an appreciable but irregular expansion of light industries, notably textiles, clothing, food products, beverages, and tobacco. This expansion was induced by the growth in income, by the availability of foreign exchange, by fiscal policies, and by external events, such as World War I. Other important factors were the expansion of transportation, the installed capacity of electric energy, increased urbanization, and the formation of a dynamic entrepreneurial class. However, the manufacturing growth of the period did not generate significant structural transformations.
Economic growth in the nineteenth century was not shared equally by the regions. Development and growth were concentrated in the Southeast. The South Region also achieved considerable development based on coffee and other agricultural products. The Amazon Basin experienced a meteoric rise and fall of incomes from rubber exports. The Northeast continued to stagnate, with its population living close to the subsistence level.
Sweeping changes (1930–1945)
The decade of the 1930s was a period of interrelated political and economic changes. The decade started with the 1930 revolution, which abolished the Old Republic (1889–1930), a federation of semi-autonomous states. After a transitional period in which centralizing elements struggled with the old oligarchies for control, a coup in 1937 established the New State (Estado Novo) dictatorship (1937–45).
To a large extent, the revolution of 1930 reflected a dissatisfaction with the political control exercised by the old oligarchies. The political unrest of the first half of the 1930s and the 1937 coup were influenced strongly by the onset of economic problems in 1930. The coffee economy suffered from a severe decline in world demand caused by the Great Depression and an excess capacity of coffee production created in the 1920s. As a result, the price of coffee fell sharply and remained at very low levels. Brazil's terms of trade deteriorated significantly. These events, and a large foreign debt, led to an external crisis that took almost a decade to resolve.
The external difficulties had far-reaching consequences. The government was forced to suspend part of the country's debt payments and eventually to impose exchange controls. Excess coffee production led to increasing interventions in the coffee market. The state programs to support coffee prices went bankrupt in 1930. To avoid further decreases in coffee prices, the central government bought huge amounts of coffee, which was then destroyed. Central government intervention provided support to the coffee sector and, through its linkages, to the rest of the economy.
Despite the economic difficulties, the income maintenance scheme of the coffee support program, coupled with the implicit protection provided by the external crisis, was responsible for greater industrial growth. Initially, this growth was based on increased use of the productive capacity and later on moderate spurts of investment. The initial import substitution industrialization that occurred especially during World War I did not lead to industrialization; it became a process of industrialization only in the 1930s.
The 1930s also saw a change in the role of government. Until then, the state acted primarily in response to the demands of the export sector. During the first half of the decade, it was forced to interfere swiftly in an attempt to control the external crisis and to avoid the collapse of the coffee economy; government leaders hoped that the crisis would pass soon and that another export boom would occur. However, with the magnitude and duration of the crisis it became clear that Brazil could no longer rely solely on exports of primary goods and that it was necessary to promote economic diversification. During the Estado Novo, the government made initial attempts at economic planning, and in the late 1930s began to establish the first large government enterprise, an integrated steel mill, Companhia Siderúrgica Nacional.
The World War II period saw mixed achievements. By the late 1930s, coffee production capacity had been reduced drastically, the worst of the external crisis had passed, and the Brazilian economy was ready to grow. However, the war interfered with development efforts. Output increased mainly through better utilization of the existing capacity but, except for the steel mill, there was little industrial and infrastructure investment. Thus, at the end of the war Brazil's industrial capacity was obsolete and the transportation infrastructure was inadequate and badly deteriorated.
Import substitution industrialization (1945–1964)
A review of the evolution and structural changes of the industrial sector since the end of World War II reveals four broad periods. The postwar period to 1962 was a phase of intense import substitution, especially of consumer goods, with basic industries growing at significant but lower rates. The 1968 to 1973 period was one of very rapid industrial expansion and modernization (between 1962 and 1967, the industrial sector stagnated as a result of adverse macroeconomic conditions). The 1974 to 1985 phase was highlighted by import substitution of basic inputs and capital goods and by the expansion of manufactured goods exports. The period since 1987 has been a time of considerable difficulties.
At the end of World War II, political and economic liberalism were reintroduced in Brazil. Getúlio Dorneles Vargas (president, 1930–45, 1951–54) was overthrown, democratic rule was reestablished, and the foreign-exchange reserves accumulated during the war made possible a reduction of trade restrictions. However, trade liberalization was short-lived. The overvalued foreign-exchange rate, established in 1945, remained fixed until 1953. This, combined with persistent inflation and a repressed demand, meant sharp increases in imports and a sluggish performance of exports, which soon led again to a balance of payments crisis.
Pessimistic about the future of Brazil's exports, the government feared that the crisis would have a negative impact on inflation. Consequently, instead of devaluing the cruzeiro, it decided to deal with the crisis through exchange controls. In 1951 the newly elected government of Getúlio Vargas enforced a recently established system of import licensing, giving priority to imports of essential goods and inputs (fuels and machinery) and discouraging imports of consumer goods. These policies had the unanticipated effect of providing protection to the consumer goods industry. Early in the 1950s, however, convinced that the only hope for rapid growth was to change the structure of the Brazilian economy, the government adopted an explicit policy of import substitution industrialization. An important instrument of this policy was the use of foreign exchange controls to protect selected segments of domestic industry and to facilitate the importation of equipment and inputs for them.
However, the move to fixed exchange rates together with import licensing drastically curtailed exports, and the balance of payments problem became acute. The system became nearly unmanageable, and in 1953 a more flexible, multiple-exchange-rate system was introduced. Under the latter, imports considered essential were brought in at a favored rate; imports of goods that could be supplied domestically faced high rates and were allotted small portions of the available foreign exchange. Similarly, some exports were stimulated with a higher exchange rate than those of traditional exports. This system continued to be the main instrument for the promotion of import substitution industrialization, but the performance of the export sector improved only modestly.
Between 1957 and 1961, the government made several changes in the exchange-control system, most of which were attempts at reducing its awkwardness or at improving its performance with the advance of import substitution industrialization. For this same purpose, the government also introduced several complementary measures, including enacting the Tariff Law of 1957, increasing and solidifying the protection extended to domestic industries, and offering strong inducements to direct foreign investment.
In the second half of the 1950s, the government enacted a series of special programs intended to better orient the industrialization process, to remove bottlenecks, and to promote vertical integration in certain industries. The government gave special attention to industries considered basic for growth, notably the automotive, cement, steel, aluminum, cellulose, heavy machinery, and chemical industries.
As a result of import substitution industrialization, the Brazilian economy experienced rapid growth and considerable diversification. Between 1950 and 1961, the average annual rate of growth of the gross domestic product exceeded 7%. Industry was the engine of growth. It had an average annual growth rate of over 9 percent between 1950 and 1961, compared with 4.5% for agriculture. In addition, the structure of the manufacturing sector experienced considerable change. Traditional industries, such as textiles, food products, and clothing, declined, while the transport equipment, machinery, electric equipment and appliances, and chemical industries expanded.
However, the strategy also left a legacy of problems and distortions. The growth it promoted resulted in a substantial increase in imports, notably of inputs and machinery, and the foreign-exchange policies of the period meant inadequate export growth. Moreover, a large influx of foreign capital in the 1950s resulted in a large foreign debt.
Import substitution industrialization can be assessed according to the contribution to value added by four main industrial subsectors: nondurable consumer goods, durable consumer goods, intermediate goods, and capital goods. Using data from the industrial censuses, the share of these groups in value added between 1949 and 1960 shows a considerable decline in the share of the nondurable goods industries, from nearly 60 percent to less than 43 percent, and a sharp increase in that of durable goods, from nearly 6% to more than 18%. The intermediate and capital goods groups experienced moderate increases, from 32 to 36% and from 2.2 to 3.2%, respectively.
A representative component of the nondurable group is the textile industry, the leading sector before World War II. Between 1949 and 1960, its share in the value added by industry as a whole experienced a sharp decline, from 20.1% to 11.6%. In the durable goods group, the component with the most significant change was the transport equipment sector (automobiles and trucks), which increased from 2.3% to 10.5%.
The lower increases in the shares of the intermediate and capital goods industries reflect the lesser priority attributed to them by the import substitution industrialization strategy. In the early 1960s, Brazil already had a fairly diversified industrial structure, but one in which vertical integration was only beginning. Thus, instead of alleviating the balance of payments problems, import substitution increased them dramatically.
Stagnation and spectacular growth (1962–1980)
Stagnation (1962–1967)
As a result of the problems associated with import substitution industrialization and the reforms introduced by the military regime after March 1964, the Brazilian economy lost much of its dynamism between 1962 and 1967. The average rate of growth of GDP in the period declined to 4.0 percent and that of industry to 3.9 percent. In part, stagnation resulted from distortions caused by the strategy. Moreover, political troubles negatively affected expectations and precluded the formation of a coalition to back the introduction of tough measures to control inflation and the balance of payments crisis. Political troubles also hindered the removal of obstacles to growth.
The 1964 coup dealt with the political obstacles by forcefully restraining opposition to the military agenda of change. With the objective of transforming Brazil into a modern capitalist economy and a military power, the regime implemented a series of reforms aimed at reducing inflation, at removing some of the distortions of import substitution industrialization, and at modernizing capital markets. The regime gradually introduced incentives to direct investment, domestic and foreign, and tackled balance of payments problems by reforming and simplifying the foreign-exchange system. In addition, the regime introduced a mechanism of periodic devaluations of the cruzeiro, taking into account inflation. Finally, the military government adopted measures to attract foreign capital and to promote exports. It took steps to expand public investment to improve the country's infrastructure and later to develop state-owned basic industries.
Spectacular growth (1968–1973)
The post-1964 reforms and other policies of the military government, together with the state of the world economy, created conditions for very rapid growth between 1968 and 1973. In that period, the average annual rate of growth of GDP jumped to 11.1%, led by industry with a 13.1% average. Within industry, the leading sectors were consumer durables, transportation equipment, and basic industries, such as steel, cement, and electricity generation.
As a result of the post-1964 policies, external trade expanded substantially faster than the economy as a whole. There was a significant growth in exports, especially manufactured goods, but also commodities. Yet, imports grew considerably faster, rapidly increasing the trade deficit. This did not present a problem, however, because massive inflows of capital resulted in balance of payments surpluses.
The external sector contributed substantially to high growth rates, as did the rapid expansion of investment, including a growing share of public investment and investment by state-controlled enterprises. In addition, increased demand for automobiles, durable and luxury goods, and housing resulted from a rapid growth in income for the upper income strata and from credit plans created for consumers and home-buyers by the capital-market reforms.
The industrial sector generally experienced not only rapid growth but also considerable modernization. As a result, imports of capital goods and basic and semi-processed inputs increased sharply. The share of intermediate goods imports in total imports increased from 31.0% in the 1960–62 period to 42.7% in 1972, and that of capital goods, from 29.0 to 42.2%. The total value of imports rose from US$1.3 billion to US$4.4 billion.
A comparison of the 1960 and the 1975 shares of the various industrial sectors in total value added by industry reveals a continuation in the relative decline of nondurable industries, notably textiles, food products, and beverages, and an increase in machinery, from 3.2 to 10.3%. The relative shares of most of the remaining industries, however, did not change significantly in the period.
As a result of the period's outward-looking development strategy, Brazil's industrial exports increased from US$1.4 billion in 1963 to US$6.2 billion in 1973. The composition of exports shows that whereas in 1963 processed and semi-processed manufactured exports accounted for only 5% of total exports, in 1974 their share had reached 29%.
In the 1968–73 period, personal income became more concentrated and regional disparities became greater. Industrial expansion took place more vigorously in the Center-South Region, which had benefited most from the import substitution industrialization strategy. Its per-capita income considerably exceeded the national average, its infrastructure was more developed, and it had an adequate supply of skilled workers and professionals. The region was therefore able to take advantage of the opportunities and incentives offered by the military regime. Although a special regional development strategy existed for the Northeast, it promoted a distorted industrialization that benefited only a few of that region's large cities; the Northeast's linkages with the Center-South were stronger than its linkages within the region. The combination of a harsh climate, a highly concentrated land-tenure system, and an elite that consistently resisted meaningful change prevented the Northeast from developing effectively.
Growth with debt (1974–1980)
Brazil suffered drastic reductions in its terms of trade as a result of the 1973 oil shock. In the early 1970s, the performance of the export sector was undermined by an overvalued currency. With the trade balance under pressure, the oil shock led to a sharply higher import bill. Brazil opted to continue a high-growth policy. Furthermore, it adopted renewed strategies of import substitution industrialization and of economic diversification. In the mid-1970s, the regime began implementing a development plan aimed at increasing self-sufficiency in many sectors and creating new comparative advantages. Its main components were to promote import substitution of basic industrial inputs (steel, aluminium, fertilizers, petrochemicals), to make large investments in the expansion of the economic infrastructure, and to promote exports.
This strategy was effective in promoting growth, but it also raised Brazil's import requirements markedly, increasing the already large current-account deficit. The current account was financed by running up the foreign debt. The expectation was that the combined effects of import substitution industrialization and export expansion eventually would bring about growing trade surpluses, allowing the service and repayment of the foreign debt.
Thus, despite the world recession resulting from other countries' adjustments to the oil shock, Brazil was able to maintain a high growth rate. Between 1974 and 1980, the average annual rate of growth of real GDP reached 6.9 percent and that of industry, 7.2 percent. However, the current-account deficit increased from US$1.7 billion in 1973 to US$12.8 billion in 1980. The foreign debt rose from US$6.4 billion in 1963 to nearly US$54 billion in 1980.
Brazil was able to raise its foreign debt because, at the time, the international financial system was awash in petrodollars and was eagerly offering low-interest loans. By the end of the 1970s, however, the foreign debt had reached high levels. Additionally, the marked increase of international interest rates raised the debt service, forcing the country to borrow more only to meet interest payments. Productive capacity, exports, and the substitution of imports in various sectors expanded and became more diversified. However, the expected impacts on Brazil's current account were not to materialize until the mid-1980s.
