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Mental Flexibility Test – answers 1. Letters of the Alphabet 2. Wonders of the Ancient World 3. Arabian Nights 4. Signs of the Zodiac 5. Cards in a Deck (with jokers) 6. Planets in the Solar System 7. Piano Keys 8. Stripes on the American Flag 9. Holes on a Golf Course 10. Degrees Fahrenheit at which water freezes 11. Sides on a Stop Sign 12. Dollars for Passing go in Monopoly 13. Blind Mice (see how they run) 14. Degrees in a right angle. 15. Quarts in a Gallon 16. Hours in a Day 17,. Wheels on a Unicycle 18. Digits in a Zip Code 19. Heinz Variety 20. Players on a football team 21. Words that a picture is worth 22. Days in February in Leap Year 23. Squares on a Checkerboard 24. Days and Nights of the Great flood 25. Days to go around the World 26. number it takes to tango Mental Flexibility Test This test does not measure intelligence, your fluency with words, creativity or mathematical ability. It will, however, give you some gauge of your mental flexibility. In the three years since this test was developed, few people have been found who could solve more than half of the 26 questions on the first try. Many, however, reported getting answers long after the testing had been set aside, particularly at unexpected moments when their mids were relaxed. some reported solving all the questions over a period of several days. Take the test as your peorsonal challenge. Sixteen (16) correct answers out of the 26 = Genius. Instructions: Each equation below contains the initials of words that make it correct. Finish the missing words. For example : 60=M in an H would be 60=minutes in an hour. GOOD LUCK AND HAVE FUN!!! 1. 26=L of the A 2. 7=W of the W 3. 1001=AN 4. 12=S of the Z 5. 54=C in a D (with the J) 6. 9=P in the SS 7. 88=PK 8. 13 = S on the AF 9. 18 = H on a GC 10. 32 = DF at which WF 11. 8 = S on a SS 12. 200 = D for PG in M 13. 3 = BM (SHTR) 14. 90 = D in RA 15. 4 = Q in a G 16. 24 = H in a D 17. I = W on a U 18. 5 = D in a ZC 19. 57 = HV 20. 11 = P on a FT 21. 1000 = W that a P is W 22. 29 = D in F in a LY 23. 64 = S on a C 24. 40 = D and N of GF 25. 80 = D to GA the W 26. 2 = No. it T to T (c) copyright 1997 Carman Smallwood Bible Study Lessons I am currently in the process of putting on this web site, Bible Lessons for grades 2 – 7 that includes 180 lessons each. It is being done to teach our children how to study the Bible, but as I complete the grades I will post them on this site for you to see and use if you so choose. 3rd Grade PDF Document 4th Grade Word Document 5th Grade PDF Document 6th Grade (not online yet) 7th Grade (not online yet) These are based on the KJV, the questions may not work with the other text. We also have created an Microsoft Access97 file to keep records of our school year and what is going on. It is set up for us, We used it last year and so far this year and it has helped a lot. Right now all of the data is set up for Indiana. If you want to download and take a look at it just click. These files are either Microsoft Word, or Acess97 format. If you don’t have Word there is still a way to view and print these out, you can download a free Word viewer from Microsoft Web site. As far as I know there is no viewer for Access. OpenOffice is a free office suite that has a word processor and other items. OpenOffice can be found at
Open main menu Wikipedia β An aptitude is a component of a competence to do a certain kind of work at a certain level. Outstanding aptitude can be considered "talent". An aptitude may be physical or mental. Aptitude is inborn potential to do certain kinds of work whether developed or undeveloped. Ability is developed knowledge, understanding, learned or acquired abilities (skills) or attitude. The innate nature of aptitude is in contrast to skills and achievement, which represent knowledge or ability that is gained through learning.[1] According to Gladwell (2008)[2] and Colvin (2008)[3] often it is difficult to set apart an outstanding performance merely because of talent or simply because of hard training. Talented people as a rule show high results immediately in few kinds of activity,[4] but often only in single direction or genre.[5][6] Intelligence and aptitudeEdit Aptitude and intelligence quotient are related, and in some ways differing views of human mental ability. Unlike the original idea of IQ, aptitude often refers to one of the many different characteristics which can be independent of each other, such as aptitude for military flight, air traffic control, or computer programming.[7] This approach measures a variety of separate skills, similar to the theory of multiple intelligences and Cattell–Horn–Carroll theory and many other modern theories of intelligence. In general, aptitude tests are more likely to be designed and used for career and employment decisions, and intelligence tests are more likely to be used for educational and research purposes. However, there is a great deal of overlap between them, and they often measure the same kinds of abilities. For example, aptitude tests such as the Armed Services Vocational Aptitude Battery measure enough aptitudes that they could also serve as a measure of general intelligence. A single construct such as mental ability is measured with multiple tests. Often, a person's group of test scores will be highly correlated with each other, which makes a single measure useful in many cases. For example, the U.S. Department of Labor's General Learning Ability is determined by combining Verbal, Numerical and Spatial aptitude scores. However, many individuals have skills that are a lot higher or lower than their overall mental ability level. Aptitude subtests are used intra-individually to determine which tasks that individual is more skilled at performing. This information can be useful for determining which job roles are the best fits for employees or applicants. Often, before more rigorous aptitude tests are used, individuals are screened for a basic level of aptitude through a previously-completed process, such as SAT scores, GRE scores, degrees, or other certifications. Combined aptitude and knowledge testsEdit See alsoEdit
In Cicero’s speech defending the poet Archias, he begins his speech by referring to his own expertise in oratory, for which he was famous in Rome. While lacking modesty, this tactic still established his ethos because the audience was forced to acknowledge that Cicero’s public service gave him a certain right to speak, and his success in oratory gave him special authority to speak about another author. In effect, his entire speech is an attempt to increase the respectability of the ethos of literature, largely accomplished by tying it to Cicero’s own, already established, public character. Unlike Cicero , Trump’s speeches and comments in the three presidential debates seemed to be establishing an anti-ethos rhetoric, a rhetoric which defies most of the traditional norms of ethos. His credibility was not based on a public service record to which he was a novice, nor did his oratory skills add to his authority and respectability. In fact, Trump’s rhetoric was enforcing the opposite, a new political rhetoric where the speaker lacks public service records, lacks oratory skills, lacks the ethos of politics and yet aspires to persuade the audience to vote for him, and finally succeeds to win the elections. The three figures of Ethos: anamnesis , litotes and paronomasia were implemented in a new manner during these presidential debates. Although Clinton with her long public service conformed to the traditional rhetoric, her opponent the now president-elect Trump seemed to defy all traditions and present a clear anti-ethos rhetoric which was smeared by many including Clinton. In his NY Times analysis of the first presidential debate, Nick Confessore expresses this common feeling … “Tonight Clinton will face a difficult challenge: to push back against a candidate who swarms rivals with a blizzard of provocation and untruth, while maintaining the level aura of a commander in chief.” Indeed Trump was up to this comparison and he did swarm Hillary Clinton with a blizzard of provocation and untruth. He was always on the attack and she had to be pushed to the defense. There was no anamnesis which is ‘calling to memory past matters , more specifically, citing a past author from memory’ for he had no past memory or experience in the field of politics and public service. Trump’s answer to one of the questions in the first presidential debate concerning economy reflects this lack of knowledge in the political field. On the Anamnesis level, his calling to memory past matters is not based on political in depth knowledge but on an amateur shallow knowledge and reflected through an amateur rhetoric. Short sentences with unspecific details ‘they are going to many countries’ and thus the conclusion reached is natural to ‘have a winning fight’ to stop China from using the country as ‘a piggy bank.’ No political figure was mentioned, no past efforts were referred to. In Trump’s opinion it is a fight that has to won. Even when Clinton tried to bring reason to the debate by saying “But it is important that we learn about what has been effective. And not go to things that sound good that really did not have the kind of impact that we would want.” He followed up with his blizzard of provocation and accused her of preparing for the debate. It was Hillary’s answer at that time which brought back the purpose of all this back and forth comments into its place. A comment which I really loved at that time and many others beside me… Trump’s lack of anamnesis or anti-anamnesis continues in the second debate . His call into past memories can be described as a very short memory span or amnesia that allows him to boldly deny any wrong doing, even when it can be proved by accessible records. It occurred several times in the second debate concerning his taxes as well as his disgraceful comments about women. TRUMP: No, I didn’t say that at all. I don’t think you understood what was — this was locker room talk. I’m not proud of it. I apologize to my family. I apologize to the American people. Certainly I’m not proud of it. But this is locker room talk. A fact that was proven and to which Hillary Clinton refers to by… CLINTON: Well, everything you’ve heard just now from Donald is not true. I’m sorry I have to keep saying this, but he lives in an alternative reality. And it is sort of amusing to hear somebody who hasn’t paid federal income taxes in maybe 20 years talking about what he’s going to do. The third debate held some change in his anamnesis with regards to foreign policy and the Middle East. However, it is but a drop of anamnesis amid the sea of anti-anamnesis in all the three debates. Its effect is undermined by the way it was phrased and the rhetoric he constantly uses which defies all regularities. Trump: Let me tell you, Putin has outsmarted her and Obama at every single step of the way. Whether it is Syria. You name it. Missiles. Take a look at the start-up that they signed. The Russians, have said, according to many, many reporters, I can’t believe they allowed us to do this. They create warheads and we can’t. The Russians can’t believe it. She has been outsmarted by Putin and all you have to do is look at the Middle East. They’ve taken over.’ Thus, President-Elect Trump’s first figure of ethos anamnesis was scarcely implemented, if not employed in a new opposite manner during these presidential debates. His consistency in reversing the different figures of Ethos in the debates can be further traced . His use of litotes reflects his anti-ethos rhetoric. The Ad Herennium author suggests litotes as a means of expressing modesty (downplaying one’s accomplishments) in order to gain the audience’s favor (establishing ethos). Trump was always described as the bragging, impulsive, counter punching, big-mouthed. As Nick Confessore , the NY Times reporter analyzes … Occasionally, at speeches with a teleprompter, we’ve seen a different Trump: somewhat on message and restrained (if only by comparison). ‘Restrained if only by comparison’ reflects how unrestrained and impulsive Trump naturally is. The element of litotes is barely seen , expression of modesty never portrayed and the downplay of his accomplishment is always opposed by his businessman mentality. In all of the three debates, he presents himself on the far end of litotes and seemingly farther away from establishing the accompanying ethos. The most elicit moment of Trump’s anti-litotes was in the first debate after his refusal to release his tax returns. Trump actually bragged about it and jumped in to interrupt Clinton mid-statement saying “That makes me smart.” He actually believes what he says and he himself declares it in the second debate … “ See, I understand the tax code better than anybody that’s ever run for president.” The term ‘better than anyone’ sums it up , a total antithesis of litotes. Finally, in the third and final debate, we find Trump clearly announcing his intent to run the country the same he runs his company. Trump: Well I think I did a much better job. I built a massive company, a great company, some of the greatest assets anywhere in the world worth many, many billions of dollars. I started with a $1 million loan. I agree with that. It’s a $1 million loan, but I built a phenomenal company. And if we could run our country the way I’ve run my company, we would have a country that would you would be so proud of, you would even be proud of it. The new rhetoric is emerging with Trump’s anti-anamnesis , extreme anti-litotes , and the final addition of anti-paronomasia . Using words that sound alike but that differ in meaning (punning) or paronomasia has never been thought of by Trump. His impulsive repulsive rhetoric was one of his unprecedented contributions in this presidential debate. No one will forget his constant repetition of “ Wrong” to interrupt Hillary Clinton’s reference to his support of the Iraqi war , nor his threat of ‘ putting Hillary in prison’ in the second debate and no doubt his notorious label of ‘nasty woman’ in the third presidential debate will be always remembered. Trump never plays with words, he says everything he wants to say straight and directly to the face with total disregard of its appropriateness or relevance to the political rhetoric. For him, the Kairotic moment and his urge to win this moment is his fuel to generate more verbal attack. Words to which the three figures of ethos: anamnesis , litotes and paronomasia , barely apply. With the shattering surprise of Trump’s victory came a new realization by rhetoricians everywhere, a realization of the emergence of a new anti traditional rhetoric. The three presidential debates of 2016 defied the norms of traditional rhetoric, yet appealed to the public. Thus, rhetoricians had to face the reality and question: What has gone wrong with the language of politics? Are we witnessing the birth of a new type of rhetoric? or Is it only what ancient Greeks called ‘parataxis’ or fake “authenticism”? However the answer might be, we have all witnessed the emergence of this new rhetoric. The two candidates presented its two polar ends ; one presented the traditional pole, while the other presented the anti-traditional rhetoric or mainly the anti-ethos. Sadly , the latter won and consequently his rhetoric should prevail. This actually led many political writers to consider it a new phenomenon which needs to be studied. Mark Thompson in his Guardian article “What’s Gone Wrong With the Language of Politics?” analyzes this conclusion: The result is political discourse in which there is no longer any presumption of good faith between opponents, “just a fight to the political death, a fight in which every linguistic weapon is fair game”. Rhetorical self-restraint is abandoned and vituperative exaggeration, often vaulting into outright mendacity, is rampant. Trump’s rise to power is a rise of anti-ethos rhetoric. The expected negative effect of the speaker’s lack of ethos and lack of credibility were swayed away by the results. An astonishing realization which proved that the speaker gained more credibility through implementing this anti-ethos rhetoric. We are left to ponder on many questions: Can we consider his success as a natural public reaction towards Clinton’s traditional rhetoric, which was flawed by the presence of a great Ethos Gap as mentioned in my synthesis paper? Is it a process of the speaker becoming more relatable by using impulsive rhetoric ? Is he merely voicing the unsaid words, the hatred and sense of superiority which still exists within many White Americans despite all the long sought and achieved rights of equality, justice and freedom for all? Are we facing the Whites counterattack after being ruled for eight years by an African American President? or Is it truly a demand for change , a demand for defying the norms of rhetoric , a demand for facing the reality of the matter : the actual divisive nature of the country based on superiority and inferiority in all aspects ? Are we to seek pride in a divisive diversity? Hillary Clinton No doubt we are facing a new phase of political rhetoric. A new era which can be described as mentioned in a Washington post article ‘the unique political rhetoric of Donald Trump Era’. American political rhetoric has grown so pointed, so coarse, so very toxic that the kind of citizen-on-citizen, politically motivated violence is an almost natural result. We are facing a president-elect whose main concern is to run the country the way he runs his company, to achieve profit while the others lose, to rise at any expense even if it means crushing all those who are inferior. The world is now a Wrestling Arena where allies have to pay the champion to protect them, where the strong, wealthy, good looking are the ones to cheer for. My main concern lies in these questions… ‘What if people literally followed this new rhetoric? What will be its implications on different levels of human interaction? Will we fail in the test of humanity and tear off all innate humane qualities to give rise to qualities we learned to suppress ? ’ Questions which are yet to be answered in the coming years with the official emergence of this new political rhetoric ‘the anti-ethos rhetoric’ embodied by the new world leader , the new American President Donald Trump.