Another feature of the 1974–80 period was an acceleration of inflation. Between 1968 and 1974, the rate of inflation had declined steadily, but afterward the trend was reversed. From 16.2 percent a year in 1973, the growth rate of the general price index increased to 110.2 percent a year by 1980.
Stagnation, inflation and crisis (1981–1993)
The effect of the 1974–85 period's industrialization on the balance of trade was significant. The balance of trade moved from an average deficit of US$3.4 billion in the 1974–76 period to an average surplus of US$10.7 billion in the 1983–85 period. In 1985 the share of manufactures (processed and semi-processed) of total exports reached 66 percent, and between 1971–75 and 1978–83 the share of basic input imports in total imports declined from 32.3% to 19.2%. The recession and stagnation of the early 1980s had a role in reducing imports. However, import substitution was also important, as demonstrated by the few years of the 1980s that experienced a significant growth in GDP while the trade surplus was maintained.
Between 1981 and 1992, the GDP increased at an average annual rate of only 2.9% and per capita income declined 6%. Gross investment, as a proportion of GDP, fell from 21 to 16 percent, in part as a result of the fiscal crisis and the loss of public-sector investment capacity. The decline also reflected growing uncertainties regarding the future of the economy. The 1980s became known as the "lost decade," and its problems spilled over into the 1990s. Despite the stagnation of the 1981–92 period, inflation remained a major problem (see stagflation). It stayed in the 100% level until the mid-80's and then grew to more than 1000% a year, reaching a record 5000% in 1993.
1981–1984
In 1979 a second oil shock nearly doubled the price of imported oil to Brazil and lowered the terms of trade further. The rise in world interest rates sharply increased Brazil's balance of payments problem and the size of the foreign debt. Nevertheless, the government continued borrowing, mainly to face an increasing debt burden, while it tried vainly to maintain the high-growth strategy. At the beginning of the 1980s, however, the foreign-debt problem became acute, leading to the introduction of a program to generate growing trade surpluses in order to service the foreign debt. The program was achieved by reducing growth and, with it, imports, and by expanding exports. As a result, in 1981 real GDP declined by 4.4 percent. The 1982 Mexican debt crisis ended Brazil's access to international financial markets, increasing the pressure for economic adjustment.
Some unorthodox economists like Stephen Kanitz attribute the debt crisis not to the high Brazilian level of indebtedness nor to the disorganization of the country's economy. They say that the cause of the crisis was rather a minor error in the U.S. government banking regulations which forbids its banks from lending over ten times the amount of their capital, a regulation that, when the inflation eroded their lending limits, forced them to cut the access of underdeveloped countries to international savings.
The austerity program imposed by the International Monetary Fund in late 1979 continued until 1984, but substantial trade surpluses were obtained only from 1983 on, largely as a delayed result of the import substitution industrialization programs of the 1970s and the reduction in imports brought about by economic decline. The austerity program enabled Brazil to meet interest payments on the debt, but at the price of economic decline and increasing inflation.
Inflation accelerated as a result of a combination of factors: the exchange-rate devaluations of the austerity program, a growing public deficit, and an increasing indexation of financial balances, wages, and other values for inflation. The first two factors are classical causes of inflation; the last became an important mechanism for propagating hyperinflation and in preventing the usual instruments of inflation control from operating.
By the mid-1980s, domestic debt nearly displaced foreign debt as Brazil's main economic problem. During the high-growth 1970s, a significant portion of foreign borrowing had been by state enterprises, which were the main actors in the import substitution industrialization strategy. Initially, they borrowed to finance their investments. However, toward the end of the decade, with the acute shortage of foreign exchange, the government forced state enterprises to borrow unnecessarily, increasing their indebtedness markedly. Their situation worsened with the sharp rise in international interest rates in the late 1970s, the devaluations of the austerity program, and the decreasing real prices of goods and services provided by the public enterprises stemming from price controls. Because the state enterprises were not allowed to go bankrupt, their debt burden was transferred gradually to the government, further increasing the public debt. This, and a growing disorganization of the public sector, transformed the public debt into a major economic problem. By the mid-1980s, the financial burden stemming from the debt was contributing decisively to its rapid expansion.
1985–1989
During the second half of the 1980s, it became increasingly clear that a large-scale fiscal reform, one that enabled noninflationary financing of the public sector, was needed not only to control inflation but also to restore the public sector's capacity to invest. Both were essential for an economic recovery. However, political obstacles prevented the reform from materializing. And, because inflation had become the most visible symptom of the public-sector disequilibrium, there were several attempts to bring inflation under control through what came to be known as "heterodox economic shocks". The period saw three such shocks: the Cruzado Plan (1986), the Bresser Plan (1987), and the Summer Plan (1989).
The objective of the Cruzado Plan was to eliminate inflation with a dramatic blow. Between 1980 and 1985, the rise in the CPI had escalated from 86.3% to 248.5% annually. Early in 1986, the situation became desperate, prodding the implementation of the plan. Its main measures were a general price freeze, a wage readjustment and freeze, readjustment and freeze on rents and mortgage payments, a ban on indexation, and a freeze on the exchange rate.
The plan's immediate results were spectacular: the monthly rate of inflation fell close to zero, economic growth surged upward, and the foreign accounts remained under control. However, by the end of 1986 the plan was in trouble. The wage adjustments were too large, increasing aggregate demand excessively and creating inflationary pressures. Moreover, the price freeze was maintained for too long, creating distortions and leading to shortages of a growing number of products. Inflation accelerated again and there was a return of indexation. The country imposed a moratorium on its foreign debt service on February 20, 1987.
The two other stabilization plans amounted to renewed attempts at bringing inflation down from very high levels. It was soon clear that without a thorough reform of the public sector, controlling inflation would be impossible. Both plans introduced a price freeze and eliminated indexation, but there were differences between them, and with the Cruzado Plan. Neither was able to address the public-sector disequilibrium effectively. The objective of the Summer Plan, for instance, was mainly to avoid hyperinflation in an election year.
In fact, the public-sector disequilibrium became virtually locked in as a result of the 1988 constitution, which created advantages for various segments of society without indicating how these advantages would be paid for. Moreover, it transferred large portions of the tax revenues from the federal government to state and municipal governments, without requiring them to provide additional public services. With less revenue and more responsibility, the federal accounts experienced growing deficits. In addition, several subsidies were locked into the legislation. These factors and the financial burden of the public debt meant growing problems of public finance.
The 1980s ended with high and accelerating inflation and a stagnant economy, which never recovered after the demise of the Cruzado Plan. The public debt was enormous, and the government was required to pay very high interest rates to persuade the public to continue to buy government debt instruments.
Another major obstacle to economic growth during the 1980s was Brazil's protectionist policy from 1984 to 1992 of severely restricting imports of foreign computer hardware and software to protect and nurture Brazil's domestic computer industry (which was but one manifestation of the country's long-term policy of import substitution industrialization). The policy was so strict that the government regularly seized personal computers from foreign businesspersons who were visiting for ordinary business trips, because of the fear that foreign visitors were smuggling PCs to domestic users. Although this policy was superficially successful, the federal government failed to fund the basic research that was essential to the success of computer industries in the United States, Europe, and Japan. Brazilian computer users in this era frequently paid two or three times the international market price for unreliable, poorly designed domestic clones of foreign computer designs, since domestic manufacturers lacked the well-trained engineers and basic research necessary to develop their own indigenous innovations, let alone build brilliant new designs from scratch. By the time the policy was rescinded in 1991, it had failed in the sense that Brazil's domestic computer manufacturers were still unable to make advanced computer products suitable for export to other countries, and had severely limited the modernization and computerization of Brazil's economy. By that point in time, computer usage in most economic sectors in most developed countries was exceeding 90 percent. In Brazil, computer usage by businesses was around 12 percent. Even worse, Brazilian schools were falling far behind in preparing students to use computers when they entered the workforce; only 0.5 percent of Brazilian classrooms had computers. In other words, by 1990, the electronic office was still science fiction as far as most Brazilians were concerned and they were still doing business exclusively through labor-intensive paper-based processes. This meant their productivity was far lower than people in countries who had already been using computers for one or two decades, and who had, for example, already made the transition from typing and re-typing drafts of documents on manual typewriters to simply entering print commands into word processing software. Finally, the policy of restricting imports of foreign computers was also blamed for causing Brazil to fall far behind in adopting many lifesaving technologies made possible by modern microprocessors, such as anti-lock brakes.
1990–1993
The first post-military-regime president elected by popular suffrage, Fernando Collor de Mello (1990–92), was sworn into office in March 1990. Facing imminent hyperinflation and a virtually bankrupt public sector, the new administration introduced a stabilization plan, together with a set of reforms, aimed at removing restrictions on free enterprise, increasing competition, privatizing public enterprises, and boosting productivity.
Heralded as a definitive blow to inflation, the stabilization plan was drastic. It imposed an eighteen-month freeze on all but a small portion of the private sector's financial assets, froze prices, and again abolished indexation. The new administration also introduced provisional taxes to deal with the fiscal crisis, and took steps to reform the public sector by closing several public agencies and dismissing public servants. These measures were expected not only to swiftly reduce inflation but also to lower inflationary expectations. Collor also implemented a radical liquidity freeze, reducing the money stock by 80% by freezing bank accounts in excess of $1000.
Brazil adopted neoliberalism in the late 1980s, with support from the workers party on the left. Brazil ended the old policy of closed economies with development focused through import substitution industrialization, in favor of a more open economic system and privatization. For example, tariff rates were cut from 32 percent in 1990 to 14 percent in 1994. The market reforms and trade reforms resulted in price stability and faster inflow of capital, but did not change levels of income inequality and poverty.
At first few of the new administration's programs succeeded. Major difficulties with the stabilization and reform programs were caused in part by the superficial nature of many of the administration's actions and by its inability to secure political support. Moreover, the stabilization plan failed because of management errors coupled with defensive actions by segments of society that would be most directly hurt by the plan. Confidence in the government was also eroded as a result of the liquidity freeze combined with an alienated industrial sector who had not been consulted in the plan.
After falling more than 80 percent in March 1990, the CPI's monthly rate of growth began increasing again. The best that could be achieved was to stabilize the CPI at a high and slowly rising level. In January 1991, it rose by 19.9%, reaching 32% a month by July 1993. Simultaneously, political instability increased sharply, with negative impacts on the economy. The real GDP declined 4.0% in 1990, increased only 1.1% in 1991, and again declined 0.9% in 1992.
President Collor de Mello was impeached in September 1992 on charges of corruption. Vice president Itamar Franco was sworn in as president (1992–94), but he had to grapple to form a stable cabinet and to gather political support. The weakness of the interim administration prevented it from tackling inflation effectively. In 1993 the economy grew again, but with inflation rates higher than 30 percent a month, the chances of a durable recovery appeared to be very slim. At the end of the year, it was widely acknowledged that without serious fiscal reform, inflation would remain high and the economy would not sustain growth. This acknowledgment and the pressure of rapidly accelerating inflation finally jolted the government into action. The president appointed a determined minister of finance, Fernando Henrique Cardoso, and a high-level team was put in place to develop a new stabilization plan. Implemented early in 1994, the plan met little public resistance because it was discussed widely and it avoided price freezes.
The stabilization program, called Plano Real had three stages: the introduction of an equilibrium budget mandated by the National Congress a process of general indexation (prices, wages, taxes, contracts, and financial assets); and the introduction of a new currency, the Brazilian real (pegged to the dollar). The legally enforced balanced budget would remove expectations regarding inflationary behavior by the public sector. By allowing a realignment of relative prices, general indexation would pave the way for monetary reform. Once this realignment was achieved, the new currency would be introduced, accompanied by appropriate policies (especially the control of expenditures through high interest rates and the liberalization of trade to increase competition and thus prevent speculative behavior).
By the end of the first quarter of 1994, the second stage of the stabilization plan was being implemented. Economists of different schools of thought considered the plan sound and technically consistent.
Post-Real Plan economy (1994–2010)
The Plano Real ("Real Plan"), instituted in the spring 1994, sought to break inflationary expectations by pegging the real to the US dollar. Inflation was brought down to single digit annual figures, but not fast enough to avoid substantial real exchange rate appreciation during the transition phase of the Plano Real. This appreciation meant that Brazilian goods were now more expensive relative to goods from other countries, which contributed to large current account deficits. However, no shortage of foreign currency ensued because of the financial community's renewed interest in Brazilian markets as inflation rates stabilized and memories of the debt crisis of the 1980s faded.
The Real Plan successfully eliminated inflation, after many failed attempts to control it. Almost 25 million people turned into consumers.
The maintenance of large current account deficits via financial account surpluses became problematic as investors became more risk averse to emerging market exposure as a consequence of the Asian financial crisis in 1997 and the Russian bond default in August 1998. After crafting a fiscal adjustment program and pledging progress on structural reform, Brazil received a $41.5 billion IMF-led international support program in November 1998. In January 1999, the Brazilian Central Bank announced that the real would no longer be pegged to the US dollar. This devaluation helped moderate the downturn in economic growth in 1999 that investors had expressed concerns about over the summer of 1998. Brazil's debt-to-GDP ratio of 48% for 1999 beat the IMF target and helped reassure investors that Brazil will maintain tight fiscal and monetary policy even with a floating currency.
The economy grew 4.4% in 2000, but problems in Argentina in 2001, and growing concerns that the presidential candidate considered most likely to win, leftist Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, would default on the debt, triggered a confidence crisis that caused the economy to decelerate. Poverty was down to near 16%.
In 2002, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva won the presidential elections and was re-elected in 2006. During his government, the economy began to grow more rapidly. In 2004, Brazil saw a promising growth of 5.7% in GDP, followed by 2005 with 3.2%, 2006 with 4.0%, 2007 with 6.1% and 2008 with 5.1%. Due to the 2008–10 world financial crisis, Brazil's economy was expected to slow down in 2009 between a decline of −0.5% and a growth of 0.0%. In reality, economic growth continued at a high rate hitting 7.5% in 2010.
2010s economic contraction
Following a boom at the end of the previous decade, Brazil's economy experienced a contraction. Between 2011 and 2015, the value of the real fell from 1.55 reals per US dollar to 4.0 reals. The price of many of the country's main exports fell due to falling demand. From September 2014 to February 2015, Petrobras, the largest energy corporation in Brazil, lost 60% of its market value. Unemployment remained below 6% but began to rise above that in 2015 with the economy overall expected to contract by 25% in 2015 in US dollar terms.
See also
Economy of Brazil
History of Brazil's economic policy
List of economic crises in Brazil
Agriculture in Brazil
Industrialization in Brazil
Latin American debt crisis
La Década Perdida (The Lost Decade)
Economic history of Latin America
References
Works cited
Further reading
Carlson, Chris (2022). "The Agrarian Roots of Divergent Development: A Case Study of Twentieth-Century Brazil". American Sociological Review.
Joao Ayres, Marcio Garcia, Diogo A. Guillén, Patrick J. Kehoe. 2019. "The Monetary and Fiscal History of Brazil, 1960-2016." NBER paper.
Vidal Luna, Francisco, and Herbert S. Klein. 'The Economic and Social History of Brazil since 1889 (Cambridge University Press, 2014) 439 pp. online review
Serrano, Franklin and Ricardo Summa. Aggregate Demand and the Slowdown of Brazilian Economic Growth from 2011–2014, from the Center for Economic and Policy Research, August 2015
In Portuguese |
三汇口乡，是下辖的一个乡镇级行政单位。
行政区划
三汇口乡下辖以下地区：
。
参考资料 |
洪箱（），台灣苗栗人，台灣農民運動領袖。
生平
洪箱生於農家，自幼生活貧苦，幼時即與祖母至市場賣菜。15歲時至桃園縣擔任女工。24歲時與農民張木村結婚，移居後龍務農。2009年，苗栗縣政府後龍科技園區開發案徵收鄰近灣寶里230餘公頃農地，洪箱與張木村成立自救會率領灣寶居民共同抗爭；經歷3年的抗爭，農地變更案於2011年4月遭到駁回，成為當時農運唯一的成功案例，同年獲頒年度社運風雲人物。
抗爭成功後，洪箱又擔任灣寶社區發展協會理事長，協助灣寶社區農作物產銷。後來曾擔任台灣農村陣線理事長，以及台灣土地正義行動聯盟理事，並陸續參與多場農運及反迫遷運動。2013年張木村病逝後，洪箱獨立繼續參與社會多場運動，諸如苗栗大埔事件、台中市黎明幼兒園拆遷案、苗栗坤輿掩埋場案等社會運動。在參與社運之餘，洪箱也未放棄其本業，與十餘位灣寶農民在灣寶地區共同成立「沐香農場」，從事有機農業。
2020年9月3日，立法院召開首場美國含瘦肉精豬肉進口問題公聽會，洪箱發言反對蔡英文政府開放瘦肉精美豬，並批評美國人把台灣人當成二等公民。
2022年，洪箱獲全國NGOs環境會議籌備委員會「台灣環境保護終身成就獎」。2023年10月9日，洪箱逝世。
參考文獻
臺灣農民運動者
洪姓 |
为什么会前列腺炎症状？前列腺炎是男性中较为常见的一种疾病，不仅会危害到男性的健康，更会对另一方女性健康造成影响。那么为什么男性会患有前列腺炎呢?只有找出原因才能在生活中做好预防工作，避免患有前列腺炎，治疗疾病做好的方法就是不要患有疾病。1、性生活不正常：前列腺不正常充血是导致男性是这种疾病的重要原因，如：性生活过频、性交被迫中断、或过多的手淫等，但性生活过度节制，也会产生长时间的自动兴奋，从而造成被动充血。2、直接压迫会阴部：长时间压迫会阴部可导致会阴部反复损伤和前列腺充血，尤其以长时间骑自行车最为常见，还有一些如：骑自行车、骑马、久坐等等。3、精神压力：这也是前列腺炎的原因之一。因为没有良好的生活习惯，或者生活压力比较大，而形成焦虑、抑郁、恐惧、悲观等悲观紧张的症状，从而造成心理压力，等等这些不好的心理状态也会导致前列腺炎的发生。4、病原微生物感染：细菌的侵入途径主要有三种。血行感染，细菌性前列腺炎90%以因微生物感染所致;淋巴感染，如下尿路感染和结肠、直肠的炎症可通过淋巴管道而感染前列腺，产生炎症;直接蔓延，男性排尿时尿液要经过前列腺，尿中的细菌可直接进入前列腺，导致前列腺感染。5、尿液刺激：由于饮食作息不规律，可能会引起男性的内分泌失调，不多加注意这种局部的内分泌失调会导致尿液中的多种酸碱性等一些列的刺激性化学物质倒流回前列腺腺内，从而加大诱发前列腺炎的几率。以上五点就是前列腺炎原因的详细介绍，从中我们可以看出引起前列腺炎的原因有很多，包含了我们生活的方方面面，因此健康生活才是最根本，预防前列腺炎更是要从很小的事情做起。 |
总爱出汗是什么原因？在生活中部分的人总爱出汗，虽然很多人会觉得不以为然，但是其实在生活中总爱出汗对于人体是有一定伤害的，所以建议在生活中好好的学习和了解有关于爱出汗的原因，然后结合个人的实际情况进行针对性的调节，这样总爱出汗的问题就会得到解决。那么到底总爱出汗的原因呢?为了让大家多加了解相关的知识，接下来我们就来给大家介绍一下。1、不良心理。部分的患者总是爱出汗是因为不良的心理基础导致的，因为长时间的处于不良的心理中很容易会因此影响到人们的身体健康，也会因此导致汗液异常分泌，所以大家在生活中不妨多加注意汗液分泌的问题，让自己学会放松，这样总爱出汗的问题就会得到解决。2、身体不适。总爱出汗很有可能是因为体质不好导致的，而在医学上也被称之为虚寒，大家为了减低伤害建议在生活中多加注意自己的身体变化，如果发现总是有虚汗过多的问题就应该尽快就医咨询，让自己可以得到最佳的调节，以免因为长时间的处于虚汗的状态中影响到身体健康。3、饮食习惯。如果在生活中总爱进食辛辣食物，那么爱出汗的问题就会加重，所以建议在生活中多加注意，结合个人的实际情况进行调节，多吃清淡食物，这样出汗的问题就会得到解决。最后，希望大家可以知道其实在生活中总是爱出汗的原因是多样的，如果想要远离伤害就应该在生活中好好的学习和了解，然后结合个人的实际情况进行治疗，才能让爱出汗的问题得到解决。另外，如果大家发现自己在爱出汗的同时还伴随着不适的症状建议大家就医咨询，以免是因为疾病导致。 |
孕检时间表和项目费用？孕期检查项目是指在怀孕期间所需要做的检查项目，准妈妈们从怀孕第一个月到生产要经历不少检查项目，有些是例行检查的，有些是必须定期检查的。如果能在整个怀孕期间继续的检查，那么就可以避免孩子和孕妈妈有一切问题。那么在怀孕期间都需要检查哪些项目呢?费用是多少?孕期检查费用是指在孕期进行各项检查的费用，由于检查会贯穿在整个孕期，所以不同时期的不同项目都会有费用，不过也有医院推出孕期包干检查，费用大约在1000元左右，当然也可以根据自己的情况来选择不同的检查消费模式。在孕早期，也就是妊娠第1周-第12周，主要有：①B超检查，它可以排除宫外孕，看胎儿的发育情况，测量胎儿大小;②检查是否有引起宫内感染的病原体。③筛查肝炎病毒，可以及早切断病毒的母婴传播;④血尿常规检查，检查是否患有贫血、血液性疾病及泌尿系统疾病。在孕中期，也就是妊娠第13周-第27周，主要有：①在妊娠22周左右做彩色B超检查;②在妊娠24-28周进行糖筛查，如果筛查呈阳性，那就要进一步做糖耐量试验，以尽早发现妊娠合并糖尿病及是否患有妊娠期糖尿病;③妊娠20周应进行MP测定，预测有无妊娠高血压综合征倾向;在孕晚期，也就是妊娠第28周到生产，主要有：①第32周开始用胎儿监护仪进行胎儿监护，最好每周做一次检测，可以观察并记录胎心率的动态变化，还能预测胎儿宫内储备能力;②脐血流检查，可以检测胎儿脐带血流阻力，了解是否有宫内缺氧的情况;③B超检查，可以了解胎盘成熟度、羊水的量及胎儿生长发育情况;④在36周进行血型、凝血四项、肾功，复查肝功的检查，这是为分娩做准备。以上这些就是孕妈妈在怀孕期间需要做的项目，不同的地方，不同的医院，费用也是有所不同的。所以具体还需要到当地医院进行详细的咨询，一般B超每一个医院超不过100元，然而血常规检查需要在150元左右，唐氏筛查，需要200元左右。 |
伊日·马莱茨（，），捷克男子跳台滑雪运动员。他曾代表捷克斯洛伐克参加1988年冬季奥林匹克运动会跳台滑雪比赛，获得男子个人标准台铜牌。
参考资料
捷克男子跳台滑雪运动员
捷克斯洛伐克男子跳台滑雪运动员
捷克斯洛伐克奥运跳台滑雪运动员
1988年冬季奥林匹克运动会跳台滑雪运动员
1988年冬季奧林匹克運動會獎牌得主
奧林匹克運動會跳台滑雪獎牌得主
捷克斯洛伐克奥林匹克运动会铜牌得主
捷克斯洛伐克世界大学生运动会金牌得主
世界大学生运动会跳台滑雪奖牌得主
捷克斯洛伐克世界大学生运动会银牌得主 |
孕早期宫颈囊肿怎么办？女性在结婚和怀孕之前都会做各种身体检查，避免自身身体健康状况影响到后期胎儿的发育。但是即使孕妇在孕前各项检查指标都比较正常，也不能排除在怀孕期间出现一些疾病。那么，孕期有宫颈囊肿怎么办？一般宫颈囊肿通常会伴随着宫颈糜烂等症状的发生。女性在出现宫颈囊肿的症状时阴道内的粘稠分泌物会明显增多。女性在怀孕期间如果发现身体出现异常的话，要及时去医院做检查，并告诉医生自己出现的症状。如果通过各项检查显示宫颈囊肿不会对胎儿产生较大影响，那么孕妇可以在怀孕期间选择保守治疗。如果检查结果显示情况严重，就可能会影响到胎儿的正常发育，孕妈妈们要根据医生的建议做出相应的处理措施，这样可以尽量降低疾病对宝宝的影响，还能避免其他并发症的出现。孕妇在怀孕期间如果出现宫颈囊肿的症状，一般出现症状后，孕妈妈都会比较担心，害怕自己的病症影响到孩子健康生长发育。所以在病症出现后无论情况的严重与否，孕妇们都应该及时去医院做一下相关检查，这样才能降低对宝宝的伤害。一般来说，患者在怀孕初期发现宫颈囊肿，如果只是早期宫颈囊肿就可以不必理会，一般早期宫颈囊肿对胎儿是没有特别的影响，如果是比较严重宫颈囊肿，患者就要到就医，让医生给出专业的答复和治疗，必要时终止妊娠。引起宫颈囊肿的原因有很多，有些是因为不洁的性生活引起细菌侵入而导致的，有些就是妇科手术不注意，导致细菌感染引起的宫颈囊肿，还有的就是多次人工流产损伤子宫颈，导致宫颈囊肿发生。还有些就是妇科炎症没有及时治疗导致炎症蔓延发生宫颈囊肿。患者要详细跟医生说自身的引发宫颈囊肿的原因，这样医生才能根据病因开出治疗。总的来说，宫颈囊肿的治疗时间比较长，所以患者要保持乐观的心态去面对，患者要记得在宫颈囊肿治愈后要做到一定的预防措施和护理，不让那些容易诱发疾病的因素存在，这样就可以彻底和宫颈囊肿说再见。 |
洛斯特蘭科斯伍茲（）是位於美國加利福尼亞州聖馬刁縣的一個非建制地區。該地的面積和人口皆未知。
地理
洛斯特蘭科斯伍茲的座標為，而該地的平均海拔高度為298米（即978英尺）。
參考文獻
Los Trancos Woods
Los Trancos Woods |
Fadda is a surname. Notable people with the surname include:
Carlo Fadda (1853–1931), Italian jurist and politician
Oswaldo Fadda (1921–2005), Brazilian jiu-jitsu practitioner |
阳明园，位于今中华人民共和国贵州省贵阳市，是一处纪念性园林建筑。阳明园纪念明朝大儒王阳明在贵州得道。
王阳明在贵州
王阳明因得罪大宦官刘瑾，被贬为龙场驿丞，龙场今位于贵州省贵阳市龙场镇，该地在明朝时期为中国的西南边缘地区，属蛮夷之地。王阳明在贵州三年，创立发展了心学。尤其在公元1508年，有著名的“龙场悟道”，是中国思想史、哲学史上的重大事件。
阳明园简介
为了纪念王阳明在贵州得道，1998年，贵阳市人民政府投资400万于人民币兴建阳明园。1999年，阳明园落成，园林占地13340余平方米。园林内有“龙冈论道”群雕，并有王阳明的全身雕塑。园林的主体建筑是“王阳明纪念馆”，占地共有1000余平方米。“王阳明纪念馆”为博物馆、文献馆性质的纪念馆，馆中展出有《王阳明在贵州》的相关文献和纪念物。
参考链接
参见条目
王阳明
阳明园 (日本)
阳明学
参考书目
《明史·王守仁传》
Y
贵州纪念性建筑物
贵阳公园 |
怎么治疗厌食症？厌食症一个熟悉又陌生的词，大部分人听到这个词可能只是一笑置之，自古以来民以食为天，厌食，听着难免好笑。可就是有那么一群人在你们为了混口饭吃而奔波劳累的时候他们却吃不了饭，甚至看到食物就会出现恶心反感呕吐。厌食症是一种疾病，患者的生理和心理都会受到很大的伤害，那么，怎么治疗厌食症？1、补锌治疗人体缺锌，特别是对于生长期儿童影响更为明显。其临床表现是：生长迟缓、食欲不振、味觉迟钝甚至丧失、皮肤创伤愈合不良、易感染等。因此服用新稀宝牌锌硒宝片可以有效补锌，治疗神经性厌食症。2、手术治疗：手术治疗主要针对的是难治性精神病及服药依从性非常差患者。3、西药治疗：药物治疗为纠正水电解质的平衡，常采用口服、静点并用的方式补充血钾、钠、氯，并进行监测。4、精神治疗：临床中使用较多的为抗抑郁药。5、心理治疗：包括疏导病人的心理压力，对环境、对自己有客观认识，找到适应社会的角度及处理和应付各种生活事件的能力。6、行为治疗：行为治疗是以减轻或改善患者的症状或不良行为为目标的一类心理治疗技术的总称，具有针对性强、易操作、疗程短、见效快等特点。怎么治疗厌食症？通过上述的介绍，相信大家对怎么治疗厌食症有所了解了，希望以上的内容可以帮助大家。厌食症并不单单表现在饮食上还可能会出现其他的并发症，如厌食，营养不良导致的轻微抑郁。心情不好，情绪不好，看世界都带着一层灰色的眼罩，感觉对任何事情都提不起多大的兴趣，遇事容易急躁，不信任其他人。 |
True/False Film Fest is an annual documentary film festival that takes place in Columbia, Missouri. The Fest occurs on the first weekend in March (sometimes beginning in late February), with films being shown from Thursday evening to Sunday night. Films are screened at multiple locations around downtown Columbia, including Ragtag Cinema, Jesse Hall, Missouri Theatre Center for the Arts, The Picturehouse, The Blue Note, The Globe, Rhynsburger Theater and the Forrest Theater in the Tiger Hotel. It offers one award each year, the True Vision Award.