The Turks and Caicos Islands are part of the Bahamas island chain and north of the island of Hispaniola. turksTurks and Caicos The Turks and Caicos Islands are named after the Turk’s-cap cactus (Melocactus communis), and the Lucayan term caya hico, meaning string of islands. The first inhabitants of the islands were Arawakan-speaking Taíno people, who crossed over from Hispaniola sometime from AD 500 to 800. The eight main islands and more than 299 smaller islands have a total land area of 616.3 square kilometres consisting primarily of low, flat limestone with extensive marshes and mangrove swamps and 332 square kilometres (128 sq mi) of beach front. The weather is usually sunny and relatively dry, but suffers frequent hurricanes. The islands have limited natural fresh water resources; private cisterns collect rainwater for drinking. The primary natural resources are spiny lobster, conch and other shellfish. A second streaming camera is located on the opposite side of the islands at Grace Bay. Iceland was settled in the late 800s, mostly by Scandinavian Vikings. The Skagafjörður region had many settlers, who divided the land according to commonly acknowledged rules. The land where Sauðárkrókur stands was first taken by the Viking Sæmundr Suðureyski (“Sæmundur from the south islands”. South islands is the name Vikings gave the Hebrides islands of the coast of Scotland), but as he was marking his land another Viking, called Skefill, successfully “stole” the land where the oldest part of the town is today. These settlers did not built their homes at Sauðárkrókur, and the current site of the town was not settled until about 1000 years later. In 1871 the first real settlement at Sauðárkrókur took place. The blacksmith Árni Árnason, with his wife Sigríður Eggertsdóttir and several children, settled there to provide blacksmith services to the growing farming community in this prosperous region. The couple also decided to sell drinks and overnight services; this part of the business grew fast and earned Árni a new nickname, “Árni Vert” or “innkeeper Árni”. In 1873 the first merchant settled in Sauðárkrókur. The shopkeeper Erlendur Hallsson built the second house here, trading from his living room. By 1900 around 400 inhabitants lived here, and the settlement was evolving into a fully formed village with hospital, school and church. Bornholm Airport is a Danish airport located 2.7 nautical miles (5 km) southeast of Rønne, on the island of Bornholm. Bornholm Old Norse: Burgundaholmr, “the island of the Burgundians” is a Danish island in the Baltic Sea, to the east of most of Denmark, south of Sweden, and north of Poland. The main industries on the island include fishing, arts and crafts such as glass making and pottery using locally worked clay, and dairy farming. Tourism is important during the summer. The topography of the island consists of dramatic rock formations in the north (unlike the rest of Denmark which is mostly gentle rolling hills) sloping down towards pine and deciduous forests (greatly damaged by storms in the 1950s) and farmland in the middle and sandy beaches in the south. Strategically located in the Baltic Sea, Bornholm has been fought over for centuries. It has usually been ruled by Denmark, but also by Lübeck and Sweden. The Hammershus castle ruin, at the northwestern tip of the island, is the largest medieval fortress in northern Europe, testament to the importance of its location. Alfred the Great uses the form Burgenda land. Some scholars believe that the Burgundians are named after Bornholm; the Burgundians were a Germanic tribe which moved west when the Western Roman Empire collapsed, and occupied and named Burgundy in France. Limousin is one of the 27 regions of France. Situated largely in the Massif Central, it is the second-least populated region of France after Corsica. Saint-Sulpice-les-Champs Limousin Limousin is an essentially rural region. Famed for some of the best beef farming in the world, herds of Limousin cattle—a distinctive chestnut red—are a common sight in the region. The region is also a major timber producing area. Due to its rural locality, it is also famed for its groves of French Oak, so prized for its distinct characters and flavors in wine fermentation that vintner Rémy Martin has exclusive rights to its oak groves. It is a partnership that is over 100 years old. The regional capital, Limoges, was once an industrial power base, world-renowned for its porcelain and still a leader and innovator in electric equipment factories (which originally used porcelain as an insulator). However, large factories are now few in number. Limousin is one of the traditional provinces of France. Its name is derived from the name of a Celtic tribe, the LemovicesAimar V of Limoges was a notable ruler of the region. Until the 1970s, Occitan was the primary language of rural areas. There remain several different Occitan dialects in use in Limousin, although their use is rapidly declining. The Canton of St. Gallen is located in the north east of Switzerland. The capital is St. Gallen. The canton of St. Gallen is an artificial construct of various historical territories, defined by Napoleon Bonaparte in the Act of Mediation in 1803. About half of the canton’s area corresponds to the acquisitions of the abbey of St. Gallen over centuries. The founding of St. Gallen is based on the Irish monk Gallus (ca 550–620 or 640), who built a hermitage at the river Steinach in 612. Around 720, one hundred years after Gallus’s death, the Alemannic priest Othmar built an abbey and gave it the name Abbey of St. Gallen. In 926 Hungarian raiders attacked the abbey and surrounding town. About 1205 the abbot became a prince of the church in the Holy Roman Empire. In 1311 St. Gallen became a Free imperial city. By about 1353 the guilds, headed by the cloth-weavers guild, gained control of the civic government. The canton is located in the north east of Switzerland. It is bounded to the north by Lake Constance (Bodensee). To the east lies the Rhine valley. Over the Rhine are Austria (state of Vorarlberg) and Liechtenstein. To the south, the canton of St. Gallen is bounded by the cantons of Graubünden, Glarus and Schwyz. To the west lie the cantons of Zürich and Thurgau. The main rivers of the canton are the Rhine, Thur, Linth and Seez. The topography changes from the plains, near river Rhine and Lake Constance, towards the mountainous areas of the Alps in the south. Blönduós Airport Webcam February 16, 2013 Blönduós is a town in the north of Iceland, in the county of Austur-Húnavatnssýsla, 245 km from Reykjavík. Blönduós is situated on Route 1 at the mouth of the glacial river Blanda. On a hill above the town is a church with striking architecture that is intended to resemble a volcanic crater. Iceland is located at the juncture of the North Atlantic and Arctic Oceans. The main island is entirely south of the Arctic Circle, which passes through the small Icelandic island of Grímsey off the main island’s northern coast. The closest bodies of land in Europe are the Faroe Islands (260 mi); Jan Mayen Island (350 mi); Shetland and the Outer Hebrides, both about (460 mi); and the Scottish mainland and Orkney, both about (470 mi). The mainland of Norway is about (600 mi) away. A geologically young land, Iceland is located on both the Iceland hotspot and the Mid-Atlantic Ridge, which runs right through it. This location means that the island is highly geologically active with many volcanoes, notably Hekla, Eldgjá, Herðubreið and Eldfell. A large eruption occurred on 21 May 2011. This time it was the Grímsvötn volcano, located under the thick ice of Europe’s largest glacier, Vatnajökull. Grímsvötn is one of Iceland’s most active volcanoes and this eruption was much more powerful than the 2010 Eyjafjallajökull activity. The eruption hurled ash and lava 20 km (12.43 mi) up into the atmosphere, creating a large cloud that for a while was thought to pose a danger to jet aircraft over a wide area of northern Europe. Malmö, Sweden Webcam August 12, 2012 Malmö in the southernmost province of Scania, is Sweden’s third largest city by population after Stockholm and Gothenburg, and is one of the largest cities in Scandinavia. Malmö was one of the earliest and most industrialized towns of Scandinavia, but it struggled with the adaptation to post-industrialism. Since the construction of the Öresund bridge, Malmö has undergone a major transformation with impressive architectural developments, attracting new biotech and IT companies, and particularly students through Malmö University College. In the 15th century, Malmö became one of Denmark’s largest and most frequented cities, reaching a population of approximately 5,000 inhabitants. It became the most important city around the Øresund, with the German Hanseatic League frequenting it as a marketplace, notable for its flourishing herring fishing. During that time, the city arms were granted in 1437 by King Eric of Pomerania. It was based on Eric’s own arms from Pomerania: an argent with a griffin gules. It gave the griffin’s head to Malmö, eventually this extended to the entire province of Scania. Oresundtrains cross Øresund Bridge every 20 minutes (every 10 minutes during rush hour) connecting Malmö to Copenhagen, and the Copenhagen Airport. Also some of the X 2000 and Intercity trains to Stockholm, Gothenburg, and Kalmar cross the bridge, stopping at Copenhagen Airport.
Skip to content Keeping public information public: Records scheduling, retention and destruction This is the third post in a three-part series on how federal records laws ensure government information is appropriately managed, preserved and made available to the public.(see also part one and part two). The front of the national archives building The National Archives and Records Administration, which holds nearly 5 million cubic feet of archival records, helps federal agencies determine which records are deemed to be “of permanent value” and which can be disposed of, and when and how. Photo by Wknight94 Earlier posts in this series discussed the need for the federal government to have a system for determining how long to keep records and when to dispose of them. Just as a library deaccessions materials when they are no longer needed for that library’s purposes, the federal government also must dispose of records that it no longer needs. Without disposal, the haystack of records would grow ever larger, making it that much harder to find the needle. Only 1-3% of records created by the federal government are deemed to be of permanent value. Agencies must transfer those records to the National Archives and Records Administration (NARA) and dispose of the rest after an appropriate period of time. Currently, NARA holds nearly 5 million cubic feet of archival records – and that number continues to grow. You can see why there has to be a way to separate the wheat from the chaff. What are agency responsibilities to retain federal records? The Federal Records Act (FRA) is the law that sets those standards. In turn, NARA provides guidance to federal agencies on their responsibilities under the FRA. The FRA requires agencies to safeguard federal records so that they are not lost or destroyed without authorization. Agencies must maintain federal records as long as they have “sufficient administrative, legal, research, or other value to warrant their further preservation by the Government.” In order to do so, agencies must determine the “value” of a particular record. How do agencies determine the expected value of a record? Given the huge volume of records created by the federal government, it would be impractical to review every individual record in order to determine its value. Instead, agencies predict the value of records in advance through the use of categories. The agency categorizes the types of records it produces, and then, for each category, predicts how far in the future those records will be useful. For instance, consider official agency documents explaining the rationale behind a new regulation. We can imagine that, thirty years later, people might want to know why the agency issued that regulation. But there would likely not be as much interest in the agency’s cafeteria menu after that length of time. This process is known as “records scheduling,” because the agency is creating a schedule for how long to retain each type of record. However, the agency does not make scheduling decisions on its own. Agencies submit proposed schedules to NARA for its appraisal. If NARA agrees with the agency’s proposal, then it publishes a notice in the Federal Register describing the records and inviting comments from the public. After reviewing any comments, NARA may approve the schedule, and the agency may then begin disposing of records according to that schedule. Approved schedules are posted online to help the public identify how long particular records will be retained. How can the records scheduling process be improved? Typically, there is not much controversy about records schedules; rightly or wrongly, they’re generally seen as pretty mundane. But that’s not always the case. For instance, in July, NARA published a notice of proposed records schedules from Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) for several categories of records related to detainees. After reviewing the proposed schedules, the ACLU and other organizations filed comments arguing that the proposed retention schedule “does not account for the needs of the public, impacted individuals and government officials to conduct necessary, and in some cases required, evaluation of ICE detention operations.” In response, NARA has not yet approved the ICE proposal, and changes are expected before it is approved. ALA believes that the records scheduling process can be improved to better ensure that important records are retained for an adequate period of time. In November, ALA sent a letter recommending that NARA increase the transparency of proposed records schedules and review its appraisal policy to give greater consideration to the potential value of records. ALA will continue to work with NARA and agencies to advocate for the proper preservation of government information and its availability to the public. The following two tabs change content below. Gavin Baker Be First to Comment Leave a Reply
"Talent without working hard is nothing"-Cristiano Ronaldo Difference between Primary and Secondary Succession Ecological succession or biotic succession is the natural development of a series of biotic communities at the same site, one after the other till a climax community develops which is a more or less stable community that is in perfect harmony with the environment of the area. It is of two types: Primary and Secondary succession. Primary succession is a biotic succession which occurs on lifeless unoccupied areas e.g., newly exposed barren rock, newly formed sand dunes, newly created pond or reservoir. Example: Lithosere (A xerosere on rock), Hydrosere Different stages of Lithosere Secondary succession is the succession of communities in a previously inhabited area which have been naturally or artificially disturbed. Here soil and some organisms are already present. e.g., cut over forest, abandoned crop land, ploughed fields and lands that have been flooded. Primary vs Secondary Succession Primary Succession 1. Primary succession takes a long time for completion, 1000 years or more. 2.It occurs in an area which is barren or lifeless. 3. Soil is absent at the beginning of primary succession and the environment is not suitable for sustaining normal life forms. 4. There is no humus in the beginning as soil is absent. 5. Intermediary seral communities are many as it takes long time for reaching climax stage. 6. Pioneer community comes from outside often crustose lichen in a barren rock. 7. Reproductive structures or propagules of any previous community are absent. Secondary Succession 1. Secondary succession takes a less time for completion, 50-200 years. 2. Secondary succession occurs in an area which has been denuded recently and previously inhabited. 3. Soil is present at the beginning of secondary succession with some organisms. 4. Humus is present from the very beginning by the decomposition of previous occupants. 5. Intermediary seral communities are a few compared to primary succession. 6. Pioneer community develops partly from previous occupants and partly from migrants. 7. Reproductive structures of the previous occupants are present in the area. 1. Oh thank you so much! ;) 2. thx this really helped. 3. nicely put....thanks 4. this is such a useful site!! tnx sooo much!!! 5. This sucks! Just be straight forward & say the difference, not what they both are!! 6. it was good but helpful for my situation 7. That was very helpfull kind sr 8. Thank you, very informational and gets to the point fast, site is seldom that site do this 9. its really good ..for my situation 10. This was very helpful for me to study and for my daily assignment. 11. this literally answered my questions :) 12. thank you! very useful!!! 13. You are a lifesaver!!! 14. Couldn't US Consumer Emails 16. Dis is very helpful i love this site.... 17. Sir why the species are not in future in primary succession 18. this helped me a lot to get these informations. this site is truly useful Thanks for Visiting.....