True/False Film Fest and Ragtag Cinema are programs of the 501(c)(3) not-for-profit organization, the Ragtag Film Society. Ragtag Film Society seeks to champion independent film and media art and to serve film communities both locally and globally.
History
True/False was started by Paul Sturtz and David Wilson (who also founded the Ragtag Cinema) in February 2004. In 2006, it won the Riverfront Times best film festival. In 2008, the film fest lost 1,200 seats due to the renovation work taking place at the Missouri Theatre. To adjust for the loss, the fest expanded beyond its usual boundaries in order to take advantage of additional screens at Macklanburg Cinema, Windsor Cinema, and The Den on the campus of Stephens College. After the completion of its restoration, the historic Missouri Theatre was once again a featured venue for the 2009 edition of the fest. The True/False Film Fest and Stephens College amicably ended their partnership after the 2011 fest, and Stephens College continued to host the annual Citizen Jane Film Festival through its demise in 2018.
The 2021 edition of the festival was moved to outdoor venues in nearby Stephens Lake Park due to the COVID-19 pandemic. The event made its return to downtown Columbia setting 2022.
Growth
The first True/False Film Festival in 2004 sold 4,200 tickets and the fest has since experienced rapid growth, increasing attendance by 25% or more in all but two years through its first decade. Since then, the festival has increased attendance each year with the exception of 2014, which saw a 3% decrease amid a winter snowstorm. The latest event in 2017 saw another record high in ticket sales, nearly 3,000 more than 2016.
Over the years, the festival has expanded its presentation of other arts, including music and decorative art. The event kicks off with a parade, the "March March," and ends with "Buskers Last Stand," in which many of the invited musicians come together for a closing performance. It encourages additional attendee involvement through participatory events like the "True Life 5K run," and the "Gimme Truth!" game show. The festival has risen from its meager origins to earn praise from both the Chicago Tribune and Los Angeles Times.
In 2019, the festival received thousands of submissions and sold over 54,000 tickets, bringing thousands of people to mid-Missouri from around the world. The festival is sponsored by almost every downtown store, restaurant and bar, and has multiple educational events such as Camp True/False and BOATS for both local & national high schools, year-long film programs, and more.
Education
Media Literacy Initiative
In early 2016, Columbia Public Schools, Ragtag Film Society, and the Columbia Public Schools Foundation announced a new, landmark multi-year partnership that brings together film, the CPS curriculum, and teacher training. The Media Literacy initiative is a year-round program that supports teacher efforts to incorporate more film and multimedia into their classrooms.
The program champions the belief that as students catapult into a world of ever-changing media, distribution platforms, and news outlets, the skills to be thoughtful, critical consumers of media must grow. Students deserve the tools to think consciously about the ways their world is presented to them and the ways they present their world. The primary goals are to increase the presence of film in core classrooms, help teachers and students learn to read film as text, and to cultivate and enhance critical thinking skills as teachers and students practice analyzing new media.
Camp True/False
Camp True/False brings high school students with varying interests insider access to the fest for a weekend of exciting films, music, art, conversations and workshops with a diverse crew of exceptional guests and local hosts. Camp True/False convenes before the Fest to discuss relevant issues, share research and plot their course. Participating students get a chance to meet the founders of the festival and meet with directors of the films showing at the festival in a private, personal manner. The camp is completely free for the students, who are selected through an application process in November. All Columbia Public Schools participate, as well as 10 out-of-town schools (4 of those, out-of-state). In 2019, the camp included around 80 high schoolers, including 30 local students and 50 students from nearby and national areas. Students from Saint Louis, Jefferson City, North Carolina, New Mexico, and more attended the 4 day camp.
DIY Day
On the Friday morning of the Fest, 10th graders from across all four Columbia public high schools take buses to a True/False venue where their nonfiction cinema & art experience begins! The students watch buskers and a festival film (listed below, by year), and students are encouraged to participate in a Q&A with the filmmaker. Afterward, 200 self-selected students attend interactive artist workshops and join in the anyone-can-join March March parade.
Educational Screening Films
The Educational Screenings are a special screening for local high school sophomores as a field trip to watch one film from the festival for free.
2023: Let the Little Light Shine, dir. Kevin Shaw
2022: Step, dir. Amanda Lipitz
2021: Undefeated, dir. Daniel Lindsay and T.J. Martin
2020: The Order of Myths, dir. Margaret Brown
2019: Amazing Grace, guest Dr. King
2018: Won't You Be My Neighbor?, dir. Morgan Neville
2017: I Am Not Your Negro, dir. Raoul Peck
2016: The Bad Kids, dir. Keith Fulton & Lou Pepe
2015: What Happened Miss Simone?, dir. Liz Garbus
2014: Particle Fever, dir. Mark Levinson
2013: Crash Reel dir. Lucy Walker
Films
2017
2018
2019
2020
2021
2022
2023
True/False includes films by local and international filmmakers, with thousands of films being sent in each year for consideration.
True Vision Award
The True/False Film Fest offers a single award. The True Vision Award is given annually to the filmmaker, or filmmakers, whose work shows a dedication to the creative advancement of the art of nonfiction filmmaking. Each winner is presented with an original bronze sculpture, created by nationally known Columbia artist Larry Young.
*The newest film presented by the chosen winner in each year's festival.
True Life Fund
Since 2007, the True/False Film Fest has also featured the True Life Fund, a fundraising program which goes to demonstrate that documentaries can create change by offering tangible assistance to the real-life subjects of a new non-fiction film each year. The fund further acknowledges that documentary filmmakers and festivals thrive because of the stories provided by people of often limited means. The True Life Fund is presented by the Crossing (a Missouri church group) and is supported by the Bertha Foundation.
References
External links
Documentary film festivals in the United States
Tourist attractions in Columbia, Missouri
Cinema of Columbia, Missouri
Festivals in Columbia, Missouri
Film festivals in Missouri |
创伤性心源性溶血性贫血的鉴别诊断？但要注意除外缺铁、细菌性心内膜炎等加重贫血的情况。心脏病伴有轻度溶血性贫血的患者，在鉴别诊断时，要考虑到本病的可能，以免漏诊。 |
白带异常豆腐渣且瘙痒是什么原因引起的？白带异常是妇科疾病中最常见的症状，指女性阴道分泌物的异常。白带是由宫颈腺体、子宫内膜、前庭大腺分泌物及阴道黏膜的渗出物组成的，正常白带呈稀糊状，透明或白色，无气味，pH≤4.5，其量及性状随月经周期稍有变化。当白带的色、质、量等方面发生异常改变时，称为白带异常。白带异常是女性生殖系统炎症、肿瘤的主要病征之一，且不同的疾病会引起不同的白带异常表现。生活中注意个人卫生，保持外阴清洁干燥，避免搔抓，勤换内裤，并用温水进行洗涤，切不可与其他衣物混合清洗，避免交叉感染；少穿紧身裤，尤其不要穿紧身尼龙内裤，最好选择棉质内裤；非月经期尽量不用卫生护垫；不要用各种药液清洗阴道，以免破坏阴道的内环境，导致阴道炎；经常锻炼身体，增强体质，增强免疫力。有很多原因可能会引起白带异常豆腐渣，比如宫内放置节育环，阴道安置子宫托，或产后、术后阴道遗留异物，以及异物误入阴道，均可能刺激阴道诱发炎症，引起大量黄脓性白带，味腥臭，甚至白带中带有血丝。卵巢功能减退、性激素分泌过少可引起白带过少，阴道干涩；服用雌激素药物，可引起白带有黏性，白带增多。膀胱阴道瘘、直肠阴道瘘则是由于排泄物刺激阴道而引起阴道分泌物增多。子宫高度后屈，慢性全身性疾病如心力衰竭、糖尿病、贫血、肺结核等因素刺激，均可引起白带异常。白带成豆腐渣样是典型的霉菌感染。霉菌性阴道炎的发病原因是阴道内糖原增多，’酸性增强，霉菌中的白色念珠菌大量繁殖，导致白带呈豆腐渣。 |
韋斯特切斯特（）是位於美國印地安納州傑伊縣的一個非建制地區。該地的面積和人口皆未知，海拔高度为899英尺（274米）。
參考文獻
印第安納州非建制地區
傑伊縣非建制地區 (印地安納州) |
尤里·伊凡诺维奇·马连琴科是一位俄罗斯退役宇航员，是俄罗斯第78位宇航员，世界第308位宇航员。他曾六次前往太空，六次进行舱外活动。
早年
尤里·马连琴科1961年12月22日出生于苏联乌克兰苏维埃社会主义共和国基洛夫格勒州的赫鲁晓夫（今名斯维特洛沃茨克），1978年中学毕业后进入哈尔科夫国立无线电电子大学，一年后转入哈尔科夫高级军事航空飞行员学校学习，1983年毕业，然后在的空军服役，有超过830小时的飞行时长。
宇航员生涯
1987年3月，被选拔进入宇航员队伍，然后在加加林宇航员培训中心接受太空培训，1989年获得测试宇航员资格。1990年至1993年在茹科夫斯基空军工程学院学习。
和平号空间站
1993年1月至6月，他作为和平号空间站第14次远征（联盟TM-17）后备（第三）机组指令长参加培训；1993年7月至1994年1月，他作为和平号空间站第15次远征（）后备机组指令长参加培训；1994年2月至6月，他参与了和平号空间站第16次远征培训。
1994年7月1日，尤里·马连琴科以指令长身份与哈萨克斯坦宇航员塔尔加特·穆萨巴耶夫搭乘升空与和平号空间站对接，执行第16次远征任务，期间进行了两次舱外活动，于9月2日手动控制自动对接失败的无人飞船对接，11月4日两人与德国宇航员返回地球。
国际空间站
1997年后，尤里·马连琴科开始接受国际空间站任务培训。
STS-106
2000年9月8日，尤里·马连琴科搭乘亚特兰蒂斯号航天飞机升空，9月10日与国际空间站对接，执行STS-106任务，期间进行了一次舱外活动，9月20日返回地球，同行的有美国宇航员泰伦斯·威尔卡特、、卢杰、、与俄罗斯宇航员鲍里斯·莫鲁科夫。
远征7
2003年4月26日，尤里·马连琴科以指令长身份与美国宇航员卢杰搭乘联盟TMA-2升空，4月28日与国际空间站曙光号功能货舱对接，执行任务，10月28日返回地球。在此次任务期间，8月10日，尤里·马连琴科与俄裔美籍女子叶卡捷琳娜·德米特里耶娃（）结婚，同时在太空和地球举行婚礼，他的燕尾服和结婚戒指通过6月发射的运抵国际空间站。
远征16
2006年9月，尤里·马连琴科担任联盟TMA-9任务后备机组指令长。
2007年10月10日，尤里·马连琴科以指令长身份与美国宇航员佩吉·惠特森、马来西亚宇航员谢赫·穆扎法尔·舒库尔搭乘联盟TMA-11升空，10月12日与国际空间站曙光号功能货舱对接，执行任务，期间进行了一次舱外活动，2008年4月19日返回地球。
远征32/33
2011年12月，尤里·马连琴科担任联盟TMA-03M任务后备机组指令长。
2012年7月15日，尤里·马连琴科以指令长身份与美国宇航员苏妮塔·威廉斯、日本宇航员星出彰彦搭乘联盟TMA-05M升空，7月17日与国际空间站对接，执行/任务，期间进行了一次舱外活动，2012年11月19日返回地球。
远征46/47
2015年7月，尤里·马连琴科担任联盟TMA-17M任务后备机组指令长。
2015年12月15日，尤里·马连琴科以指令长身份与美国宇航员、英国宇航员搭乘联盟TMA-05M升空，同日与国际空间站对接，执行/任务，期间进行了一次舱外活动，2016年6月18日返回地球。任务期间，尤里·马连琴科与同在国际空间站的俄罗斯宇航员米哈伊尔·科尔尼延科、用中文问候中国人民新年好。
2016年9月，尤里·马连琴科离开宇航员队伍。
太空任务总计
太空行走统计
荣誉
俄罗斯联邦英雄和俄罗斯联邦宇航员（1994年11月24日）
二级祖国功勋勋章（2017年7月12日）
三级祖国功勋勋章（2014年5月22日）
四级祖国功勋勋章（2008年）
（2000年）
太空探索优异奖章（2011年4月12日）
一级（2000年，俄罗斯联邦国防部）
一级（2000年，俄罗斯联邦国防部）
（2016年）
苏联武装力量七十周年奖章（1988年）
人民英雄（1995年，哈萨克斯坦）
太空飞行奖章（NASA）
注释
参考文献
俄羅斯太空人
苏联空军军官
茹科夫斯基空军工程学院校友 |
吳訥（），字敏德，號思庵，蘇州府常熟縣人。
生平
吳訥為人剛介，史稱“散慎直廉，不務矯飾，議論舉指，自恥詭隨”。其人精於醫術，永樂年間，被舉薦至京師。明成祖召對稱旨，侍宮廷中。洪熙元年（1425年），任監察御史，宣德年間，出按浙江、貴州，累官至南京都察院左副都御史。曾揭發光祿寺丞董正盜竊官物。被右通政李畛誣陷入獄，不久釋放。正統四年（1439年）告老返鄉，“布衣蔬食，環堵蕭然”，如是十餘年。江南巡撫周忱見他家居簡陋，“欲新其居”，被吳訥謝絕。天順元年（1457年）卒，諡文恪。著有《文章辨體》、《祥刑要覽》、《思庵文粹》等。
家族
父吳遵曾任沅陵主簿。
延伸阅读
參考書目
《明史》卷一百五十八
N
常熟人
明朝副都御史
諡文恪 |
阿散，译名又作哈珊。元朝官员，畏兀儿人，隆兴府达鲁花赤八丹第四子。
阿散通畏兀儿文，善于骑射。开始事奉太子真金，任怯里马赤（通事、译员）。至元二十年（1283年），以奉训大夫授詹事院判官。至元二十四年（1287年），任真定路总管府达鲁花赤，兼管内诸军奥鲁劝农事。转任正议大夫。以真定所濒滹沱河多水患，奏谏元世祖疏浚河流，加修堤堰，使河水循故道。堰成，缓和水势。后因规利者恶害其私，窃决新堰，为台臣所弹劾，罢官。元成宗元贞元年（1295年），任甘肃行省平章政事，大德三年（1299年），觐见皇侄海山，受命统领西边军事。完善甘州城备御，在官任上去世。
延伸阅读
参考文献
《中国民族史人物辞典》
元朝官员
元朝畏兀儿人 |
感冒后一直头痛怎么回事？头痛被认为是由普通感冒引起的。感冒患者恢复期间，注意休息，多喝水，不要吃辛辣刺激和难以消化的食物。但是，如果服用感冒药后治疗效果不好，还是需要去当地正规医院检查治疗。考虑到这可能是血管神经性头痛。建议你口服芬比德以减轻疼痛。对于对症治疗，你应该注意休息规则，休息以确保充足的睡眠，避免熬夜和精神压力。此外，你应该注意清淡饮食，不要吃辛辣食物，不要喝酒，不要吸烟，并观察一段时间。如有必要，你需要去神经科看医生检查，确定病因并进一步治疗，当风、寒、湿、热等致病因素侵入人体时，通常会导致气血循环受阻，经络不通，从而引起疼痛。如果你想治愈疼痛，你必须排除体内的风、寒、湿热，使气血流畅。中医认为“疼痛不受一般原则的影响”。通道堵塞是导致疼痛的关键因素。只有气血畅通，经络畅通，疼痛问题才能从根本上得到解决。应注意它是由个体差异引起的，还是由身体素质差和身体机能差引起的，从而导致病后身体状况异常。因此，你已经检查了一切，一切都很好，所以总体效果不大。你应该注意加强锻炼，加强营养和改善身体功能，以帮助改善它。感冒是一种自我限制的疾病，通常持续5-7天，所以发烧症状改善后头痛仍然存在也就不足为奇了。在这种情况下，建议好好休息，注意保暖，保持室内空气流通。饮食清淡，多喝水，避免刺激性食物。如果感冒了，可以喝姜汤来散寒，必要时吃感冒药来缓解症状。普通感冒是一种自我限制的疾病，其症状将持续大约一周。头部穴位按摩可以改善头部血液循环，从而缓解头痛。基本上，可以按压头部的健康点，如太阳穴、风池穴、唐寅穴等。，并且可以揉捏后颈部以放松颈部和肩部的肌肉。 |
锌及其化合物引起的皮肤病的症状是什么？皮疹主要分布于四肢、躯干等处，以上肢特别是前臂屈面为多见。基本损害为针头大小红色丘疹，散在或密集成片，边缘弥漫不清，主觉有瘙痒感。除皮炎外，少数人伴有零星的芝麻到绿豆大小浅溃疡，其形态类似铬疮，伴疼痛感。除皮肤症状外，可伴眼结膜刺激反应、头昏、上腹痛、胸闷、恶心及咽喉干痛等。氯化锌等盐类具有收敛性、吸湿性、腐蚀性，可使蛋白质沉淀，因而所引起的皮肤反应是通过原发性刺激作用而非变态反应。通过直接溅到皮肤上引起或借汗液再刺激皮肤。轻的表现为皮炎;重的则因腐蚀或碳化作用产生溃疡。其他系统症状则可能由于吸入含有氯化锌微粒的空气所致。接触可溶性锌盐，氯化锌等盐类病史;皮疹主要分布于四肢、躯干等处，以上肢特别是前臂屈面为多见。基本损害为针头大小红色丘疹，散在或密集成片，边缘弥漫不清，主觉有瘙痒感。 |
Balance of Power is the eleventh studio album by the Electric Light Orchestra (ELO). It was released in 1986. It is the final album by the band to feature co-founder Bev Bevan on drums, as well as the last album to feature a significant contribution from keyboardist Richard Tandy.
Recording
Before sessions for the album began, bass guitarist Kelly Groucutt departed and the group was pared down to a trio of Jeff Lynne (who doubled on bass as a result of Groucutt's absence), Richard Tandy and Bev Bevan. Recording for the album began in mid-1984, with a planned release for Spring 1985. The addition of several synthesizer tracks and mixing work by Reinhold Mack to the album caused its release to be pushed back to March 1986.
Bandleader Jeff Lynne took a one-man-band approach to the recording, doing the production, guitar work, synthesizers, and percussion on the album mostly by himself, though keyboardist Richard Tandy made some key musical contributions as well. Describing their recording process, Richard Tandy said that "the usual way was to have a stack of keyboards in the control room, and me and Jeff [Lynne] playing along to a drum track, and Bev [Bevan] adding his things later."
The track "Endless Lies" features Lynne doing a vocal delivery reminiscent of Roy Orbison. Lynne said in a 2013 interview: "I played Roy [Orbison] 'Endless Lies' in his house, and I went, 'This is me trying to copy you in the middle,; have a listen'. He listened and he chuckled, and he went, 'That's actually pretty good'." The song was originally recorded for the double LP version of Secret Messages, but was removed from Secret Messages when that album was downscaled to a single album. It reappears on Balance of Power in a slightly reworked and more compact form.
Release
Europe's CD releases were on CDEPC26467 (Epic) in March 1986. The US (ZK40048) and Japan (32DP407) CD releases were on CBS Associated.
The single "Calling America" was a Top 40 hit. The video for "Calling America" was shot in Paris, and contains shots of the band playing in front of Centre Georges Pompidou. A video was also made for the single "So Serious."
A remastered version of the album was released in 2007 by Legacy Recordings. This reissue featured seven bonus tracks, including an alternate version of "Heaven Only Knows", B-sides "Caught in a Trap" and "Destination Unknown", and previously unreleased songs like "In for the Kill".
Tour and aftermath
For the first time in four years, ELO played live concerts and TV appearances to promote the album in the UK and Europe. The touring lineup consisted primarily of Lynne on lead vocals and electric guitar, Bevan on drums, and Richard Tandy on keyboards. Also in the touring band were Louis Clark on keyboards, Mik Kaminski on violin and synthesizer, Dave Morgan on backing vocals, acoustic guitar, and vocoder, and Martin Smith on bass guitar. For one UK show, George Harrison also performed in a guest appearance.
They played as the opening act for Rod Stewart a handful of times, including on their final show on 13 July 1986 in Stuttgart, Germany. This would be the band's last live concert for fifteen years.
Balance of Power was the last studio album by the Electric Light Orchestra before their initial disbanding. The band name was briefly resurrected in 2001, then changed to "Jeff Lynne's ELO" from 2014 onwards.
Track listing
All songs written by Jeff Lynne.
Personnel
Jeff Lynne – vocals, electric and acoustic guitars, Synclavier II computer synthesizer, bass guitar, keyboards, percussion, producer
Bev Bevan – drums, percussion, drum programming
Richard Tandy – keyboards, sequence programming
Additional personnel
Christian Schneider – saxophone
Bill Bottrell – engineer
Mack – engineer
Charts and certifications
Weekly Charts
Certifications
References
Bibliography
Electric Light Orchestra albums
Albums produced by Jeff Lynne
1986 albums
Epic Records albums
Jet Records albums |
The Binding of Isaac ( ), or simply "The Binding" ( ), is a story from Genesis 22 of the Hebrew Bible. In the biblical narrative, God orders Abraham to sacrifice his son Isaac at Moriah. As Abraham begins to comply, having bound Isaac to an altar, he is stopped by the Angel of the Lord; a ram appears and is slaughtered in Isaac's stead, as God commends Abraham's pious obedience.
In addition to being addressed by modern scholarship, this biblical episode has been the focus of a great deal of commentary in traditional sources of Judaism, Christianity, and Islam.
Biblical narrative
According to the Hebrew Bible, God commands Abraham to offer his son Isaac as a sacrifice. After Isaac is bound to an altar, a messenger from God stops Abraham before the sacrifice finishes, saying "now I know you fear God". Abraham looks up and sees a ram and sacrifices it instead of Isaac.
The passage states that the event occurred at "the mount of the " in "the land of Moriah". 2 Chronicles 3:1 refers to "mount Moriah" as the site of Solomon's Temple, while Psalms 24:3, Isaiah 2:3 and 30:29, and Zechariah 8:3 use the term "the mount of the " to refer to the site of Solomon's Temple in Jerusalem, the location believed to be the Temple Mount in Jerusalem. In the Samaritan Pentateuch, Genesis 22:14, the phrase is taken to mean "in the mountain the Lord was seen", the mountain being Mount Gerizim.
Jewish views
In The Binding of Isaac, Religious Murders & Kabbalah, Lippman Bodoff argues that Abraham never intended to actually sacrifice his son, and that he had faith that God had no intention that he do so. Rabbi Ari Kahn elaborates this view on the Orthodox Union website as follows:
In The Guide for the Perplexed, Maimonides argues that the story of the binding of Isaac contains two "great notions". First, Abraham's willingness to sacrifice Isaac demonstrates the limit of humanity's capability to both love and fear God. Second, because Abraham acted on a prophetic vision of what God had asked him to do, the story exemplifies how prophetic revelation has the same truth value as philosophical argument and thus carries equal certainty, notwithstanding the fact that it comes in a dream or vision.
In Glory and Agony: Isaac's Sacrifice and National Narrative, Yael Feldman argues that the story of Isaac's binding, in both its biblical and post-biblical versions (the New Testament included), has had a great impact on the ethos of altruist heroism and self-sacrifice in modern Hebrew national culture. As her study demonstrates, over the last century the "Binding of Isaac" has morphed into the "Sacrifice of Isaac", connoting both the glory and agony of heroic death on the battlefield.
In Legends of the Jews, rabbi Louis Ginzberg argues that the binding of Isaac is a way for God to test Isaac's claim to Ishmael, and to silence Satan's protest about Abraham who had not brought up any offering to God after Isaac was born, also to show a proof to the world that Abraham is the true God-fearing man who is ready to fulfill any of God's commands, even to sacrifice his own son:
Jacob Howland has pointed out that "Ginzberg's work must be used with caution, because his project fabricating a unified narrative from multiple sources inevitably makes the tradition of rabbinic commentary seem more univocal than it actually is." Ginzberg's work does not encompass the way in which midrash on 'Akedah mirrored the different needs of diverse Jewish communities. Isaac was resurrected after the slaughter in the version of medieval Ashkenaz. Spiegel has interpreted this as designed to recast the biblical figures in the context of the Crusades.
The Book of Genesis does not tell the age of Isaac at the time. Some Talmudic sages teach that Isaac was an adult aged thirty seven, likely based on the next biblical story, which is of Sarah's death at 127 years, being 90 when Isaac was born. Isaac's reaction to the binding is unstated in the biblical narrative. Some commentators have argued that he was traumatized and angry, often citing the fact that he and Abraham are never seen to speak to each other again; however, Jon D. Levenson notes that the biblical text never depicts them speaking before the binding, either.
Use in worship
The narrative of the sacrifice and binding of Isaac is traditionally read in synagogue on the second day of Rosh Hashanah.
The practice of the Kabbalists, observed in some communities but not all, is to recite this chapter every day immediately after Birkot hashachar.
Christian views
The binding of Isaac is mentioned in the New Testament Epistle to the Hebrews among many acts of faith recorded in the Old Testament: "By faith Abraham, when he was tested, offered up Isaac, and he who had received the promises offered up his only begotten son, of whom it was said, 'In Isaac your seed shall be called', concluding that God was able to raise him up, even from the dead, from which he also received him in a figurative sense." (Hebrews 11:17–19, NKJV)
Abraham's faith in God is such that he felt God would be able to resurrect the slain Isaac, in order that his prophecy (Genesis 21:12) might be fulfilled. Early Christian preaching sometimes accepted Jewish interpretations of the binding of Isaac without elaborating. For example, Hippolytus of Rome says in his Commentary on the Song of Songs, "The blessed Isaac became desirous of the anointing and he wished to sacrifice himself for the sake of the world" (On the Song 2:15).