LED Tip 9: Understanding Voltages In the world of Industrial and Commercial LED Lighting, it is imperative you understand the voltages in the room or outdoor area and then choose the appropriate option. There are so many options available, and ways to solve voltage requirements. This post walks you through those options. What are the common Voltages found in industrial and commercial areas? The typical range in North America is between 100-480 Volts at 60Hz. And typically within this large range, you see the following steps: 1. 100-120V (typical household or small business, like a dentist office, or small retail) 2. 208V - not very common, but it's out there 3. 240V - light industrial or commercial 4. 277V - common light industrial and commercial, more common than 240V 5. 347V - typically found in Canada 6. 480V - found in heavy industrial environments Common LED Driver Configurations For this discussion, lets limit ourselves to larger fixtures and retrofits. I will not include A19s, PARs, BR's and Candelabra bulbs in this conversation. The standard driver we include with almost all our LED products is a 100-277V Constant Current Driver. What this driver does is it allows to be hooked up to any source between 100 and 277V and adapt and self switch to the input voltage. Other drivers on the market include Constant Voltage models, but with those, you have to match perfectly the input voltage. We do not carry those. A step up from this driver is the high voltage drivers that can handle between 277V and 480V. It is also a Constant Current Driver and self switches. These drivers are a bit more expensive than the 100-277V models, so there is typically a small fee to upgrade to this driver. This is also the driver you would consider to use if you are in Canada and need 347V. These drivers are CSA (cUL or cETL equivalent), so they are qualified for safe operation in Canada. So what happens if you have a LED fixture that you really like, but it has a 100-277V driver and a 277V-480V options is not available. Maybe you like they style of a particular High Bay Fixture but it does not have a high voltage driver option? Well, you can always use a step-down transformer. These relatively small and safe add-ons install before the driver, so input wires accept the incoming power and voltage and step it down to the voltage of the driver. Putting it all together Understanding your current voltages is important to selecting the proper solution for your application. Ordering the wrong driver will save you time and money and ensure a fast and successful conversion and installation of LED. Get notified when there are more tips and information! Register for our Newsletter.
US Gross Domestic Product • United States Gross Domestic Product Indicator Date Change Debt to GDP 88.3 Jan 2013 +3.52 % Gross Domestic Product 16,287.7 Q1 2015 -0.04 % Gross Domestic Product (Change) -0.2 Q1 2015 Gross Domestic Product (GDP) is the total value of all goods and services produced within the borders of a particular country for a given time period (usually one year). Volunteer work or work performed "under the table" or in exchange for other goods or services is not included, so the GDP results can be under-representative of the true size of an economy. Generally speaking, an increase in GDP in the current year when compared to the previous year is seen as a positive indicator of greater employment and higher incomes.
Can a free market help clear the air? World Bank buys pollution rights from tiny Indian village for $645 NEW DELHI — Late last year, officials at the World Bank decided it was time to practice what they had been preaching about reducing carbon emissions. Well, sort of. Some environmentally-friendly types at the international finance agency calculated the bank spewed 147 tons of carbon into the atmosphere when it flew in attendees for a conference in Washington in October 2003. Looking to set a cheap and practical example on the worldwide issue of carbon emissions, the Washington, D.C.-based organization went halfway around the world to a tiny village located in the remote jungles of southern India. In the ironically named village of Powerguda, the villagers had recently begun to collect and sell to a local mill the seeds of a native tree called the Pongamia pinnata. The seeds produce a natural oil that can be used as an alternative to diesel fuel. And unlike diesel and other fossil fuels, pongamia oil produces little carbon emissions when burned. By providing the raw material for an alternative to relatively dirty diesel, Powerguda was effectively reducing the overall carbon load in the atmosphere—at least in the eyes of the World Bank. And it was this theoretical tiny reduction in worldwide carbon emissions that the Bank decided to buy to offset the carbon emissions resulting from its conference. The price tag to the World Bank: $645. For that the bank got the village's entire potential carbon emission savings for the next 10 years. The World Bank and others believe the Powerguda deal—while tiny and relatively insignificant—could help provide a new blueprint for governments and businesses trying to comply with the spirit of the Kyoto Protocol, the controversial manifesto meant to address greenhouse gas emissions on a worldwide basis. The treaty goes into effect early next year, after being approved this month by Russia. The production and burning of fossil fuels are by far the leading manmade contributor to greenhouse gas emissions worldwide, emissions that are widely believed to be the primary cause of global warming. For example, an environmental group recently estimated that ExxonMobil Corp. and the products it makes have been responsible for roughly five percent of the world's manmade carbon dioxide emissions since 1882. Just how effective the Kyoto treaty will be in reducing greenhouse gas emissions is highly uncertain, however. The United States produced nearly 40 percent of such emissions in 1990, the year participants have agreed to use to measure emission reductions. After an earlier nonbinding defeat in the Senate, it withdrew completely from the treaty in 2001 soon after the Bush Administration took office. The Kyoto Protocol aside, however, the Powerguda deal also is one of the more unusual examples of a rapidly developing, nearly unregulated worldwide market for carbon emissions -- a market which some experts say is already nearing $500 million worldwide. The idea, which is called people-to-people carbon trading, is a fairly simple one. Businesses that spew carbon into the atmosphere, such as electric utilities, can offset part of their emissions by buying carbon credits from places such as Powerguda, which produce little or no such emissions. The theory is that the free market can be used to help hold such emissions steady on a global scale. The World Bank has been one of the most proactive proponents of a global carbon emission market, despite the organization's multi-billion dollar portfolio of fossil energy projects scattered worldwide. In the last few years, it has set up several carbon emission finance funds to facilitate carbon trading, including the Prototype Carbon Fund, the Biocarbon Fund, and the Community Development Carbon Fund. Dr. Emmanuel D'Silva, a former Bank staffer, came up with the idea that the Bank establish a template by buying carbon reductions through the Powerguda deal and similar transactions. Specifically, the bank paid the accidental Good Samaritans of Powerguda $645 for the 51 tons of pongamia oil (equivalent to 147 tons of carbon dioxide emissions) that the village is expected to help produce over the next ten years. Normally, for carbon reductions to be traded on the market, they have to be approved, validated, verified and certified by a third party endorsed by the United Nation's Clean Development Mechanism Executive Board. But such transactions can be very expensive, costing anywhere from between $50,000-$200,000, according to D'Silva. In the World Bank/Powerguda case, however, the carbon reductions were verified by a German carbon emissions dealer called 500ppm. Incorporated in 2001, the 12-person company earlier ran a program for World Bank employees to calculate and offset their individual emissions. Company general manager Ingo Puhl, himself formerly with the World Bank, compared it to "a health club," with anywhere from $3 to $12 in pay check deductions offsetting an individual's calculated carbon output. The money was then used to seed other emission reduction and development projects like the one in Powerguda. The company has posted on its Web site a portfolio of carbon reduction projects, mostly in developing countries, that individuals and companies can invest in to offset their carbon emissions. Its name, short for parts per million, represents the target level for emissions in the atmosphere needed to minimize the level of climate change. In the case of Powerguda, the reductions were not required to be certified, as they were one-time sales. In other words, they cannot be traded further in the international market. 500ppm received a commission of $120 for the transaction, according to World Bank staffer Nalin Kishor who was involved in the deal. As there are no international rules yet governing the trading emissions market, the price of carbon was arbitrarily fixed by the parties involved in the transaction at less than $5.00 per ton of carbon dioxide equivalent. For the Powerguda villagers, the $645 was a welcome bonus in addition to what they had been making by selling pongamia seeds to a state-owned oil mill. The villagers agreed to invest the "carbon" money in a pongamia nursery, even though the village cannot sell its carbon rights again. However, with more than enough oil to meet its own minimal power needs, the villagers are able to sell the surplus oil as a diesel-fuel additive to local bus fleets. The blended fuel provides a reduction in carbon emissions with only a small loss of energy at a competitive price. Powerguda isn't the only remote village in that part of India to sell off its carbon reductions. In April 2003, Chalpadi, another tribal village in the Adilabad district, sold 900 tons of carbon reductions for $4,164 spread over ten years to 500 ppm. In 2001, the village had installed a community power generator, which runs on pongamia oil and produces electricity to light up local homes. Some other villages have followed suit. In February this year, 42 individuals from four countries (Australia, Britain, India, and the United States) pooled $740 to buy the equivalent of 174 tons of carbon dioxide credits from Kommuguda village, also located in the Adilabad district. This was the first such individually supported offset experiment in India, D'Silva said in a communication to GoodNewsIndia. "The idea for the experiment came from the inquiries of a number of individuals who were fed up with the lack of interest shown in global warming by several governments and wanted to know what they could do to help as individuals," said D'Silva, who brokered the deal. "Offsetting carbon emissions from private vehicles was a good way to encourage individuals to take responsibility for their own actions," he added. Indeed, inspired by the Powerguda example, five more villages have jumped on the carbon bandwagon, according to D'Silva. As for the World Bank, it was, at least on the face of it, a classic demonstration of how to kill two birds with one stone. For $645, the Bank managed to set an example on people-to-people carbon trading while gaining some cover for one of its contributions to the problem of global warming. Many developed nations appear to want to meet a large chunk of their Kyoto targets through what are called flexibility mechanisms, a set of options that allows them to balance their carbon ledgers through some sort of emissions trading market. It's likely they would seek out the cheapest options, even if they might be less effective or ethical. But just when the rules of this tricky and complicated game were beginning to be framed, the United States, the biggest artificial emitter of carbon, decided to pull out of the Kyoto Protocol. Even so, other developed countries—together with international financial institutions such as the World Bank—have been busy forging a global emissions trading market within the framework of the Kyoto Protocol. And despite the Bush Administration's decision to abandon the Kyoto Treaty, the U.S. already has a carbon emissions trading regime called the Chicago Climate Exchange. The European Union is expected to begin trading emissions early next year. Carbon emissions trading firms like 500 ppm and CO2e, part of Wall Street powerhouse the Cantor Fitzgerald Group, appear to be profiting handsomely by brokering deals such as the one between the World Bank and Powerguda. The sales pitch—you can continue to emit carbon so long as you are willing to invest in poor people's livelihoods that reduce carbon emissions. Notably, in one of the projects located in Brazil, 500ppm offers individuals and companies the opportunity to invest in the purchase and sustainable maintenance of a nature reserve. In all, the project is projected to produce 56,895 tons of carbon dioxide emission reductions per year, according to the company's promotional materials, which also claim that those reductions will be independently verified. Critics, however, worry that such carbon-offset deals might lead to less plant diversity and endanger the food security for poor people, as is already beginning to happen in the Adilabad district, where, D'Silva admits, village after village is setting up pongamia plantations. As of now, person-to-person carbon emission deals are not debited from a country's total carbon account, like the more expensive deals sanctioned by the U.N. So why should organizations, companies or individuals bother if the whole exercise is primarily symbolic? Two reasons appear likely. For a sensitive individual suffering pangs of guilt about not being able to give up a luxurious lifestyle, it serves as a fairly cheap and public salve for the conscience. For an organization or company, it is an effective and practically cost-free advertisement for its image as a socially responsible entity. Care about freedom of the press? Support independent investigative journalism. Donate now Donate now
Gum Disease Prevention With Raisins Gum Disease Prevention With Raisins For those of us with a sweet tooth, there is good news on the dental front. Despite the fact that raisins are sweet and sticky, scientists at the University of Illinois in Chicago have found them to contain compounds that prevent tooth decay and gingivitis. There are a number of constituents in raisins that address the problem of plaque-causing bacteria in the mouth. Some, like oleanolic acid are very good at killing these bacteria. Oleanolic acid, oleanolic aldehyde, and 5-(hydroxy methyl)-2-furfural also reduce the ability of these bacteria to grow. In particular, they work against Streptococcus mutans, and Porphyromonas gingivalis. Oleanolic acid is also effective at preventing the bacteria Streptococcus mutans from sticking to the surface of the tooth, The bacteria need to stick to the teeth to form plaque, after which they start eroding the tooth enamel. Sucrose, not the fructose and glucose that raisins have in them, are what creates the environment for tooth decay. Cranberries have also been found to prevent bacteria (specifically Streptococcus mutans) from sticking to teeth, and causing gum disease and tooth decay. There are now dental floss products and toothpastes in the US that contain cranberry extract. And the British Dental Health Foundation is recommending cranberry extracts and juice to prevent tooth decay and associated problems. But because of cranberry juice’s acidity, they recommend only taking it at mealtimes. Acidic food and drinks temporarily soften the enamel on teeth. Symptoms of gum disease include red and swollen gums that bleed easily, tooth sensitivity, spaces developing between teeth, pus between teeth, chronic bad breath, pain in the mouth, and changes to the bite of teeth. Plaque is the main cause of gum disease, though other factors can speed up the process of gum degradation. These include smoking, a genetic predisposition, pregnancy, puberty, stress, poor diet (and yo-yo dieting wouldn’t help), medications like anti-depressants, and oral contraceptives, grinding teeth at night, diabetes, and some other systemic diseases. Pulling Your Own Teeth Pulling Your Own Teeth Even though it may sound very odd and downright compelling, a lot of people actually try to extract their own teeth. Toothache pain can be very painful and very frustrating, making you try anything to get relief. Depending on how bad the pain is, you’ll be more than willing to do just about anything you can to get the pain to stop. Abscesses or really bad cavities are among the worst, as the pain never seems to let up – no matter what you do. In the old days, teeth were extracted by pliers, as there were no dentists around. During these times, people would get drunk on alcohol and then the teeth would be extracted. There was no such thing as anaesthesia back then, so it was impossible to locally numb the pain. These days though, local anaesthesia is the best way to numb a toothache