Other Christians from the period saw Isaac as a type of the "Word of God" who prefigured Christ. This interpretation can be supported by symbolism and context such as Abraham sacrificing his son on the third day of the journey (Genesis 22:4), or Abraham taking the wood and putting it on his son Isaac's shoulder (Genesis 22:6). Another thing to note is how God reemphasizes Isaac being Abraham's one and only son whom he loves (Genesis 22:2,12,16). As further support to the view of early Christians that the binding of Isaac foretells the Gospel of Jesus Christ, when the two went up there, Isaac asked Abraham "where is the lamb for the burnt offering" to which Abraham responded "God himself will provide the lamb for the burnt offering, my son." (Genesis 22:7–8). However, it was a ram (not a lamb) that was ultimately sacrificed in Isaac's place, and the ram was caught in a thicket (i.e. thorn bush) (Genesis 22:13). In the New Testament, John the Baptist saw Jesus coming toward him and said "Look, the Lamb of God, who takes away the sins of the world!" (John 1:29). Thus, the binding is compared to the Crucifixion and the last-minute stay of sacrifice is a type of the Resurrection. Søren Kierkegaard describes Abraham's actions as arising from the zenith of faith leading to a "teleological suspension of the ethical".
Muslim views
The version in the Quran differs from that in Genesis in two aspects: the identity of the sacrificed son and the son's reaction towards the requested sacrifice. In Islamic sources, when Abraham tells his son about the vision, his son agreed to be sacrificed for the fulfillment of God's command, and no binding to the altar occurred. The Quran states that when Abraham asked for a righteous son, God granted him a son possessing forbearance. The son mentioned here is traditionally understood to be Ishmael. When the son was able to walk and work with him, Abraham saw a vision about sacrificing him. When he told his son about it, his son agreed to fulfill the command of God in the vision. When they both had submitted their will to God and were ready for the sacrifice, God told Abraham he had fulfilled the vision, and provided him with a ram to sacrifice instead. God promised to reward Abraham. The next two verses state God also granted Abraham the righteous son Isaac and promised more rewards.
Among early Muslim scholars, there was a dispute over the identity of the son. One side of the argument believed it was Isaac rather than Ishmael (notably ibn Qutaybah and al-Tabari) interpreting the verse "God's perfecting his mercy on Abraham and Isaac" as referring to his making Abraham his closest one, and to his rescuing Isaac. The other side, by far a vast majority, held that the promise to Sarah was of a son, Isaac, and a grandson, Jacob (Quran 11:71–74) excluded the possibility of a premature death of Isaac. Regardless, most Muslims believe that it is actually Ishmael rather than Isaac despite the dispute.
The submission of Abraham and his son is celebrated and commemorated by Muslims on the days of Eid al-Adha. During the festival, those who can afford and the ones in the pilgrimage sacrifice a ram, cow, sheep or a camel. Part of the sacrifice meat is eaten by the household and remaining is distributed to the neighbors and the needy. The festival marks the end of the Hajj pilgrimage to Mecca.
Modern research
The binding also figures prominently in the writings of several of the more important modern theologians, such as Søren Kierkegaard in Fear and Trembling and Shalom Spiegel in The Last Trial. Jewish communities regularly review this literature, for instance the 2009 mock trial held by more than 600 members of the University Synagogue of Orange County, California. Derrida also looks at the story of the sacrifice as well as Kierkegaard's reading in The Gift of Death.
In Mimesis: The Representation of Reality in Western Literature, the literary critic Erich Auerbach considers the Hebrew narrative of the binding of Isaac, along with Homer's description of Odysseus's scar, as the two paradigmatic models for the representation of reality in literature. Auerbach contrasts Homer's attention to detail and foregrounding of the spatial, historical, as well as personal contexts for events to the Bible's sparse account, in which virtually all context is kept in the background or left outside of the narrative. As Auerbach observes, this narrative strategy virtually compels readers to add their own interpretations to the text.
Redactors and narrative purpose
Modern biblical critics operating under the framework of the documentary hypothesis have ascribed the binding's narrative to the biblical source Elohist, on the grounds that it generally uses the specific term Elohim () and parallels characteristic E compositions. On that view, the second angelic appearance to Abraham (v. 14–18), praising his obedience and blessing his offspring, is in fact a later Jahwist interpolation to E's original account (v. 1–13, 19). This is supported by the style and composition of these verses, as well as by the use of the name Yahweh for the deity.
More recent studies question the analysis of E and J as strictly separate. Coats argues that Abraham's obedience to God's command in fact necessitates praise and blessing, which he only receives in the second angelic speech. That speech, therefore, could not have been simply inserted into E's original account. This has suggested to many that the author responsible for the interpolation of the second angelic appearance has left his mark also on the original account (v. 1–13, 19).
More recently it has been suggested that these traces are in fact the first angelic appearance (v. 11–12), in which the Angel of YHWH stops Abraham before he kills Isaac. The style and composition of these verses resemble that of the second angelic speech, and YHWH is used for the deity rather than God. On that reading, in the original E version of the binding Abraham disobeys God's command, sacrificing the ram "instead of his son" (v. 13) on his own responsibility and without being stopped by an angel: "And Abraham stretched forth his hand, and took the knife to slay his son; but Abraham lifted up his eyes and looked and beheld, behind him was a ram, caught in a thicket by his horns; and Abraham went, and took the ram, and offered it up as a burnt offering instead of his son" (v. 10, 13).
By interpolating the first appearance of the angel, a later redactor shifted responsibility for halting the test from Abraham to the angel (v. 11–12). The second angelic appearance, in which Abraham is rewarded for his obedience (v. 14–18), became necessary due to that shift of responsibility. This analysis of the story sheds light on the connection between the binding and the story of Sodom (), in which Abraham protests against God's unethical plan to destroy the city, without distinguishing between the righteous and the wicked: Far be it from you to do such a thing: Shall not the judge of all the earth do what is just?" Abraham's ethical rebellion against God in the destruction of Sodom culminates in his disobedience to God, refusing to sacrifice Isaac.
Possible child sacrifice
Francesca Stavrakopoulou said that it is possible that the story "contains traces of a tradition in which Abraham does sacrifice Isaac". R. E. Friedman said that in the original E story, Abraham may have carried out the sacrifice of Isaac, but that later repugnance at the idea of a human sacrifice led the redactor of JE to add the lines in which a ram is substituted for Isaac. Likewise, Terence Fretheim wrote that "the text bears no specific mark of being a polemic against child sacrifice". Wojciech Kosior also said that the genealogical snippet (verses 20–24) contain a hint to an alternative reading where Abraham sacrificed Isaac.
Interpretations of the text have contradicted the version where a ram is sacrificed. For example, Martin S. Bergmann stated "The Aggadah rabbis asserted that "father Isaac was bound on the altar and reduced to ashes, and his sacrificial dust was cast on Mount Moriah." A similar interpretation was made in the Epistle to the Hebrews. Margaret Barker said that "Abraham returned to Bersheeba without Isaac" according to a possible sign that he was indeed sacrificed. Barker also said that wall paintings in the ancient Dura-Europos synagogue explicitly show Isaac being sacrificed, followed by his soul traveling to heaven. According to Jon D. Levenson a part of Jewish tradition interpreted Isaac as having been sacrificed. Similarly the German theologians and said that due to the grammatical perfect tense used to describe Abraham's sacrifice of Isaac, he did, in fact, follow through with the action.
This theme is taken up in Wilfred Owen's poem "The Parable of the Old Man and the Young", set to music by Benjamin Britten in his War Requiem, which ends with the couplet "But the old man would not so, but slew his son, And half the seed of Europe, one by one."
Rav Kook, the first Chief Rabbi of Israel, said that the climax of the story, commanding Abraham not to sacrifice Isaac, is the whole point: to put an end to, and God's total aversion to the ritual of child sacrifice. According to Irving Greenberg the story of the binding of Isaac symbolizes the prohibition to worship God by human sacrifices, at a time when human sacrifices were the norm worldwide.
Rite of passage
It has been suggested that Genesis 22 contains an intrusion of the liturgy of a rite of passage, including mock sacrifice, as commonly found in early and preliterate societies, marking the passage from youth to adulthood.
Music
The Binding of Isaac has inspired multiple pieces of music, including Marc-Antoine Charpentier's Sacrificium Abrahae (H.402, oratorio for soloists, chorus, doubling instruments, and bc; 1680–81), Benjamin Britten's Canticle II: Abraham and Isaac, later adapted for inclusion in the War Requiem, Igor Stravinsky's Abraham and Isaac, Leonard Cohen's "Story of Isaac" from the 1969 album Songs from a Room, the eponymous "Highway 61 Revisited" from Highway 61 Revisited (1965) by Bob Dylan, Sufjan Stevens' "Abraham" from the album Seven Swans (2004), Gilad Hochman's "Akeda for Solo Viola" (2006), and Anaïs Mitchell's "Dyin' Day" from the album Young Man in America (2012).
See also
The Binding of Isaac (video game) and The Binding of Isaac: Rebirth
Child sacrifice
Covenant of the pieces
Eid al-Adha
Fear and Trembling
Filicide
Free will
Iphigenia
Jephthah's daughter
Phrixus in Greek mythology, child sacrifice thwarted by ram
Vayeira, the parashah containing the binding of Isaac
Notes
References
External links
Symposium on the Sacrifice of Isaac in the Three Monotheistic Religions
The Sacrifice of Isaac in Medieval English Drama
Mystery play texts in the cycles from Chester, Wakefield, York and n-Town
Shofar Callin' (G-dcast's animated retelling of the Binding of Isaac, to a hip hop soundtrack)
Abraham
Angelic apparitions in the Bible
Human sacrifice
Isaac
Jewish sacrificial law
Shacharit
Siddurim of Orthodox Judaism
Vayeira
Child sacrifice
Rosh Hashanah
Mount Gerizim
Temple Mount |
是一款由索尼電腦娛樂日本工作室開發並在PlayStation 4上運行的动作游戏，于2013年在西方发行，於2014年在日本发行，於2015年在中國大陸发行。游戏在各区域都是首发游戏。
遊戲在2015年1月16日通过中華人民共和國國家新聞出版廣電總局审批，审批时明确采用“游戏机”产品，而非模棱两可的电脑娱乐软件。
遊戲性
日长石
一種黃色的水晶，擊碎後能增加能量值，使用必杀技。
吸收
鈉克吸收神器或某些物質，能增加生命值及攻擊力。
冰块:用冰块来变大达到一样的攻击力效果.
金属:对磁性有反应。
水晶:變成透明，可以通過雷射幕。
人物
鈉克（KNACK）
由巴爾加斯博士開發，負責收集文物的工作。通常狀態是70cm左右的矮人，會透過捕獲文物變得更大，最高可達10米。
巴爾加斯博士
是NACK的創造者。
盧卡斯
巴爾加斯博士的助理。
評價
《钠克的大冒险》没有获得大部分业界媒体认同。在综合评分网站Metacritic上，基于83份对其的评价仅获得54/100的平均分。
续作
《钠克2》在2016年12月的PSX活动上正式公布，依旧登陆PlayStation 4平台。游戏于2017年9月5日在北美发售、6日在欧洲发售、28日在日本发售。游戏获得了比本作的更好的评价。
參考文獻
外部連結
2013年电子游戏
平台游戏
清版动作游戏
索尼互動娛樂遊戲
PlayStation 4獨佔遊戲
PlayStation 4 Pro增强游戏
PlayStation 4遊戲
日本开发电子游戏
官方简体中文化游戏
官方繁体中文化游戏 |
周期性发作的巩膜充血的诊断是什么？周期性表层巩膜炎呈周期性发作，间隔1～3，其发病突然，持续1天至数天。病变部位巩膜表层和球结膜弥漫性充血水肿，呈紫红色外观。较轻，表现为轻微疼痛和灼热感，有时可伴有眼睑的神经血管性水肿，视力多不受。偶人出现瞳孔括约肌和睫状肌痉挛，引起瞳孔缩小和性近视。妇女多在期发作，但部位不固定 |
Winter in Rio (Prezimiti u Riju) is a Croatian film directed by Davor Žmegač. It was released in 2002.
Cast
Mustafa Nadarević as Grga
Leona Paraminski as Monika
Sven Medvešek as Rafael
Ranko Zidarić
Zarko Savić as Panco
Enes Vejzović as Mali
Sasa Anočić as Boris
Vera Zima as Danica
Matej Busić as Konobar
Marijan Crtalić as Luka
Igor Damjanović as Kradljivac
Marija Kohn as Bakica
Zlatko Kopljar as Mislav
Vladimir Krstulović as Stari Kloser
Tanja Kursar as Konobarica
External links
2002 films
2000s Croatian-language films
Croatian drama films
Films set in Zagreb
2002 drama films |
Against the Christians (; Adversus Christianos) is a late-3rd century book written by Roman-Phoenician Neoplatonic philosopher Porphyry of Tyre, criticizing the writings of Christian philosophers and theologians. Due to widespread censorship by Christian imperial authorities, no known copies of this book exist. Only through references to it in Christian writings attacking it can its contents be reconstructed.
Background
During his retirement in Sicily, Porphyry wrote Against the Christians (Κατὰ Χριστιανῶν; Adversus Christianos) which consisted of fifteen books. Some thirty Christian apologists, such as Methodius, Eusebius, Apollinaris, Augustine, Jerome, etc., responded to his challenge. In fact, everything known about Porphyry's arguments is found in these refutations, largely because Theodosius II ordered every copy burned in AD 435 and again in 448.
Augustine and the 5th-century ecclesiastical historian Socrates of Constantinople, assert that Porphyry was once a Christian.
Contents
As quoted by Jerome, Porphyry mocked Paul and the early Christians while suggesting that the 'magical arts' performed by Jesus of Nazareth and his followers were nothing special, done similarly by other figures of Greco-Roman history:
Prophecy of Daniel
Porphyry especially attacked the prophecy of Daniel, because Jews and Christians pointed to the historical fulfillment of its prophecies as a decisive argument. But these prophecies, he maintained, were written not by Daniel but by some Jew who in the time of Antiochus Epiphanes (d. 164 BC) gathered up the traditions of Daniel's life and wrote a history of recent past events but in the future tense, falsely dating them back to Daniel's time. According to Jerome:
See also
Against the Galileans
Celsus
Pliny the Younger on Christians
The True Word
References
Citations
Cited sources
Further reading
Ancient Roman literature about early Christianity
Anti-Christian sentiment
Books critical of Christianity
Works by Porphyry (philosopher) |
Connelly Creek is a stream in Alberta, Canada.
Connelly Creek has the name of the Connelly brothers, pioneer citizens.
See also
List of rivers of Alberta
References
Rivers of Alberta |
急性胃炎最常见的病因是什么？急性胃炎是由于各种病因所引起的胃黏膜的急性炎症，有部分是比较局限性的，也有比较弥漫性的炎症，当然有的时候会伴随有糜烂。急性胃炎病因的不同，而分为不同的类型，最常见的病因有饮食的因素，包括不洁的饮食或者非常刺激的饮食，饮酒过量，酒精也会引起急性的胃糜烂，吃刺激性的药物也有可能。甚至有非常严重的情况就是误饮了腐蚀性的液体，有的人不小心喝了洁厕灵或者是硫酸等，这种是非常少见的严重的情况。急性胃炎是一种非常常见的疾病，是各种原因造成的胃黏膜急性炎症。造成急性胃炎的原因有很多，主要有：一、急性的应激，如严重的创伤、大手术、大面积烧伤、中风以及心、肝、肺、肾、脑等脏器功能衰竭或休克、败血症等。二、化学物质损伤，比如喝酒酒精刺激胃；还有药物伤胃，最常见的药物是解热镇痛抗炎药，如某些抗生素、抗肿瘤的药物。三、各种病原体的感染，如急性幽门螺杆菌感染、食物中毒、急性胃肠炎；抵抗力差的人，还会出现其他的细菌包括结核菌、梅毒、真菌、病毒等感染，严重时甚至会引起急性化脓性的胃炎。四、物理因素损伤胃，如大剂量放射线照射等。急性胃炎的患者发病时要注意：1、有脱水的患者可饮用淡盐水、果汁、米粥等；2、腹泻严重、肠鸣音亢进的患者宜以易消化、少渣、软质饮食为主；3、腹泻患者避免食用产气、油炸、生冷、油腻的食物，少食高纤维食物；4、忌饮酒，不宜食用牛奶、海鲜、刺激性的调味品等；5、患者宜多休息，避免熬夜，情绪稳定，不宜紧张；6、急性胃炎的治疗是去除病因，对症治疗，有呕血、黑便的患者要立即就诊。 |
Mercedes Narcisse (born April 26, 1965) is a Haitian American nurse and Democratic politician from New York City currently serving as the New York City Council Member representing Brooklyn's 46th City Council District covering the neighborhoods of Bergen Beach, Canarsie, Flatlands, Georgetown, Gerritsen Beach, Marine Park, Mill Basin, Mill Island, Sheepshead Bay in southeastern Brooklyn.
Early life
Narcisse was born in Saint-Marc, Haiti, and was raised by her grandmother. When she was 17 years old, Narcisse moved to Brooklyn to live with her father, and attended Samuel J. Tilden High School despite initially not knowing any English. She then graduated from the New York City College of Technology to become certified as a registered nurse.
Career
Narcisse has worked as a registered nurse for over 30 years, and established her own medical practice in 2001.
2009 City Council campaign
In June 2008, with Councilman Lew Fidler prospectively term-limited in 2009, Narcisse announced her campaign for the 46th district of the New York City Council. The election was expected to be a contest between Narcisse and former Assemblyman Frank Seddio, who had once been Narcisse's political ally and was the godfather to one of her children. However, in October 2008, Mayor Michael Bloomberg and the City Council agreed to extend the city's term limits law, allowing Fidler to run for a third term; Seddio and Narcisse both chose to discontinue their campaigns.
2012 and 2013 City Council campaigns
When Fidler ran for the 17th district of the New York State Senate in a 2012 special election, both Narcisse and Seddio prepared for another run for his City Council seat. Fidler lost the special election by 12 votes, however, and thus remained in the 46th district seat until his final term ended. Narcisse continued running for the soon-to-be open seat, but Seddio halted his campaign, and Narcisse instead faced Assemblyman Alan Maisel, a Seddio ally. Although Maisel was white and the 46th district was plurality-Black, Narcisse could not overcome Maisel's name recognition and connections, and lost 60-40%.
2016 State Senate campaign
Narcisse launched her third campaign for elected office in 2016, this time for the 19th district of the State Senate. The seat was held by Roxanne Persaud, who had won a special election after the previous incumbent, John Sampson, had been convicted on federal felony charges. Narcisse won the backing of Councilwoman Inez Barron, who sought to challenge the Brooklyn machine from the left, but nevertheless lost to Persaud in a 75-25% landslide.
2021 City Council campaign
With her former opponent Alan Maisel term-limited in 2021, Narcisse announced her latest campaign for the City Council's 46th district. As in her previous runs, Narcisse ran without the support of the Brooklyn Democratic political apparatus, which instead aligned behind community board member Gardy Brazela. Narcisse did earn notable endorsements from several major unions and Public Advocate Jumaane Williams, and was seen as one of the race's frontrunners and its most progressive viable candidate.
On election night on June 22, Narcisse emerged with a large lead, receiving 36 percent of the vote to her nearest competitor's 16 percent. When absentee ballots and ranked-choice votes were counted two weeks later, Narcisse defeated runner-up Shirley Paul 64-36%; she declared victory on July 3. She won the November general election with over 63% of the vote and took office on January 1, 2022.
Personal life
Narcisse lives in Canarsie. She has four children.
References
1965 births
21st-century African-American politicians
21st-century African-American women
21st-century American politicians
21st-century American women politicians
African-American people in New York (state) politics
American politicians of Haitian descent
Haitian emigrants to the United States
Living people
New York (state) Democrats
New York City Council members
Politicians from Brooklyn
Women New York City Council members |
得了灰指甲会传染吗？甲真菌病俗称灰指甲，是由病原性真菌感染指甲及甲下组织所引起的一个浅部真菌感染，俗称为甲癣。灰指甲是由病原微生物感染所引起的，具有一定的传染性，可以通过接触进行传染，可以传染给自己，也可以传染给他人。灰指甲病人一定要避免和他人握手，日常生活中做好消毒和隔离。灰指甲是肯定会传染的，这一点是毋庸置疑的。医学上把灰指甲称作是甲癣，它主要是由真菌引起的一种皮肤疾病，主要的表现是指(趾)甲变色、增厚、污秽物堆积。如果其他的人接触了这些病菌的话，就会被传染上。灰指甲传染的途径有很多，大多数都是病人用手抓绕灰指甲部位自己被体癣、股癣感染了，然后自己的手又接触了家里的其他人，这样家人或者朋友被感染的机会就增加了许多。灰指甲并不只是一个人饿疾病，在霉菌交互感染的状况下，也会祸及身边的家人，如果身边的亲友存在灰指甲的病患，一定要注意病人的个人卫生，并积极就医，以免扩大感染。灰指甲与其他癣病一样，常发于高温潮湿地区。除了地理因素，还有个人因素，如不注意个人卫生，爱穿紧身衣裤及不透气的鞋子，年老体弱等等。由于甲癣是由真菌这种微生物感染造成的，所以它是可以传染的一种疾病，传染途径也主要有两个：第一个叫做自身的传染。有句广告词叫做“得了灰指甲，一个传染俩”，这个广告词是正确的，甲癣往往都是先从一个指甲、两个指甲开始，长期不去治疗它，多个指甲都会传染上甲癣。第二个是传给他人。如果在一些公共场所或者在家里共用一些脚盆、拖鞋、毛巾等等，都有可能传染给其他人。 |
舊贝舍韦（），又按俄语名译为舊別舍沃（），是烏克蘭東部頓涅茨克州卡利米乌斯克区内的市級鎮及该市镇的行政中心，亦曾為舊貝舍韋區於2020年被撤消前的行政中心。始建於1779年，面積10,972平方公里，2011年人口6,471，人口密度每平方公里589人。
参考资料
頓涅茨克州市級鎮 |
月经完了后好几天有褐色分泌物？月经不调搜罗一系列症状，对于妇科来说，月经不调，由于它们有两类：1：内渗透失调，次若是下丘脑轴的神经-垂体不晃动或者功能缺陷，即月经失调。二、器质性疾病或。搜罗性器官，如部份炎症等。在这种情景下，他们可能在服用药品后咨询专家一下子（以及脾脏和临时服用的且未受损的）。月经后越日是清洁的，流出的是棕色的，思考到月经原因，它尚未残缺清洁。需要自己留意总体卫生和劳动，不要在阴道出血和洗浴以前休息。月经量少以及有黑褐色的情景，次若是由于内渗出凌乱以及有子宫内膜炎的天气导致的，月经后多少天是洁净的，从阴道流出的，理当思量，是深褐色的，不是残缺纯真的血管，这是个别的爆发。建议月经时，热和、严冷和宽慰吃香料食品。可以会有颗粒物或一些新的、割裂的心脏颗粒物宽慰经血，这是不公平的。每一每发红。它能修正你的亵服，坚持你的瘦弱。你的情形是月经是洁净的，概况不断有四五天后褐色分泌物，尽管这不是题目，妇科超声波，除了子宫内膜炎，但不可能。大概假如碘不受影响，除了非它不影响，接续两周后，要末你能更好地看看症状，要末它已经消逝。月经是棕色的，几天后血液，中断两天以上出血，所发生的所有都市导致就寝缺少。我建议，在个别状态下，排卵期后14天摆布的月经，在排卵期内，是透明的，从血液中酿成褐色，这是一种个别的心理天气，是同时存在的。排卵期的性别和防止熏染，是需要的瘦弱。最好是上正规大型医院做一下妇科魔难，假定是子宫内的，需要再抽血化验激素水平后妨碍调节。 |
大事记
明太祖詔告天下立社學，用於招收8到15歲的民間兒童。
明朝在西藏自治区阿里地區设置俄力思軍民元帥府。
出生
馬黑麻·蘇丹（1403年逝世，28岁）、
逝世
劉伯溫（1311年生，64岁）
5年
7 |
Nomus (fl. 443–450 AD) was a politician and an ambassador of the Eastern Roman Empire.
Biography
Nomus was magister officiorum from 443 to 446, and served as consul in 445, with Western Emperor Valentinian III as colleague.
On 12 December 443, Nomus was ordered to strengthen the defence of the Danube limes, recently affected by the attacks of the Huns of Attila: the forts were rebuilt and the frontier garrisons restored to their nominal strength. The work, which had to last for the whole year 444, was such that Nomus was appointed consul for the following year by way of reward. However, when Attila resumed his raids in 447, he did so through the provinces of Scythia Minor and Moesia Inferior, skirting around the fortifications built by Nomus to the east.
In 448 Nomus was raised to the rank of patricius.
The attack of 447 ended in a peace in 448, but in 450 Attila was again at war against the Roman Empire. In response to an offer of negotiations, he said he would deal only with ambassadors of consular rank, and mentioned the names of Nomus, Senator and Anatolius. Nomus (chosen as loyal supporter of the powerful eunuch Chrysaphius) and his companion went to meet Attila, who treated them badly at the beginning, but later succumbed to their oratorical arts and to the gifts they had brought: Attila would accept the terms of peace of 448, he would stop attacking the Emperor Theodosius II, and give up the strip of land south of the Danube obtained with the peace of 448; it seems that the granting of the release of many Roman prisoners was a concession made personally to the two prestigious guests.
In 449, the monk Eutyches asked Emperor Theodosius to summon the Council of Chalcedon: Chrysaphius and Nomus joined him and obtained the proclamation. He then participated in several sessions of the Council, in 451.
He is said to have spent a lot of money to fuel his ambitions. During his tenure as magister officiorum, he was contacted by two nephews of the bishop Cyril of Alexandria; he helped them by lending some money, but he required very high rates of interest. He was the addressee of some letters by Theodoret, as he was very influential with the Emperor.
Notes
Bibliography
Thompson, Edward Arthur, The Huns, Blackwell Publishing, 1996, , pp. 96–99, 134–135.
Jones, Arnold Hugh Martin, John Robert Martindale, John Morris, The Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire, "Nomus 1", volume 2, Cambridge University Press, 1992, , pp. 785–786.
5th-century Romans
5th-century Roman consuls
Byzantine diplomats
Imperial Roman consuls
Magistri officiorum
Patricii
5th-century diplomats |
Arts Project Australia Inc. is a registered charity and non-profit organisation located in Northcote, an inner northern area of Melbourne, Victoria, Australia. The organisation provides facilitation/mentoring, studio and exhibition spaces for artists with intellectual disabilities, and as such has been identified as a major centre for the promotion and exhibition of outsider art, or art that has been produced outside of the contemporary and historical mainstream. In 2016 there were approximately 130 artists attending the studio, with the work of exhibiting artists featuring alongside works from the broader contemporary art community in the annual rotating exhibition program.
History
Arts Project was founded in 1974 by Myra Hilgendorf OAM and was the first full-time not-for-profit art studio in Australia for artists with intellectual disabilities. Hilgendorf sought to provide the opportunity for artists with intellectual disabilities to access the same resources, materials and opportunities to exhibit, as non-disabled artists. The seminal exhibition Minus/Plus was launched in 1975, the title working as a counter response to the negative implications of a series of articles printed in The Age newspaper, entitled ‘The Minus Children.’ This was followed in 1980 by the exhibition Tommy's World, which opened at the Australian National Gallery in Canberra.
In 2004, APA moved to its current premises where it is governed by a volunteer board and operates via funding attained from government grants, the sale of artwork, donations and bequests from private groups and individuals, as well as grants from philanthropic trusts and foundations.