before pulling the tooth. If you attempt to pull a tooth yourself, you’ll feel the pain no matter what you do. There are situations however, in which you can pull your own teeth. Baby teeth for example, are acceptable to pull. Before you yank it out though, you should check on the age of when the tooth in question should be removed. If you wiggle the tooth around and it appears to be loose, then chances are it will come out without a problem. On the other hand, if you pull the tooth and it turns out to be an abscess, you’ll end up with a real problem and your hands and you’ll need to visit a dentist as soon as you can. Another situation in which it is acceptable to pull your own teeth is when you have a severe case of gum disease. Gum disease can cause the socket and the bone to become extremely decayed, which will result in the destruction of the tooth. If the gum disease is severe enough, the tooth will be extremely loose and will come out without a problem. In some cases, the tooth can be almost unbearable to the touch. If you have gum disease and notice a loose tooth, you should be careful when pulling it. If you don’t do it properly or if you do it too soon, you could end up breaking the top of the tooth. If this happens, you’ll need to go to the dentist to have the remaining portion of the tooth cut out. Even though a tooth may feel loose when you touch it, doesn’t always mean that you can grab a pair of pliers and rip it out. Teeth are very delicate. If you try to rip a tooth out with pair of pliers and make a mistake, you should end up doing more harm than good. Putting pliers in your mouth can also lead to an infection, which would send you to the dentist. Abscesses on the other hand, should never be dealt with on your own – you’ll need to go to a dentist to have him properly extract the tooth and give you some antibiotics to stop the infection. To be on the safe side and avoid any potential problems that could easily arise, you should always go to the dentist if you have a toothache. No matter how bad the pain may be, you should never attempt to pull the tooth yourself. Your dentist can numb the area before he pulls the tooth, so you’ll feel no pain at all. He will also prescribe you some pain medicine and antibiotics as well, to help treat any infection you may have. If you attempt to pull the tooth yourself, you’ll only cause more problems in the end – and end up going to a dentist anyway. Nutritional Cure for Gum Disease Nutritional Cure for Gum Disease Periodontal disease or popularly known as gum disease affects one in every three individual who are over 30 years of age in the United States. Gum disease in the inflammation of the gums by which could lead to tooth loss or even heart disease. The most common symptom of gum disease is the bleeding or pain of the gums. However some periodontal disease does not inhibit pain making the individual unaware that he or she already has gum disease. As a matter of fact, gum disease is responsible for more tooth loss to individuals who are over 30 than dental cavities. However, nutritional cure for gum disease may be possible. Eating foods rich in vitamin C can help relieve gum disease because vitamin C is an antioxidant. Also, vitamin C can lower the risk of developing severe gingivitis. It is well known among dental professionals that vitamin C and gum disease are related. Vitamin C is needed to repair the connective fibers and it also hastens the regeneration of the damaged bone. Another nutritional cure for gum disease is vitamin D. vitamin D has some anti-inflammatory properties that helps soothes the inflamed gums. Also, recent studies show that high vitamin D level in the blood can lessen the bleeding of the gums. Sun exposure is one of the most abundant sources of vitamin D. Experts recommend a total of 10 to 15 minutes of exposure done twice weekly can meet the recommended amount of vitamin D. Folic acid is also a nutritional cure for gum disease. Folic acid when taken in a form of a capsule can be very effective. Rinsing the mouth with a folic acid solution can also reduce the bleeding and inflammation of the gums. On the other hand, folic acid in capsule form has no effect on pregnant women who have gum disease. Only the mouthwash solution is effective on pregnant women. Some doctors recommend calcium as a nutritional cure for gum disease. A 500 milligram intake of calcium twice a day in a span of six months can reduce the symptoms of gum disease. Although calcium can reduce the bleeding of the gums and tooth loss, it has little effect on most cases. Cranberry juice is a good nutritional cure for gum disease. Cranberries helps fight gum disease by preventing bacteria from sticking on the teeth. A recommended four ounces of cranberry juice a day is sufficient enough to prevent gum disease. Experts recommend that you consult your doctor for proper nutritional cure for gum disease to prevent any complication on the gum disease. Follow the doctor’s advice and visit your dentist regularly to monitor the progress of the gum problem. Remember, gum disease may and can lead to heart problems. Take good care of your gums to have a healthy heart. Crowing About Toothache Crowing About Toothache When you take care of the natural teeth in your mouth, there will be no toothache to crow about. Toothache refers to the pain caused by tooth or jaw problems such as dental cavity, a cracked tooth, an exposed tooth root, gum disease, disease of the jaw joint, or muscle spasms when chewing. The severity of a toothache can range from mild to chronic excruciating pain. The pain may be aggravated by chewing, cold, or hot temperature of food or liquids taken through the mouth. Dental x-rays can help determine the cause whether the toothache is coming from a tooth or jaw problem. It is possibility that a toothache may be caused by a problem not originating from a tooth or the jaw. Pain around the teeth and the jaws can be symptoms of diseases of the heart such as angina or heart attack, ear infections, and even a sinus infection. The pain of angina is usually located in the chest or the arm. However, in some patients with angina, a toothache or jaw pain are the only symptoms of their heart problem. Since infections and diseases of the ears and sinuses can also cause pain around the teeth and jaws, evaluations by both dentists and doctors become necessary to diagnose medical illnesses causing “toothache.” Dental cavity is the most common cause of toothache. Dental cavities are holes in the two outer layers of a tooth called the enamel and the dentin. These layers serve to protect the inner lining of the tooth tissue called the pulp, where blood vessels and nerves reside. Bacterial infections in the mouth convert simple sugars into acid which softens and dissolves the enamel and dentin, thus, creating cavities. Small shallow cavities usually do not cause pain and may be unnoticed by the patient. It is the larger deeper cavity that becomes irritated by bacterial toxins when food debris collect causing toothache. Foods that are cold, hot, sour, or sweet can also cause pain. Dental filling is usually the treatment for small and shallow cavities, while larger cavity involves an on-lay or crown. For cavities that have penetrated and injured the pulp, treatment requires either a root canal procedure or extraction of the affected tooth. Pulp injury can lead to the death of pulp tissue, resulting in tooth infection or dental abscess. The root canal procedure involves removing the dying pulp tissue and replacing it with an inert material to save the dying tooth from extraction. Gum disease or gingivitis is considered to be the second most common cause of toothache characterized by the inflammation of the soft tissue and abnormal loss of bone that surrounds the teeth and holds them in place. This condition is caused by toxins secreted by bacteria in “plaque” that accumulate over time along the gum line. Gum bleeding without pain is an early symptom of this disease while pain is of more advanced gum disease symptom as the loss of bone around the teeth leads to the formation of gum pockets. Advanced gum disease can cause loss of otherwise healthy teeth. Early gum disease is treatment involves oral hygiene and removal of bacterial plaque. Thorough cleaning of the teeth and teeth roots called “root planing” and “subgingival curettage.” Root planing is the removal of plaque and tartar from exposed teeth roots while subgingival curettage refers to the removal of the surface of the inflamed layer of gum tissue. Both of these procedures are usually performed under local anesthesia and may be accompanied by the use of oral antibiotics to overcome gum infection or abscess. Follow-up treatment may include various types of gum surgeries. In advanced gum disease with significant bone destruction and loosening of teeth, teeth splinting or teeth extractions may be necessary.
Spread the love When science was made boring by textbooks and was something to be laboriously studied, Stephen Hawking swept in with his book. It was “A Brief History Of Time”, borrowed from the school library and spent a week hunching over, that made me and many kids like me curious and interested about science. The British scientist, who was famed for his work with black holes and relativity, was diagnosed with motor neurone disease in 1963 at the age of 21. Yet, that did not stop him from becoming one of the greatest minds in cosmology. Hawking conceptualised the Big Bang theory: the idea that the universe began as a tiny speck that subsequently expanded. Nowadays this is widely accepted, but at the time it was still up for debate. One of his major discoveries came in 1970, when he, along with Roger Penrose, showcased the existence of a singularity through the application of mathematics. Singularity, a region of infinite curvature in spacetime, lay in the centre of a black hole and was said to be the point from which came the big bang. In 1974 Hawking drew on quantum theory to declare that black holes leak energy and fade to nothing, a phenomenon that later became known as the Hawking radiation. For his discoveries, at the young age of 32, he was elected to the Royal Society. Five years later, he became the Lucasian professor of mathematics at Cambridge, one of Britain’s most distinguished chair, previously held by the likes of Sir Isaac Newton, Charles Babbage and Paul Dirac, one of the founding fathers of quantum mechanics. However, like any human, he too had his vices. American physicist Leonard Susskind had disagreed to Hawking’s remarks in a 1981 speech in San Francisco about the paradox of vanishing information in black-hole physics. Even though Susskind’s argument was more convincing, Hawking didn’t concede until 2004. Similarly, Hawkings was proved wrong again by the discovery of the Higgs-Boson particle, which he had firmly bet against being ever found. While we all must celebrate his achievements in the field of physics, we cannot deny that he was a man of political conscience as well. He has been vocal about his support to the Labour Party. His opinion pieces and articles were frequently published in the Guardian, that spread over issues like Brexit, the Syrian war, Trump’s electoral win. Hawking’s public image was a result of not just his discoveries but also his personality. It was his witty remarks at public speeches, his wheelchair-bound image taking humorous jibes and his ability to grasp his audience’s attention with his storytelling that catapulted him into what he became. He became a part of popular culture, appearing on Star Trek: The Next Generation. He also lent his voice for a Pink Floyd song and guest-starred on The Simpsons and The Big Bang Theory, where he frequently bantered with lead character Sheldon Cooper. The intricacies of his mind and it’s functioning, his battle with ALS that no one thought he could brave for so long, his tumultuous personal life; he is an amalgamation of them all. The theoretical physicist had his life bared out infront of the world, yet he remains an enigma. People like Hawking are born once in a while, hence, his death has struck me and many of us hard. The only thing we can find solace is in one of his quotes “I believe the simplest explanation is, there is no God. No one created the universe and no one directs our fate. This leads me to a profound realisation that there probably is no heaven and no afterlife either. We have this one life to appreciate the grand design of the universe and for that, I am extremely grateful.” Spread the love
Ang Republika Federal sg Kabisay-an (The Federal Republic of the Visayas) Historical Facts obviously omitted or deliberately hidden in our School History Books (Source: History Reborn"The Federal Republic of the Visayas" -by: dinggol a.divinagraciaJune 12, 2007) That Spain had already formally surrendered to the Federal Republic of the Visayas even before Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo was proclaimed Philippine President in Malolos, Bulacan on January 23, 1899. That our Independent Visayan Republic, had never been under the authority and jurisdiction of Aguinaldo's "Katagalogan" Republic in Luzon. excerpted: "...A paper written by Jose Manuel Velmonte, a research associate at the UP Third World Studies Center, found that the Visayan revolutionary elites not only had sophisticated political ideas but also resented attempts by Malolos to assert its authority. A Tagalog military expedition sent by Malolos to Panay to assert its presence was met with hostility. The Luzon force led by Generals Ananias Diocno and Leandro Fullon was regarded by the Visayan revolutionaries, led by the Visayan supremo, Gen. Martin Delgado, as an ''invasion'' force ..." (Source: Inquirer-1999- 06-13 "View of revolt in provinces spurs revision" By: Amando Doronila) According to Dr. Luis C.Dery, an eminent Filipino Scholar: "Expounding the extent of Aguinaldo's Philippine Army; the Bangsamoro nation's Mindanao, Sulu, and the rest of its islands never fell under Aguinaldo's politico-military control and sovereignty. In fact as late as August 1898 much of northern Luzon, southern Luzon, the Visayas, and Mindanao remained outside of the control of Aguinaldo's Republic. Thus, several military expeditions were sent to these places to bring' them to recognize the First Philippine Republic." That the 1898 Treaty of Paris preliminaries, should not have included territories of the sovereign "Visayan Nation"; the confederation of both the Central and Western Visayas Cantonal Governments by virtue of Spain's formal surrender prior to this U.S. and Spain treaty of peace (Paris) and the $20-million buy-out. Spain had no more legal rights to sell. In legal parlance "nemodat quod non habet” -meaning “you cannot give what is not yours”. This diplomatic "Faux pas" that was supposed to be officially consummated and became legal and internationally binding only on APRIL 11, 1899 should, or rather must be rectified. June 12, 1898 -Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo proclaimed Philippine Independence from Spain in Kawit, Cavite --but never won the war against Spain, as explained in the infamous betrayal --the "Mock Battle of Manila of August 13, 1898". Nov. 6 & Dec. 23, 1898 -Spain formally surrendered to both; the Negros Republic that merged (Dec. 2, 1898) with the Federal Republic of the Visayas based in Iloilo (respectively) excerpted: "...These two nations, from a purely legal point of view, are COMPLETELY LEGITIMATE UNTIL TODAY. This could imply that the Manila-based Tagalista-oriented Unitarian central government of the Philippines in the Visayas and Mindanao is an Occupational Government, that ultimately originated from an invalid Treaty of Paris...." Dr. Jose P. Dacudao; National President -Save Our Languages thru Federalism Foundation (SOLFED), Inc. July 4, 1946 -The United States of America granted Philippine Independence on a silver platter with strings attached. "True Independence could never be just self-proclaimed nor bestowed upon, it has to be won and duly achieved with dignity" -- dinggol araneta divinagracia (Founder: Ilonggo Nation Movement (INM) Global Network ..Dec. 25, 2005) A lover of nature and reform activities by profession; a genealogist and environmentalist by avocation. A Cooperative Movement advocate, history buff and an amateur "newbie" writer) "It is rather speculative as it is without basis of history if we mean of "history" is that which had been written for us by the "tutas" or lackeys of our colonial and imperial masters.." -- Benjie Evicner Estuche (INM Co-Founder) The Cooperative Movement-"It is not the best way, it is the onlyway".. Join the Last Laugh with us! When Christopher Columbus said that the world is round, people asked -What? and then they laughed. When the Wright brothers said they'll fly and soar the skies, people asked -How? and then they laughed. When Jules Verne wrote someday man could travel below the seven seas and shall walk on the moon, people asked - When? and then they laughed. When John the Baptist prophesied the coming of the Messiah, people asked -Who? and then they laughed. When the Ilonggo Nation Movement (INM) Global Network announced its mission and vision, people did not even bother to ask, What? How? When? or Who? --They just laughed and laughed. People are still laughing, ...but the laughter is fading! ang inyo alagad... sa guihapon ...dinggol a. divinagracia~~~ email address: To join! As a start, visit FACEBOOK: Ilonggo Nation Movement website .. (Non-ilonggos who share our advocacy are welcome) "ACTA DE CAPITULACION~1898" (The Formal Surrender Document) Ergo! we won our battle-scarred freedom and legitimate independence and became a sovereign nation. The "First" Republic in the whole of Asia, but was nipped-in-the bud by the ugly Americans. A diplomatic faux pas, a political blunder and a travesty of history! --dinggol.d~~~ Claim Your Birth Right! Estado Federal de Bisayas* Ilonggo Nation Movement (INM) Global Network, precursor of the Ilonggo Nation Global Federation “To appreciate where you are now, you should know where you came from.” Sunday, September 06, 2009 Stop Coal Plants ... Or Else! (Ni Agurang Rebohan - Abril 3, 2008) Here, lies Iloilo, where once a cheerful, charming and creative people lived enjoying its bountiful natural resources. The beauty of iloilo slowly and painfully faded away. The rich blue color of the waters turned black, the fresh air became poisonous, the crops and delightful marine sanctuaries were destroyed, and the once rich agricultural lands lay parched and bare. It was two decades ago, that the City government allowed Panay Power Corporaton - Metro Bank to install the coal fired power plants in Iloilo City. They said that it was "for the betterment and progress of Iloilo" because coal power plants will address electricity shortages, lower the cost of electricity and bring in investment to Iloilo. Investments came but more on the pollutive types with strip mining at the forefront in Guimaras and Northern Iloilo. When the coal power plants started operations, seawater immediately intruded in the aquifiers causing severe water crises in Metro Iloilo. Fishponds made unproductive with ash falls, fish fries became scarce and fish catch suffered when the seawater around the power plants heated up by about 3 degrees Celsius. Acid mists are constantrly felt in the sorrounding communities of the power plants. The cost of electricity never went down, it even shoot up when the price of coal and freight tripled in less than 5 years. Power blackouts are now common because of problems in sourcing supply as Australia and Indonesia drastically cut their coal exports. Seawater rose and much of the City is constantly inundated with dengue and other vector borne diseases claiming thousand of lives evey year. Climate has been unpredictable with heavy rainfall causing flashfloods and landslides and ultra-strong typhoons damaging homes and infrastructures. Health advisories have been issued against eating fish, seashells and other marine products because of high levels of mercury, lead and other heavy metals contamination. Cancer, heart and lung ailments are now widespread with early and unexplained death common to every family in Iloilo. Children are observed with learning disabilities and psychiatric problems rampant. Woe to the generation that allowed the establishment of the coal-fired power plants, why did they allow this monstrosity to happen? Why were their leaders so selfish and uncaring that they sacrificed Iloilo to ruthless growth? Here lies Iloilo, abandoned and forgotten. A once proud and noble people but their leaders have forsaken them. Hi! Melvin, due to senior intellectual interlude I must have inadvertently over-looked posting this item of April last year while in Iloilo. My apologies! --- agurang dinggol.d~~~ No comments:
Filters: Your search found 5 results. Instructional Strategies: Resource Type: Instructor guide/manual Educational Level: High school Sort by: Per page: Now showing results 1-5 of 5 This is a math-science integrated unit about spectrographs. Learners will find and calculate the angle that light is transmitted through a holographic diffraction grating using trigonometry. After finding this angle, the students will build their... (View More) Audience: High school This is a lesson about using the light from the star during an occultation event to identify the atmosphere of a planet. Learners will add and subtract light curves (presented as a series of geometrical shapes) to understand how this could occur.... (View More) This is an activity about detecting elements by using light. Learners will develop and apply methods to identify and interpret patterns to the identification of fingerprints. They look at fingerprints of their classmates, snowflakes, and finally... (View More) In this lesson, students measure the size of several galaxies to reproduce a plot of Hubble's Law. The goal of this lesson is to give students the chance to simulate the process that led to the notion that the universe is expanding, provide insight... (View More) Keywords: Data graphing This is a design challenge about heat transfer and insulation. Learners will apply the scientific method to design and build a container that will keep items cool when placed in boiling water. They will practice collaboration in team-building and in... (View More) Audience: High school Materials Cost: Over $20 per group of students
Radioactive dating is fun Inland empire free trail phonr chat Rated 3.84/5 based on 598 customer reviews This time varies from few-millionths of a second to millions of years for different radioactive isotopes. This is why it is such a big concern when a nuclear submarine sinks... (By the way, you are mostly Carbon-12, which is not radioactive. It is used for human and animal bone and other organic material. Specific changes in its amino acid structure (racemization or epimerization) which occur at a slow, relatively uniform rate, are measured after the organism's death. radioactive dating is fun-24 radioactive dating is fun-22 When it comes to dating archaeological samples, several timescale problems arise. Yes, radioactive isotopes present in rocks and other ancient material decay atom by atom at a steady rate, much as clocks tick time away. Anthropologists, archeologists, and paleontologists also use radioactive isotopes to date mummies, pottery, and dinosaur fossils. It is no more complicated than playing a dice game! Roll the Dice & Use Radiometric Dating to Find Out. It comes from cosmic rays that rain down on the earth (and us) from outer space. Geologists use those radioactive isotopes to date volcanic ash or granite formations like the giant Half Dome in Yosemite National Park. Leave a Reply
Sample thesis statement for compare/contrast paper: While both Facebook and MySpace allow you to meet other users who have similar interests, only MySpace allows you to demonstrate your personal style. This essay will discuss a few of the most important differences between high school and college. What is the thesis statement of a compare and contrast … 4 – Interpret words and phrases as they are words essay on role of youth in oil conservation used in a text, including determining technical, connotative, and figurative. How to Write a Compare and Contrast Thesis - History Haven There are two main patterns for organizing a comparison/contrast: the subject-by-subject or block plan and the point-by-point or alternating pattern. The example below shows two outlines for a paper comparing and contrasting two banjo pickers. This is the proposed thesis and statement of organization: Jed and Jake are both excellent banjo pickers whose differences reflect their training, choice of material, and playing style. I have chosen two heroes to compare and contrast based on cultural aspect and what they act. This lesson explains what it is to write a compare and contrast essay Many elements in "The Schoolboy" do echo those in "The Echoing Green" and visa versa, but the atmospheres of each poem that are presented are so different that it becomes difficult to see how two such contrasting pieces of work can unite in the same genre.... Compare And Contrast Thesis Statement - Educational Compare and contrast the roles and relationships of the following pairs of characters: George and Lennie (of Mice and Men) and Holmes and Watson (Sherlock Holmes stories). Compare and contrast essay example thesis \| Sales … In the following paper I intend to compare and contrast the three major philosophical viewpoints regarding this question, and come to a conclusion on which I find to be the right answer.... first on the other handin addition butalso howevermost important. another differencein contrast 100 Compare and Contrast Essay Topics – Exciting Ideas … Consider the following compare and contrast thesis statements:1. Rule utilitarianism and Kantian ethics share certain similaritiesand differences. Jacobs In this essay I am going to explain the similarities and differences between 'The withered arm' and 'The monkeys paw'. Compare And Contrast Essay Sample - Educational Writing If you want to write a successful compare/contrast essay, you'll need to avoid writing about really obvious differences and similarities. For example: 4. Use transitional words. Successfully used in comparison/contrast these words link together ideas and points in your paper. The Best Way to Write a Compare and Contrast Essay - … The purpose of your comparison/contrast essay is to show how two subjects (things, people (famous or otherwise), events, ideas, systems, feelings) are similar in some ways yet different in other ways, hence the name, comparison and contrast. It is also to evaluate your subjects (persons, places, things, ideas), assess their relative strengths and weaknesses, and show why one is better or more successful or more popular than another. The comparison/contrast paper gives you a chance to practice developing a persuasive essay by showing why one thing is better than another (yes, your first argument!).
Thursday, January 11, 2007 Anantadevji's Presentation at India Deaf Expo By Shri Anantadevji For many years I have been travelling throughout India to meet thousands of the deaf. Mixing with them has given me a lot of opportunities to understand their life and needs when I have signed to them about God, spiritual values and moral importance. I have seen that many of their hearing elders, superiors and siblings have not known how to educate them and make their life better but instead have negative attitudes/thoughts about the deaf. This is a major hurdle for the deaf’s progress in their life and mind. Thus the deaf are struggling hard to cope with the hearing people though only a small percentage of the deaf are fortunate to get good support from their family or their well-wishers to stand on their feet, and be well-being, well-educated, well-developed or well-earned and to match the hearing in many things. More than two years back I started signing to the deaf adults about proverbs. I found that these proverbs delighted many of them who wished to absorb them to make their life more meaningful. Unlike the hearing, the deaf have not known about these proverbs since their childhood because they have no power of hearing to hear about them though they can have chance to read about them. What is proverb? Proverb means a saying, usually short, that expresses a general truth about life. Proverbs give advice, make an observation, instills moral values or presents a teaching in a succinct and memorable way. I would like to expand four following proverbs with examples and illustrations. 1) Dependence on another is perpetual disappointment In India many deaf persons depend heavily on others like relatives and friends. The latter sometimes thinks that they are a great burden to them. The deaf should learn how to stand on their own feet. Since they are endowed with intelligence by God, they should use it to be advanced socially, educationally or economically and dependence will not be of disappointment to them both. 2) Learning is a treasure no thief can touch Learning is really a valuable treasure. It can give you lasting happiness and peace. What is learning? It is knowledge which you acquire from reading, listening and studying. When you have learning, no one cannot take it away from you. 3) To loan is to buy troubles This proverb proves to be true for many deaf persons who have bitter experience of loaning to their friends. Not only them but also many hearing persons. When your friend fails to repay you the loan, you may keep bothering your friend to repay the loan and this lead to your friend’s thinking that you give them troubles. But when you need money badly, you may ask someone to lend it to you. However you must repay the loan in time. So you may not buy troubles. 4) United we stand, divided we fall The deaf in India must realize the importance of this proverb. It can strengthen their efforts to make the hearing people to recognize their abilities as being beneficial to the society when the deaf are capable to unite strongly. They should sink their petty differences, instead of finding fault with one another, to avoid falling down into deep divisions. We can see that many deaf persons are hopeless and jobless because other deaf persons fail to unite and support them. We, the deaf persons, should try to analyse our problems to unite and interact well with one another. The hearing should set aside their negative image of us and . `Union is Strength’ should be one of the mottos of this Expo and other groups like clubs, associations and institutions. No comments:
Tuesday, February 24, 2015 Standard Toy Soldier Poses: The Grenade Guy A staple of modern soldiers from World War I to the present is the grenade thrower. Most sets of Army men have one. Usually, he is poised to throw. The arm holding the grenade is cocked back; his free arm points forward toward the target. American and British, throw a grenade that is shaped like an egg or a ball. Russian and German soldiers are generally depicted with a stick grenade that looks like a potato masher. The Japanese can be armed with either. The original grenades were clay pots filled with gunpowder and odd fragments of stone, bone, metal, etc. They had a fuse that would be lit, and then the bomb was thrown off the castle wall at besiegers. A smaller, throwable version was developed that used a hollow clay or iron ball. It was filled with gunpowder. A fuse protruded from the top. A man would have to light it and throw it very far at the enemy. Special troops were trained to throw grenades in the late 1600s and early 1700s. Called grenadiers, their task was to hurl grenades at enemy troops. The largest, strongest men were selected for the job. The problem was that grenades were unpredictable and there were accidents. if a grenadier were shot while getting ready to throw, he might drop it. The result would be bad for fellow grenadiers alongside him. Thus the grenadier title came to denote elite troops and the grenade itself was relegated to defensive works. By the 20th Century, a more reliable fuse was available. Grenades were used for clearing trenches. Two methods of projecting grenades were available. Hand grenades were made to be thrown. Rifle grenades were launched, using a rifle as the launcher. The common type of grenades were fragmentation and concussion. Egg-shaped grenades were made to break into shards as they exploded. Stick grenades relied on concussive force rather than fragmentation. There was no special grenade thrower in armies of the 20th and 21st Centuries. Grenades were issued to all infantrymen. The egg-shaped ones could be put in pockets or clipped to one’s field gear. Stick grenades could be tucked into a belt or boot. Every man usually had them. The grenade was taught in basic training by the US Army. Among things taught were how to throw it into a bunker and through a window. Also, how to go from prone position to throwing on one knee. There was more, of course. The way we were taught to throw was like throwing a football. This is different from French and British methods. One amusing thing about grenade thowers is a figure from a British company. It is supposed to represent an American soldier. However, his pose is more like that of a fellow pitching cricket, the English equivalent of baseball. Here is a link showing the grenade throwing used by various armies: http://www.thortrains.com/getright/drillgrenade1.html No comments: Post a Comment