In recent years, a greater interest in contemporary Outsider art, as evidenced by Massimiliano Gioni's 2013 Venice Biennale which included several exhibits dedicated to self-taught or Outsider artists, has led to an increase in the media exposure and significance attributed to organisations such as Arts Project Australia. In 2013 three artists represented by APA, Boris Cipusev, Alan Constable and Patrick Francis, were featured in the Melbourne Now exhibition at the National Gallery of Victoria, which also acquired a collection of work by Cipusev and Constable for its permanent collection.
In 2014, APA partnered with Melbourne University to host the international conference Contemporary Outsider Art: The Global Context. The conference coincided with several outsider art exhibitions at major institutions in Australia, including Albert Tucker and the Mystery of HD at Heide Museum of Modern Art and exhibitions at the Dax Centre and the Social Studio. In 2016 APA received the Award for Outstanding Organisation, in the HESTA Community Sector Awards.
Notable curators and artists who have produced exhibitions at APA include Philadelphia-based curator Alex Baker (former Curator for International Art at the National Gallery of Victoria), Ricky Swallow, Karra Rees (Centre for Contemporary Photography), Vincent Alessi (Ian Potter Museum of Art), Emma Busowsky Cox (Castlemaine Art Museum), Richard Lewer, Linda Judge, Jim Pavlidis, Angela Cavalieri, Paul Hodges, Katherine Hattam and Judy Holding. Additional significant figures from Australian public life who have collaborated in APA artistic projects include Michael Caton, John Clarke, Fiona Corke, Abi Crompton, Brian Dawe, Mick Harvey, John-Michael Howson OAM, Lukas Markovic and Thérèse Rein.
APA has collaborated to produce exhibitions at a number of major Australian institutions, most recently for the Centre for Contemporary Photography (Clay Cameras, 2009), Australian Centre for the Moving Image (Outsider Art Shorts, 2014), Ian Potter Museum of Art (Everyday Imaginings: new perspectives on Outsider Art, 2014), Melbourne Theatre Company (The Sublime 2014, Endgame 2015), Art + Climate = Change (Altered Vistas, 2015), Art Centre Melbourne (Home, 2015), Linden New Art (Wild Lands, 2016), Next Wave Festival (Telltale, 2016), Gertrude Contemporary (In Concert, 2016).
Artists who work in the studios at APA are represented in major Australian art institutions. Some notable examples are the National Gallery of Australia (Lisa Reid, Dorothy Berry, Valerio Ciccone, Brigid Hanrahan, Chris Mason, Steven Perrette), National Gallery of Victoria (Boris Cipusev, Alan Constable, Bobby Kyriakopoulos ), Shepparton Art Museum (Michael Camakaris), State Library of Victoria (Chris Mason), Monash University Museum of Art (Julian Martin), National Sports Museum (Valerio Ciccone) Gold Coast City Gallery (Kaye McDonald), La Trobe University Museum of Art (George Aristovoulou), Deakin University Art Collection (Julian Martin), City of Melbourne Art and Heritage Collection (Julian Martin).
In 2021, the gallery moved to Collingwood Yards, an arts precinct in neighbouring suburb Collingwood, while studio operations continue in the original Northcote site.
Selected exhibitions
Minus/Plus, Georges Gallery Melbourne, toured to regional centres in Victoria, Australia, 1975.
Tommy's World, Australian National Gallery, Canberra, toured nationally, 1980.
Inside Out, Outside In, VicHealth Access Gallery, National Gallery of Victoria, 1992.
Home Sweet Home, National Gallery of Australia, travelling exhibition, 2004.
Pearls of Arts Project Australia – Stuart Purves Collection, Australian touring exhibition, 2007.
Portrait Exchange, Arts Project Australia, Melbourne, 2010.
Peripheral Vision, Valerio Ciccone retrospective exhibition, Arts Project Australia, Melbourne, 2012.
Imaginarium, Cathy Staughton retrospective exhibition, Arts Project Australia, Melbourne, 2013.
Selected external exhibitions
Moet & Chandon Touring Exhibition, 1994 (Julian Martin).
Centre D’Art Differencie, Belgium, 1994.
MADMusee, Liège, Belgium, 1995.
2nd Annual Intuit Show of Folk and Outsider Art, Phyllis Kind Gallery, New York, 2004.
From Australia with Art, Une sardine collee au mur, Switzerland, 2005.
Outsider Art Fair, USA, Phyllis Kind Gallery, New York, 2005.
17th Annual Outsider Art Fair, The Mart, USA, 2009
The Shilo Project, The Ian Potter Museum, University Of Melbourne, 2009.
Exhibition #4, Museum of Everything, London, 2011.
Melbourne Now, National Gallery of Victoria, Melbourne, 2013 (Boris Cipusev, Alan Constable and Patrick Francis).
Collection
The Arts Project Australia Sydney Myer Fund Permanent Collection is one of the few collections of artwork by artists with intellectual disabilities in Australia. It comprises approximately 500 drawings, photographs and paintings from the mid-1970s sourced from the organisation's pioneering exhibitions Minus/Plus (1975) and Tommy's World I (1980). APA additionally houses a permanent collection of significant works from studio artists and international work, as well as an historical archive of organisational letters and documents. Artists from Arts Project Australia are widely represented externally to the organisation in international, Australian and private collections.
Industry partnerships and affiliations
Sidney Myer Foundation
Public Galleries Association of Victoria
Leonard Joel Auction House
Publications
Cathy Staughton's Wondrous Imaginarium,
Julian Martin Transformer,
The Inner View - Arts Project Australia,
A Sense of Place,
John Mackay Northe,
Dorothy Berry – Bird on a wire,
Alan Constable – View Finder,
So Far...,
Somewhere in the City,
Lisa Reid – The Devil's in the Detail,
It Takes More Than 140 Characters to Write a Novel,
References
External links
Arts project website
Supported studio network
Public galleries association
Australian artists
Outsider art |
关节囊损伤的原因是什么？关节囊损伤多因打击、压砸，碰撞或颠扑、负重、扭转等外力作用在躯体上所致。病机为外力作用，损伤筋肌骨骼，导致经络阻碍，气血凝滞。 |
The Badi or Badhi are a Hindu caste found in the state of Uttar Pradesh, India. They have scheduled caste status.
Origin
The Badi are sub-group within the larger Nat caste. They are found mainly in Saharanpur District. The Badi are further divided into a number of clans, the main ones being the Swaroop and Aurender. They are strictly endogamous and practice clan exogamy.
Present circumstances
The Badi are one of a number of nomadic communities that were involved in entertaining at fairs. A fair number are now employed as agricultural labourers, with a smaller number have acquired small plots of land.
The 2011 Census of India for Uttar Pradesh showed the Badi population as 11,028.
References
Scheduled Castes of Uttar Pradesh |
《猪之歌》是内地网络歌手香香的首张专辑。《猪之歌》为2002年流行于中国大陆网络的一首网络歌曲，目前其版权为自由版权，即任何人可以翻唱、出版此歌曲。《猪之歌》也捧红了内地网络歌手香香。
版权争议
《猪之歌》的作者为「猪先生（化名）」，创作本歌曲只是因为无聊，由於其歌词的独特以及歌曲的顺口，刊登到网络後很快成为了大多数网名所喜爱的歌曲。
由于过多人的翻唱，甚至网络歌手香香发布了与此相关的专辑，因此有些人认为「猪先生」需要为此歌曲增加版权。後因为「猪先生」将本歌曲自由版权化，理由为「很多人唱的（这首歌）比我随便哼哼的好多了，因此我不会给这首歌曲增加版权。」
收录曲
猪之歌：作词：毛慧、作曲：毛慧
老鼠爱大米：作词：杨臣刚、作曲：杨臣刚
冬天的星愿：作词：毛慧、作曲：毛慧
泉水：作词：毛慧、作曲：毛慧
我爱睡觉：作词：毛慧、作曲：毛慧
毛毛：作词：毛慧、作曲：毛慧
吟香：作词：毛慧、作曲：毛慧
夏虫：作词：毛慧、作曲：毛慧
江南：作词：李瑞洵、作曲：林俊杰
老鼠爱大米（香香&杨臣刚合唱版）：作词：杨臣刚、作曲：杨臣刚
猪之歌 (伴奏版)：作词：毛慧、作曲：毛慧
參見
猪先生
華語流行歌曲
虛構豬 |
Terry Flanagan (October 17, 1956 - December 29, 1991) was a Canadian ice hockey player and coach.
Flanagan played four years with the New Hampshire Wildcats men's ice hockey team, and was an assistant coach at Bowling Green State University for seven seasons before succumbing to cancer.
Two major awards are named in Flanagan's honour: The Terry Flanagan Award is presented annually by the American Hockey Coaches Association (AHCA) to honour an assistant coach's career body of work; and the Terry Flanagan Memorial Award was an annual award presented by the now defunct Central Collegiate Hockey Association (CCHA) to the player who best demonstrated perseverance, dedication and courage while overcoming severe adversity as voted by the coaches of each CCHA team.
References
External links
1956 births
1991 deaths
Canadian ice hockey coaches
Canadian ice hockey players
Bowling Green Falcons ice hockey coaches
New Hampshire Wildcats men's ice hockey players |
伊氏卉鱂，為輻鰭魚綱鯉齒目鯉齒亞目花鳉科的其中一種，分布於非洲馬利的淡水流域，體長可達4公分，屬肉食性，生活習性不明，可做為觀賞魚。
参考文献
擴展閱讀
觀賞魚
ehrichi |
Pyotr Aleksandrovich Nemov (; born 18 October 1983) is a Russian former footballer who played as a midfielder.
Club career
He made his Russian Premier League debut for FC Dynamo Moscow on 13 August 2000 in a game against FC Uralan Elista.
He was the youngest player to score a goal in the Russian Premier League for FC Dynamo Moscow (he scored on 19 May 2001 against FC Rotor Volgograd at the age of 17 years, 7 months and 1 day), until that mark was surpassed by Aleksandr Kokorin in 2008.
External links
Player page on the official FC Saturn Moscow Oblast website
1983 births
Sportspeople from Oryol
Living people
Russian men's footballers
Russia men's youth international footballers
Russia men's under-21 international footballers
Men's association football midfielders
FC Dynamo Moscow players
FC Spartak Moscow players
PFC Krylia Sovetov Samara players
FC Leon Saturn Ramenskoye players
Russian Premier League players
FC Rubin Kazan players
FC Tom Tomsk players |
Droopy's Double Trouble is the 11th animated short featuring Droopy. It was the first short to introduce one of Droopy's relatives.
Plot
Droopy is presented here as a manservant working for an unseen master, who is going away for a few days with the head butler, Mr. Theeves. As they are packing the master's clothes, Mr. Theeves requests that Droopy acquire someone to help him around the house while they are away, and the first person to come to Droopy's mind is his identical twin brother, Drippy. Droopy contacts Drippy at O'Brien's Gymnasium and explains the situation to him.
Drippy arrives later on and displays his superhuman strength by punching his way through the front door before greeting Droopy. Droopy introduces Drippy to Mr. Theeves, who is briefly astonished by Drippy's uncanny resemblance to Droopy, immediately started jumping up to the chandelier, thinking he was seeing double. However, Mr. Theeves is relieved enough to come down from the chandelier and is also on the receiving end of Drippy's immense strength while shaking his hand. Mr. Theeves then explains Drippy's duties to him and tells him that no matter what, no strangers are allowed on the premises.
However, while Droopy loads the master's suitcase into his limousine, Spike the Irish Dog drops in and asks if Droopy can put him up for a little while since he has had little to no good luck recently. Droopy reluctantly agrees and has Spike go to the back door, but forgets to inform Drippy. As Spike snidely muses about taking advantage of Droopy, the back door opens, but what Spike is unaware of is that it is Drippy who has answered. Spike promptly demands, "Let me have it, pal," and Drippy responds by punching Spike across the terrace, musing "No strangers". Spike gets caught in a veranda which swings him back into the door as Drippy closes it. Droopy then appears and lets a bewildered Spike inside, but as Droopy fetches some food, Drippy comes back into the kitchen and hits Spike outside with the kitchen table. Droopy, unaware, take Spike's food outside, assuming Spike wanted to eat in the patio. As Droopy goes back for mustard, Drippy appears again and throws Spike down into the swimming pool, leaving him dazed. Droopy then rescues Spike, assuming he wanted to go for a swim, and takes him inside the house.
Droopy puts some dry clothes on Spike, but while he goes for some shoes, Drippy appears again and knocks Spike out cold. Droopy, assuming Spike was sleepy, tucks him in bed. Spike wakes up and begins to enjoy the comfort, but when he tries to call Droopy, Drippy responds instead and punches Spike into the bathroom, where Droopy is shaving. Spike accuses Droopy of assaulting him, but Droopy responds by recommending a cold shower for Spike. Strangely, Drippy goes for a shower as well and hits Spike out, stark naked. Droopy offers to get Spike some clothes, but this time Spike demands that he accompany Droopy. As Droopy enters a closet to get some clothes, Drippy appears from inside another right beside it and hits Spike with a baseball bat (referred to by Spike as a "shillelagh"). Spike angrily demands that Droopy hand it over, but Droopy denies having one, confusing Spike. Each time Spike puts Droopy in the closet, Drippy appears from the other and hits him. Now assuming that Droopy is responsible for hurting him, Spike demands that he stop, but Droopy denies having touched Spike all day. Now believing that Droopy may be going crazy, Spike discreetly calls for an ambulance.
When the ambulance arrives, Spike calls Droopy, but this time, both Droopy and Drippy answer. Shocked at the sight of two Droopys, Spike goes insane and gets taken away by the ambulance.
Voice cast
Bill Thompson as Droopy / Drippy / Spike
Daws Butler as Mr. Theeves / Spike (one line)
References
External links
1951 animated films
1951 short films
1950s English-language films
Droopy
American animated short films
Films directed by Tex Avery
Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer animated short films
1950s American animated films
1950s animated short films
Films produced by Fred Quimby
Films scored by Scott Bradley
Films about twin brothers
Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer cartoon studio short films
Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer short films
Animated films about dogs |
The Last Broadcast may refer to:
The Last Broadcast (album), a 2002 album by Doves
The Last Broadcast (film), the 1998 cult horror film |
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