繁體簡體 English Passive management Passive management refers to the investment of assets in order to mimic an externally defined pattern. That is , the purchase and sale decisions are based upon decisions made by others such as index creators like S&P. Penny stocks Penny stocks are highly volatile, low priced, thinly traded securities. They are usually highly speculative investments and rarely fit into institutional portfolios. Percentile is a statistical term, It refers to the breaking apart of a distribution of the result into one hundred equal parts or groups of observations. Each part is referred to as a percentile. Pooled income fund A trust created by a charitable organization that combines the contributions of several donors and distributes income to those donor based on the earnings of the trust. The trust is managed by the charitable organization, and contributions are partially deductible for income tax purposes. All the investments held by an individual or mutual fund. Preferred stock Preferred stock is a senior security that pays a regular predetermined rate of interest before the common stock pays a dividend. Preferred stock is in effect a hybrid between common stock and a bond that never matures. Preferred stockholders may or may not have voting rights. Prepayment risk Prepayment risk is a risk associated with mortgage pass through bonds arising when individual homeowners refinance their mortgages in order to take advantage of lower interest rates. The holders of these bonds receive the principle immediately and find that they no longer can earn the relatively high interest rate that they expected when the bought the bonds. Price to book ratio Price to book is a measure of the value of the company in an accounting sense relative to the price of the stock. It is simply the division of the price of the stock divided by the book value per share shown on the accounting point of view represents the value of the physical assets adjusted for the depreciation less the debts owned against those assets. Price/earnings ratio The Price/Earning ratio is one of the common measures of a common stock's value. It indicates how many years it would take for the company to earn an amount of money equal to the firm's current capitalization (excluding growth). Prime rate The prime rate is the rate of interest banks charge their best clients for borrowing money. In a security, the principal is the amount o mount that is invested, excluding earnings. In a debt instrument such as a bond, it is the face amount. The court-supervised process in which a decedent's estate is settled and distributed. Program trading Program trading or computer trading is a formula driven process where different signal cause stock trades to be initiated. Because these trades are all begun at once, program trading generates bursts of activity in the market and can exert great pressure in prices. If several programs "kick in" at the same time stock prices can move very rapidly and an orderly market trading environment may cease to exist. A document provided by mutual fund companies to prospective investors. The prospectus gives information needed by investors to make informed decisions prior to investing in a specific mutual fund. The prospectus includes information on the minimum investment amount, the fund's objectives, past performance, risk level, sales charges, management fees, and any other expense information about the fund, as well as a description of the services provided to investors in the fund. A proxy is a legal limited power of attorney giving a trustee the right to vote a shareholder's interest in a company at the annual board of directors meeting. Proxy battle A proxy battle occurs when two parties with opposing views attempt to gather more votes from stockholders than the other party can gather. Proxy voting Proxy voting is the process of gathering up the proxies of various stock holders and using their rights at the corporate annual meeting. Put option A put option is a contract whereby the purchaser of the contract has a legal right to demand that the issuer (seller) of the contract buy the purchaser's stock in a specified company on a specified date for a predetermined price. Put options are purchased by the investment advisor to limit the risk of declining stock prices. In essence, "insurance" is purchased against potential losses. 登入名稱 : 密碼 : 加密模式 (SSL) 地址 : 香港干諾道中111號永安中心11樓1103-1105室客戶服務熱線 : (852) 3588 5988 傳真 : (852) 3898 1235 電郵地址 : wm.support@ibestfin.com
Tuesday, December 6, 2011 Learning to Shoot in Manual Mode- Lesson 2 (Aperture) Alright it's time to dive into the second aspect of shooting in manual: aperture. What you set your aperture to makes a huge difference in how your photo will look. I almost always determine what my aperture setting is going to be first before deciding any other settings. Once again I am going to keep this as simple as I can so I can give you everything you need to know to shoot in manual mode without overloading you with every technical detail. Basically the aperture is a device in your camera that can be opened wider to let in more light or closed tighter to let in less light. Here's the thing that is a little confusing about aperture: the lower the number, the larger your aperture, which seems counter intuitive, but once you accept that fact it's not so bad. So an aperture setting of f1.4 means your aperture is open very wide (that's almost as wide as you can ever go) where as an aperture setting of f16 means your aperture is closed down pretty narrow. You may have noticed there's always an f in front of the aperture setting. Keep in mind there are tons of choices between the two on my chart above. Here are some rules of thumb I use: If I'm shooting one subject (or two subjects on the same plane) I often shoot wide open around f1.4. (Exceptions to that coming later in this post). If I'm doing a family or group where subjects are going to be in two rows (on different planes) I usually shoot between f4 and f8 and I always focus on the front subject. If I am shooting a large group with three rows or more I'll shoot at at least f12 or f13. It's always a good idea to take a picture and then zoom in and look at everyone's faces at 100% to make sure they are all in focus. If not, increase your aperture setting. This photo is a good demonstration for keeping your subjects on the same plane. I was shooting wide open here at f1.4. My boys were actually sitting right next to each other so they were on the same plane when I was standing directly in front of them, but then two things happened. First I moved to the side and you notice my oldest son became much closer to the camera than my younger. He also leaned forward at the moment which made it even worse. You can notice I was focused on my youngest son and that worked fine until I moved, putting them on different planes and also my son lunged forward, putting himself even closer to the camera. Now you could close down your aperture a little more to compensate for this, but in this case, I was shooting in low light (a hotel room) so I needed the extra light of the wide open aperture. In that case I just needed to stay directly in front of them to keep them on the same plane and thus in focus. How do you choose an aperture setting? Your first question should be, am I shooting in low light? If the answer is yes, then some of your creative freedom is going to be taken from you as you may be forced to open your aperture up to get enough light, as I did with the photo above. When I'm shooting in low light I usually open my aperture all the way up. If you have enough light (you are outside, right by a large window, have really really good lighting in your house, or have studio lighting) you have the freedom to choose your aperture based on what you would like your depth of field to be. (again, shallow depth of field that comes from wide open aperture = blurry background) Wide open aperture of f1.4 = shallow depth of field/blurry background Small aperture opening of f16 = deep depth of field/everything in the photo is in focus (the subject is still more in focus than the background but for the most part it looks in focus). As I mentioned earlier I often like shooting with my aperture wide open. But there are exceptions to that and that's because there is one other thing besides aperture setting, that effects depth of field. Don't worry, it's nothing too complicated. Basically, the closer you are to your subject, the shallower your depth of field will be. Both of these images were taken with an aperture setting of f1.4, I just moved farther away from the cake pops in the second photo. Notice how much more in focus the back cake pops are when I moved back a bit? In the first photo the depth of field is so shallow only one cake pop is in focus and the rest are pretty blurry. The lens that came with your camera body probably only lets you open your aperture as wide as around 3.5. Lenses that open really wide (letting you get creamy blurred out background as well as shoot in low light situations) cost a pretty penny, but can be worth it if you're serious about wanting to be able to shoot indoors without using that dreaded flash. One of my favorite lenses is a Nikon 85 mm f1.4 (the aperture opens all the way up to 1.4). Another, much less expensive, favorite is a Tamron 28-75mm f2.8 (the aperture opens up to 2.8). Note that if a lens gives a range for it's aperture (for example a 18-105 mm f3.5-5.6) that means as you zoom in your aperture will not be able to open as wide. It can open to 3.5 at 18mm, but only to 5.6 at 105mm. You guessed it, go to youtube and search for "how to change the aperture setting on (insert your camera model here)" Watch the video and practice changing the aperture up down and all around. While you're at it, go back and refresh your memory on changing your ISO too. Okay so you may have noticed that aperture is a bit more complicated than ISO. If you have any questions leave them here in the comments and I'll do a follow up Q&A post before I jump into shutter speed. If it's making sense to you then go celebrate because aperture is the most complicated of the three elements to grasp (in my opinion anyways). 1. So, (for light) aperture is like the pupil of an eye - only we can control the setting. I've wondered how this effect is done, and now I know. Thank you! 2. Ok Jill: I've played with my aperture but didn't really get the results I was hoping for. First of all, even though I was in Manual mode my camera wouldn't let me push the limits - I know I'll have to investigate that one.. but I am grasping this!! You ROCK by the way, your tutorials are great and I can understand it!! 3. Thank you ladies, I'm so glad my tutorials are helping. Heather, by that do you mean you weren't able to open your aperture up very wide? If that's the case it is just because your particular lens doesn't open up that far. Read over the part about lenses again for a little more detail. If I'm guessing wrong let me know and I'll see if I can be of any more help! 4. Ok thanks Jill, it's my lens. 5. That makes complete sense!It sounds like a great book. Thanks for sharing. Related Posts with Thumbnails
Welding the inside of the fuel tank of an Ariane 5 Welding the inside of the fuel tank of an Ariane 5 S220/0077 Rights Managed Request low-res file 530 pixels on longest edge, unwatermarked Request/Download high-res file Uncompressed file size: 36.4MB Downloadable file size: 5.4MB Price image Pricing Please login to use the price calculator This image is part of the feature Ariane 5: A Decade Of Success This image is part of the feature The People Of Ariane 5 Caption: Ariane 5 production. Engineers supervising the welding of a fuel tank for an Ariane 5 launcher. The tank is made of 3mm-thick aluminium. The welding device (star-shaped object at centre) rotates inside the tank, allowing a continuous, seamless weld to be made. The integrity of the weld is crucial, as the cryogenic tanks form the load-carrying structure of the first stage of the launcher. The stage contains two tanks, one for liquid hydrogen and the other for liquid oxygen, sharing a common bulkhead. The interior of the liquid hydrogen tank is seen here. Photographed at the Cryospace factory, Les Mureaux, France. Keywords: ariane 5, ariane rocket, esa, european space agency, fuel tank, industry, launcher, manufacture, rocket, rocket fuel tank, space, spaceflight, technology, welding
The Key of Solomon The Key of Solomon Many people have heard of the Key of Solomon, and indeed, Dan Brown’s book The Lost Symbol emphasized some of its mysterious ideas and brought them to the fore of modern culture. The Key of Solomon is ostensibly a text of “revealed” secret information given to King Solomon, son of David (Israel), and written by Solomon, to help others gain deeper knowledge of the mysteries of the universe. The text is now thought to be a 14th or 15th Century Latin “grimoire” of Renaissance “magic” couched in Judeo-Christian terminology and mythos. This symbolic substitution was a common method of many alchemists and “magicians” in an age of the Catholic Inquisition and heresy trials. The majority of manuscripts of The Key of Solomon have overt references to alchemy, kabbalah, and hearken back to what many would see as the ancient mystery schools (e.g. Pythagoras, Orpheus, and Eleusis) of Greece and Rome. Most remaining manuscripts of this Key of Solomon date from the 16th to 18th Centuries, many of which can be found online in PDF form ( or orderable fromSolomon Sheba Amazon or Kessinger’s. You can download an 1888 translation by S.L. MacGregor Mathers here. The Key of Solomon contains neither a key nor Solomon within it; while the book may have some overtones of unlocking “esoteric” information in the forms of diagrams, the key specifically refers to what it unlocks. In other words, the title Key of Solomon” would translate to the 14th C. alchemist as “that which unlocks what Solomon does/is.” The document was written long after Solomon died, and this might be evidenced in the fact that some of the references do contain links to Jesus. In at least one transition, “Jesus Christ” is mentioned; this is an obvious anachronism to Solomon the King. Why Solomon? Solomon is found across all of the Judeo-Christian-Muslim religious texts in the form of a wise, wealthy, and learned man. He’s noted as being a prophet, astronomer, poet, builder, architect, and businessman. Biblically, he is attributed to building many temples in his life to a variety of deities, not just Yahweh. Again, I believe we have Solomon as a symbol and not as a ruler in Israel. He’s the symbol of the learned man, striving for knowledge of the seen and the unseen. In this quest for knowledge, the human being will find the success that Solomon had found. Whatever historical or factual information may or may not be found about King Solomon, he has become the ideal of the powerful and wealthy monarch that is wise, intelligent, and devoted. It necessarily follows that the “key of Solomon” would be the guide or guides to unlocking the wisdom, knowledge, and riches of all earthly, and thus natural, matters. This latter part appears important. If we understand that these original Key of Solomon texts may have been written by both Islamic alchemists and Judaic kabbalists, we can take the meaning of the title Key of Solomon to be as ascribed above: the key to unlocking super-human abilities, especially the ability to manipulate nature. In the Qu’an, Solomon asked for, and received, from God many of these abilities, such as the ability to speak with birds, control of air (wind) and fire (Djinn), and thus the elements. And to Solomon (We made) the wind (obedient): its early morning (stride) was a month’s (journey), and its evening (stride) was a month’s (journey); and We made a font of molten brass to flow for him; and there were Jinns that worked in front of him, by the leave of his Lord, and if any of them turned aside from Our command, We made him taste of the Penalty of the Blazing Fire.” (34: 12) and “At length, when they came to a (lowly) valley of ants, one of the ants said: “O ye ants, get into your habitations, lest Solomon and his hosts crush you (under foot) without knowing it.” – So he smiled, amused at her speech; and he said: “O my Rabb (Arabic: رَبّ‎‎, Lord)! So order me that I may be grateful for Thy favors, which Thou hast bestowed on me and on my parents, and that I may work the righteousness that will please Thee: and admit me, by Thy Grace, to the ranks of Thy righteous Servants.” (27: 18–19) key_of_solomon_1One might believe that Solomon was the first, or at least the most famous, alchemist, no? Perhaps. Several versions, transitions of the manuscripts of various Keys of Solomon, were picked up by the occult movement of the late 19th and early 20th Century, when many of the most recent versions were translated and/or compiled. Waite wrote two editions of his book The Book of Ceremonial Magic (formerly The Book of Black Magic and Pacts) in 1913, both of which draw heavily on these several Key of Solomon manuscripts. While not a direct correlation, it seems as if the Key of Solomon received a “black magic” reputation from this association, and perhaps fueled some of the aggression toward Freemasonry. One only needs to do a Google search on “Key of Solomon Freemasonry” to see various works on the black, and backwards, associations. Why would this be? The Key of Solomon is typically associated with the Holy Royal Arch degree, as evidenced by its jewel. A lovey description and write up of the jewel can be found here. For anyone who has seen the jewel, its likeness to any of the seals or glyphs contained in the book Key of Solomon is similar. While it may be a more modern, stylized version of the one of these glyphs, it’s clear that the idea represented is an unlocking of “wisdom” for those who have “ears to hear.” The idea of anything dark associated with this degree is rubbish; and yet, for the same reasons our medieval ancestors hid the knowledge of alchemy within a Judeo-Christian mythic book, perhaps Freemasons, in developing this degree, felt the same way. Thecompanion-jewel-r-a legends and teachings within Freemasonry have been housed in the same myths of Judeo-Christian-Islamic literature, and it’s no surprise that this figure of Solomon would connect to the conscious and unconscious psyche of the majority of the Western world. Freemasonry is a Western invention. Additionally, there is a fascination in these tenuous connections from ancient to more modern authors; reading original texts, one hopes to unlock a different way of approaching the problems of life and death, and thus perhaps gain some “secret” knowledge. Like all things esoteric (and Freemasonic), the key to unlocking the secrets lies within the seeker, not in some random jewel on the breast of someone who has taken a degree. As with alchemy, kabbalah, and any mystery school, the seeker must work his mind to gain the insight. These texts, symbols, and mysteries appeals to our sense of power, to the secret knowledge that perhaps we alone can find. To what ends we apply these tools, for the benefit of ourselves or the benefit of humanity, is solely within our sphere of control. The History of the All Seeing Eye The History of the All Seeing Eye What people in the U.S.A. commonly referred to as the “All Seeing Eye” is more appropriately called the “Eye of Providence.” No, not Rhode Island. This would be the more divine providence – the big guy watching over all of us. Or gal. Or it. Whichever you prefer. The Eye of Providence is the idea that some divine force is watching over us all, sees our deeds and actions, and judges accordingly. The Eye is associated with the Judgement card of the Tarot: Alchemical texts of the 17th Century and Egypt. While the Eye of Providence, as noted above, has from the 18th Century C.E. onward been associated with Christianity, the idea of an “all-seeing God” has been around for Millenia. What is called “The Eye of Horus” originally was known as the Wadjet Eye, for the goddess Wadjet. The Eye of Horus Wadjet, as many can read on the Internet and in several Egyptian Mythology books, was one of the oldest deities in Egypt and dates from the pre-dynastic period. She is associated with Lower Egypt as well as the papyrus. Her name symbolizes the color of blue/green – the color of the papyrus plant. She is nearly always associated with a cobra and is considered the protector of pharaohs and the ruling classes of Egypt. She’s seen as the Goddess, which represents time, heaven, and hell, and she is an ardent protector, especially of children. Over the millennia, she has been merged with many other goddesses, such as Bast and her sister, Nekhebet, Goddess of Upper Egypt, who is shown as a vulture. Wadjet has also been associated with Buto, the city which first revered her – originally named Per-Wadjet. According to Herodotus, in his Histories ( Herodotus, The Histories, ii 55, and vii 134), “The Egyptians were also the first to introduce solemn assemblies, processions, and litanies to the gods; of all which the Greeks were taught the use by them. It seems to me a sufficient proof of this that in Egypt these practices have been established from remote antiquity, while in Greece they are only recently known.” There is note of a Temple to Wadjet in Buto (Per-Wadjet) that had an Oracle in it; it was considered that the Greek practice of using Oracles was co-opted from the Egyptians who, as Herodotus states, “taught them in their use.” The Eye of Wadget The Eye of Wadget Originally, oracles were used to be able to link the individual to the divine. A worshiper would travel to the oracle with a very specific and important question relevant to their lives. Kings would consult oracles to strategize on war or gain insight on divine events which would influence their people, like famine or floods. Using auguries drawn from various animals innards, smoke, visions, the flight of doves, or other “symbols,” the oracle would define the upcoming events based on intuition and divine inspiration. Oracles were eventually replaced by priests and religious figures as a way to connect the individual with their god or goddess, and in a way be a conduit for the divine. We humans have always been looking for a way to have some kind of communion with the mind of our Divine source, whether it is through other individuals, hallucinogens, runes, tarot, channelling, or simply study. We look for some higher source to tell us what we ought to do, what will help us be successful, happy, healthy, or free. In this case, I find the idea of the Eye of Wadjet to be a symbol that connects us to a dusty, mythic past with some vague idea of what it really meant. We’ve gone from the protection of a goddess to the protection of a country or our ideals, or maybe even our prosperity. I think this is the most interesting thing in this: the symbols we have in our daily lives are historical treasures that have been modified as our cultures modify them. They come to reflect what, and how we think about the world. The Tarot: Symbolism and Freemasonry The Tarot: Symbolism and Freemasonry Is a picture worth a thousand words? In our modern society, most are acquainted with Tarot cards as a form of divination or fortune telling. However, there is a deeper, more esoteric meaning attached to the Tarot. A legend exists related to the Tarot which tells of a group of adepts traveling through an enchanted forest. Along the way, these individuals lost their voices and were only able to communicate with each other by displaying Tarot cards to one another. Through the exercise of relation via symbols, the adepts were able to navigate out of the forest and into the light. What is the Tarot, and what relationship does the Tarot have with Freemasonry? The Tarot System On a surface level, the Tarot is a deck of 78 cards, each with its own distinct image and meaning. While many have used the cards as a divination tool, Tarot cards can also represent a mysterious oracle of hidden knowledge. The Tarot cards are divided into two separate groups: the Major Arcana and the Minor Arcana. The Minor Arcana consists of 56 cards divided into 4 suits: Wands, Cups, Swords, and Pentacles, and 4 court cards: Page, Knight, King, and Queen. The meaning of the Arcana represents “what is necessary to know, to discover, to anticipate, so as to be fruitful and creative in one’s possible endeavors.” Arcana is derived from the Latin words “Arca,” meaning “Chest” and “Arcere” meaning “To shut or to close.” Thus, Arcanum symbolically represents a tightly-closed treasure chest which holds a secret meaning. Nobel Prize winner Herbert A. Simon provides this illuminating sentiment related to the Tarot: “a symbol is simply the pattern, made of any substance whatsoever that is used to denote, or point to, some other symbol, or object or relation between objects. The thing it points to is called its meaning.” By reading Tarot cards symbolically, each person is able to divine their own meaning and truth. Historical Origins of the Tarot Mystery shrouds the historical origination of the Tarot. The French scholar, Court de Gebélin, wrote that the Tarot was the one book of the ancient Egyptians that escaped the burning of the great Library of Alexandria Library. This booTarotEygptk was said to contain “the purest knowledge of profound matters” possessed by the wise men of Egypt. After the library was destroyed, a group of sages met in Fez, Morocco and decided to preserve the secrets of this ancient text into pictorial form on the cards of the Tarot. There is general consensus that the pictures on the cards represented the visual retelling of the secrets of ancient mysteries, with different accounts of the wisdom being Egyptian, Zoroastrianism, or Gnostic in tradition. The symbols depicted on the cards provided a manner to keep the secrets safe except for those prepared to receive them. The cards were brought to Europe, purportedly as a result of the Crusades, but were suppressed during the inquisition of the Catholic Church during the Middle Ages. treeoflifekabbalahTarot and the Kabbalah Many esoteric scholars have sought to understand the Tarot through the Kabbalah, the mystic teachings of Judaism. Kabbalah has been translated to mean “receiving,” from God, the Eternal One. Referred to as one, the deity is actually twofold in nature including the male aspect, Adonai, and the female aspect, the Holy Shechinah. The Kabbalistic Tree of Life, displayed above, is particularly useful in understanding and interpreting the Tarot. The Tree of Life consists of ten spheres, referred to as Sefirot, which are connected by 22 different paths, expressing different interactions between the Sefirot: Kingdom, Foundation, Victory, Splendor, Victory, Beauty, Mercy, Severity, Wisdom, Understanding, and Crown. Each path corresponds to a letter of the Hebrew alphabet, which contains 22 letters. Similarly, the Tarot deck contains ten numbered cards in each Minor Arcana suit and 22 cards in the Major Arcana. Freemasonry and The Tarot What is the relationship between The Tarot and Freemasonry? To begin, there is the existence of a Masonic themed Tarot Cards: The Square and Compass Tarot Card Deck, which is displayed above. Deeper connections exist as well, including the symbolic journey of the initiate into Freemasonry. The Tarot has been described as symbolizing the path of initiation or a journey towards reintegration with one’s true self. “Know Thyself” is a motto of the Craft and the twenty-two cards of Tarot’s Major Arcana provide useful tools for reflection for those interested in doing the work. The cards reveal stages of an archetypal journey of man with each card representing a stage to be encountered by each individual on their life path. Like the Tarot, Freemasonry’s origins are difficult to trace and veiled in mystery, and both systems have evolved through history, HolyGrailyet their essential substance remains unchanged. The Masonic scholar, A.E. Waite, posits that the Tarot and Freemasonry are both connected to the Legend of the Holy Grail. In his book The Hidden Church of the Holy Graal, Waite presents his conclusive belief that the Tarot is the “canonical Hallows of the Graal legend,” linking the character Percival, the Fool in the Tarot deck, to the Mason in search of light. Alternatively, the Masonic writer, Manly P. Hall argued that the Major Arcana represent the 22 chapters of the Book of Revelations: a spiritual road map to achieve oneness with God. It has been said that individuals come to Masonry to remember what has been forgotten; that all knowledge already exists with us. Through the signs, symbols and images in Tarot, the seeker is directed to recollect the universal teaching that we are all the same in essence, each traveling the same road despite perceived differences in form.
Skip to main content Question and answer revisited Here's one in English: When I was trained in the 70's at the West London Institute of HE (London University) question and answer technique was the established othodoxy in modern language teaching. It had been the practice of teachers like Alan Hornsey and David Harris and before them a certain Mrs Hodgson, if I recall correctly. It was the staple diet of Mark Gilbert's Cours Illustré de Français, which was forward-looking for its time and which I had used as a secondary student. Question and answer technique has its limitations, but it remains a powerful tool in our armoury. Why is it so good? And how do we do it? Let's take the second point first: we use a hierarchy of question forms, starting with the easiest (yes/no or true/false) and working up to the hardest (open-ended questions with a "what" idea). In between we have either/or questions and fairly closed question-word questions using "when", "where", "what time" etc. You have to work at pace to stop a class flagging and it may only work well for a limited time, maybe 20 minutes with able students, 10 with less able. The teacher can ask questions, pupils can ask questions to the teacher or to each other. The teacher can ask as pupils write down answers (good for a calming afternoon session). The teacher can give false statements which pupils correct (they like this). Pupils usually put up their hands, but you can put them on the spot a bit - this can make them sit up and concentrate harder. You can mix up individual questions with repetition (group or individual). Visual aids are great for QA, but texts offer a lot of variety too. So, why do it? Good for teaching listening skill, brilliant for controlling the release of material at the right level (selection and grading), good for class control, provides lots of target language input, encourages pupils to induce grammar rules, suits the teacher who enjoys leading, good for modelling good pronunciation, it's demanding, plays on the behaviourist learning model (plenty of repetition and drilling), it's good for promoting accuracy (teacher's model is better than a partner's) and it is form of communication, albeit artificial. Don't forget what it replaced: grammar-translation. Downsides? Yes, it's not authentic communication, but we are in a classroom, not on the street, so plausible is fine, authentic not vital. Only one child speaks at a time, what are the others doing? Listening? Who knows?! But if you work fast and keep them on their toes you can keep them on task. It's demanding on concentration and some groups may not take it for long. is it fun? Does it have to be?? Overall we would be foolish not to make the most of this most basic of techniques. I am less gung-ho about it than when I started teaching. I was more dogmatic then, less pragmatic. But I do wonder whether young teachers receive any training on questioning techniques and the value of question-answer as a pedagogical tool. Popular posts from this blog A zero preparation fluency game I am grateful to Kayleigh Meyrick, a teacher in Sheffield, for this game which she described in the Languages Today magazine (January, 2018). She called it “Swap It/Add It” and it’s dead simple! I’ve added my own little twist as well as a justification for the activity. You could use this at almost any level, even advanced level where the language could get a good deal more sophisticated. Put students into small groups or pairs. If in groups you can have them stand in circles to add a sense of occasion. One student utters a sentence, e.g. “J’aime jouer au foot avec mes copains parce que c’est amusant.” (You could provide the starter sentence or let groups make up their own.) The next student (or partner) has to change one element in the sentence, and so on, until you restart with a different sentence. You could give a time limit of, say, 2 minutes. The sentence could easily relate to the topic you are working on. At advanced level a suitable sentence starter might be: “Selon un article q… Google Translate beaters Google Translate is a really useful tool, but some teachers say that they have stopped setting written work to be done at home because students are cheating by using it. On a number of occasions I have seen teachers asking what tasks can be set which make the use of Google Translate hard or impossible. Having given this some thought I have come up with one possible Google Translate-beating task type. It's a two way gapped translation exercise where students have to complete gaps in two parallel texts, one in French, one in English. There are no complete sentences which can be copied and pasted into Google. This is what one looks like. Remember to hand out both texts at the same time. _____. My name is David. _ __ 15 years old and I live in Ripon, a _____ ____ in the north of _______, near York. I have two _______ and one brother. My brother __ ______ David and my _______ are called Erika and Claire. We live in a _____ house in the centre of ____. In ___ house _____ … Preparing for GCSE speaking: building a repertoire As your Y11 classes start their final year of GCSE, one potential danger of moving from Controlled Assessment to terminal assessment of speaking is to believe that in this new regime there will be little place for the rote learning or memorisation of language. While it is true that the amount of learning by heart is likely to go down and that greater use of unrehearsed (spontaneous) should be encouraged, there are undoubtedly some good techniques to help your pupils perform well on the day. I clearly recall, when I marked speaking tests for AQA 15-20 years ago, that schools whose candidates performed the best were often those who had prepared their students with ready-made short paragraphs of language. Candidates who didn't sound particularly like "natural linguists" (e.g. displaying poor accents) nevertheless got high marks. As far as an examiner is concerned is doesn't matter if every single candidate says that last weekend they went to the cinema, saw a James Bond… Worried about the new GCSEs? Twitter and MFL Facebook groups are replete with posts expressing concerns about the new GCSEs and, in particular, the difficulty of the exam, grades and tiers. I can only comment from a distance since I am no longer in the classroom, but I have been through a number of sea changes in assessment over the years so may have something useful to say. Firstly, as far as general difficulty of papers is concerned, I think it’s fair to say that the new assessment is harder (not necessarily in terms of grades though). This is particularly evident in the writing tasks and speaking test. Although it will still be possible to work in some memorised material in these parts of the exam, there is no doubt that weaker candidates will have more problems coping with the greater requirement for unrehearsed language. Past experience working with average to very able students tells me some, even those with reasonable attainment, will flounder on the written questions in the heat of the moment. Others will… Dissecting a lesson: using a set of PowerPoint slides I was prompted to write this just having produced for three separate PowerPoint presentations using the same set of 20 pictures (sports). A very good way for you to save time is to reuse the same resource in a number of different ways. I chose 20 clear, simple, clear and copyright-free images from to produce three presentations on present tense (beginners), near future (post beginner) and perfect tense (post-beginner/low intermediate). Here is one of them: Below is how I would have taught using this presentation - it won't be everyone's cup of tea, especially of you are not big on choral repetition and PPP (Presentation-Practice-Production), but I'll justify my choice in the plan at each stage. For some readers this will be standard practice. 1. Explain in English that you are going to teach the class how to talk about and understand people talking about sport. By the end of the lesson they will be able to say and understand 20 different sport…
What powers do the several states of the United States have individually to enter into environmental agreements with other sovereign nations? In this article, the author reviews the powers that states may have generally and then specifically regarding environmental agreements. Several traditional tools of analysis have historically been used including the constitutional doctrine of pre-emption, cooperative federalism and the foreign affairs doctrine. Some newer tools of analysis are also offered including the revival of the treaty-compact and the author's own concept of "deemption." The United States Senate's explicit refusal to ratify the Kyoto Protocol, coupled with the consequent state initiatives to control greenhouse gases-especially the documents concluded between New Jersey and the Netherlands, provide rich examples of these tools in contemporary action. First Page
Monday, April 20, 2015 The Day of the Sun in London By New Worker correspondent Millions of Koreans recalled the life and times of great leader Kim Il Sung this week. Kim Il Sung was born on 15th April 1912 and his birthday has long been celebrated as the Day of the Sun in the DPR Korea and by everyone who stands by the DPRK . The Day of the Sun is the biggest public holiday of the year in the DPRK, the culmination of a series of sporting events and arts festivals that are held annually to celebrate the outstanding achievements of the founder of the Korean communist movement. Democratic Korean leader Kim Jong Un headed the tributes at the great leader’s mausoleum in Pyongyang and across the country millions of workers took part in cultural and sports events held to mark the 103rd anniversary of the birth of Kim Il Sung. Across the world communists and friends of the Korean revolution took part in similar events or held their own commemorations of the Day of the Sun and London was no exception. The first was at the Democratic Korean embassy where comrades, including Daphne Liddle from the New Communist Party, brought floral tributes at the opening of a reception to honour the country’s eternal president and heard Hyon Hak Bong, the ambassador, made a brief but passionate speech about the life and achievements of Kim Il Sung. Hyong Hak Bong at the embassy tributes Kim Il Sung was born when the Koreans were under the heel of the brutal Japanese colonialists. His father, a patriot, had already been arrested by the Japanese. When Kim Il Sung formed the Down with Imperialism Union at the age of 14 no one, least of all the Japanese imperialists, could have dreamt that within 20 years Korea would be free. Kim Il Sung saw the hopelessness of the sectarians, flunkeyists, dogmatists and factionalists who called themselves communists in the 1920s. So he decided to form a communist movement from the youth and the grass-roots of the villages and factories, and surprised everyone with the emergence of the mighty Korean communist movement that led the people to victory in 1945. When Kim Il Sung gathered a small band of heroes to form the first guerrilla units to take on the Japanese Army no one could have imagined that this would become the People’s Army that brought the American imperialists to their knees begging for an armistice in 1953. Over the weekend friends and comrades took part in a lively and upbeat meeting in central London called by Korean Friendship Association and the Juche Idea Study Group to hear openings by Dermot Hudson and Shaun Pickford on socialist construction in the DPRK and the essence of the Juché Idea that is the ultimate expression of Kim Il Sung’s thinking. Dermot Hudson and Yu Kwang Song Daphne Liddle said that the NCP remembered and respected great leader Kim Il Sung and recalled the meetings between the great Korean leader and Andy Brooks and the late Eric Trevett while Yu Kwang Song from the DPRK embassy reported on the latest developments on the peninsula and thanked all the activists who had taken part in the recent picket of the south Korean puppet embassy in March. The Korean people responded with their trade and assistance whenever they could, while Korean experts and advisers helped the Vietnamese, the Arabs and the Africans struggling to break the chains of colonialism and they continue to do so today. And Kim Il Sung’s successors, dear leader Kim Jong Il and leader Kim Jong Un have followed his footsteps to build a modern socialist republic, where every individual worker is master of his or her own life. the platform at the Friends of Korea meeting Finally on Monday the leaders of all the major Korean solidarity movements in Britain met for a celebration called by the Friends of Korea committee at the John Buckle Centre in south London. NCP leader Andy Brooks opened the formal part of the meeting which heard brief tributes from Dermot Hudson and Michael Chant of the RCPB (ML) and guest of honour Ambassador. Hyon Hak Bong before adjourning for a film on the Spring Festival in Korea and refreshments to drink to the health of the DPRK’s leaders and the country’s heroic people. No comments:
Bamboo, why?? Bamboo, why?? July 08, 2018 By now, we all know that we should be starting to use alternatives for plastic as soon as we can. While many new materials are being developed, the ancient strength of bamboo seems to be rediscovered simultaneously. As we are asked why we chose bamboo to make our products almost every day, we decided to list its benefits. Photo by @alexkeda First, some background information. There are more than 1500 types of bamboo. Our specific type is called Moso Bamboo. Don’t worry, pandas eat 42 types of bamboo, but Moso grows too high for them to reach the leaves. So you won’t be brushing any pandas out of a meal. Our wild organic bamboo comes from China and requires only rain and sun to grow. The best part? Its supply is so vast that we are currently only using 1% of it. So what characteristics make bamboo such great material for practical application? These are its five main advantages: 1. Grows faster than you can say ‘no plastic’. You may think Bamboo is wood, but it’s actually a type of grass! One of the best things about this ‘grass’ is that it grows at the speed of light. There are reports of bamboo growing up to 3 feet a day. MOSO bamboo grows up to 25 meters in the first 42 days. Then it needs another approximately 5 years to get the right hardness. An Oak tree needs up to 40 years to reach its maximum height. 1. Absorbs greenhouse gases. Bamboo absorbs dioxide and releases 35% more oxygen into the atmosphere than an equivalent amount of hardwood trees. 1. High return Bamboo is highly versatility. Its range of applications is almost endless, leaving a very small amount of the tree wasted. The roots become food, thicker parts turn into beautiful furniture, and smaller parts grow up to become toothbrushes or chop sticks. 1. No fertilizer, pesticides, or herbicides needed. Most cash crops require agricultural chemicals to thrive. Bamboo sequesters nitrogen and its cultivation does not add chemicals to the environment. 1. Soil protection. Bamboo roots remain in place after harvesting. They prevent erosion and help retain nutrients for the next crop. So, that concludes our biology lesson for today! If you have any questions, remarks, or suggestions for the Society, let us know via our website, mail, or social media outlets. And remember: say no to plastic! Anji area, China. Close to our factory Leave a comment
People Thisisitaly EPAS project: students as "European Ambassadors" A new initiative to foster a better understanding and knowledge of EU institutions and functioning EPAS project: students as "European Ambassadors" Claudia Astarita Klaus Welle - the current Secretary General of European Parliament - has a new ambitious aim: to conquer youths' approval towards the European project. For this reason, the European Union (EU) has launched a new initiative called European Parliament Ambassador School (EPAS), which is already active for its second year. EPAS' goal is the one of informing students on main European themes, such as EU integration history, to foster a better understanding and knowledge of EU institutions and functioning. This training path involves both teachers and pupils in order to change the actual situation of a young European electorate more and more disaffected. In fact, schools are the venues where young people opinions are forged over time and, for this reason, EPAS is identified as a crucial tool to change young people's perception of the EU. EPAS target group includes youths between 16 and 18 years old, who are (almost) ready to exercise their political rights (such as the vote) and who have a (more or less) defined political opinion. All EU member states seem to have welcomed this program and a number of schools throughout the territory have become partners. In particular, the states where the project had more success were The Nederlands and Ireland. In Italy, EPAS arrived in 2015 and it was coordinated by the Italian delegation of European Parliament. In the school year 2015/2016, 24 Italian schools were involved in the project and 8 have become "ambassadors of the European Parliament". Given the great amount of resources required to carry on EPAS activities, 8 should not be considered as a small number. In fact, some of the activities part of the project are meetings with Euro-deputies, students' production of mock-institutional processes and informative material. Undoubtedly, these accomplishments require a remarkable economic commitment by the school, along with being very time-consuming. Nevertheless, initiatives like EPAS are essential to assure a united Europe in the future. Follow @castaritaHK © Riproduzione Riservata
Introduction To Voluntary Law (Book), Public Interest Laws Justice for the Poor Being founded in the ultimate egalitarian principle of personal self-sovereignty, voluntary law is better able to correct systematic imbalances and prevent injustice to the poor than any system of law or government based in privileges of property, or elite political status. When the rich oppress the poor, voluntary law provides a sort of built-in remedy for the oppressed, as can be seen by analyzing the interests of the actors involved. All oppression by the rich must be rooted in their property claims. To resist oppression based in socially dysfunctional assertion of property rights, the poor have two useful tools. First, the poor can bring claims seeking payment from the property of the wealthy. The wealthier the defendant and the larger the potential award, the better the contingent-fee advocacy that can be hired. Second, the poor can adopt laws that do not recognize the property claims of the wealthy or that provide superior property rights in cases where the poor hold the weaker property law. For example, application of TROTWET to real property tends to create incentives for homesteading on fallow land that is not being diligently defended, as discussed previously in connection with property laws. Large holders of unused land will have to recruit and reward a small army of defenders. In the absence of a social utility enlivened by a moral purpose, the mere holding of empty land will in most cases not be worth the effort. People will tend to claim parcels they actively use and patrol, or intend to use in the near future. Exceptions to these limits might include nature preserves that are defended by environmentalists, who use the land lightly (e.g., for quiet recreation and observation of nature) and who are motivated by righteous zeal for environmental preservation. The state would not be available to tax the poor and use the tax revenues to enforce the property claims of the wealthy. The wealthy would have to enforce their own property claims, and the cost of doing so would tend to create a wealth equalizing effect by requiring them to employ the poor on mutually acceptable terms. The poor would have no reason to hire themselves out for the defense of wealthy land claimants, unless the benefits of doing so outweighed the benefits of defending their own property claims. It is not hard to see how such a legal regime would tend to lead to joint defense pacts on relatively egalitarian terms, to the extent that defense is needed at all. Widespread adoption of voluntary law would place the poor in the strongest possible individual negotiating position with respect to wealthy property owners seeking to hire them for defending the owner’s property claims or for exploiting those claims to earn income. Under voluntary law, there can be no imprisonment or other punishment inflicted on the poor except that which is permitted by the weakest law as between the law of a poor defendant and a wealthy claimant. Moreover, whatever the sentence, its execution will have to be paid for by the wealthy claimant. Yet another tool in the arsenal of equality is the rule against forced recognition of corporate or other collective entities. This will make it harder for collectives to amass wealth to the disadvantage of individuals who do not recognize the legitimacy of the collective. For example, when mass movements of the poor choose to occupy corporate properties, the poor can select the laws that they will adopt for their own defense. Lobbying and influence peddling will have to be directed to its only proper outlet: the victims of the property claims that would be asserted. There are no legislators or entrenched judiciaries to buy off. When the poor oppress the poor, monetary damages to motivate justice may be less effective particularly in cases where the poor defendant lacks any reasonable capacity for earning income. Statist systems fail particularly badly at this problem. A poor criminal can be imprisoned, but this costs taxpayer money and does nothing to restore the harm done. Meanwhile the imprisoned criminal receives often receives informal education in prison about how to survive as a criminal, and little or no instruction that enables prospering as a productive citizen. Restitutionary justice will provide a better solution, by creating an economic incentive for reformation of the offender by a third party reformer. The reformer contracts with the convicted defendant and with the injured victim. The defendant agrees to work for the reformer in exchange for whatever terms can be agreed upon, with a portion of the defendant’s earnings paid to the victim. Once the debt has been repaid, the defendant has been rehabilitated. Both the defendant and the one who rehabilitates earn honor for themselves, and are positioned to take advantage of future opportunities. In voluntary law societies, there will be greater incentives for private aid to the unfortunate. Those who give generously and successfully — meaning with gifts that do not make the recipient dependent, but that tend to lift them out out poverty into a self-sufficient state — will earn stellar reputations. The reputation earned will provide very real economic repayment for the time, effort, and expense of helping others. To name just a few benefits, the most effective charitable organizations will have the nature of an educational institute, which earns social power and prestige through its alumni. To reap these dividends of prestige and social power, charitable groups and individuals will compete for opportunities to serve needy clients of all types. Merely slothful people would make poor clients and would be less sought after. Yet, where there is sufficient demand for poor clients, many of those who by making themselves poor seek to live off the labor of others might be reformed, and taught the much more fulfilling rewards of a good reputation. In voluntary society, private charity will operate without coercion or fear of unwanted liability for conduct or misfortunes of the unfortunate. TROTWET will protect the well meaning and reasonable people on both sides of interactions between the poor and those who would serve them. Stateless social security can be provided by mutual aid societies, which can be ad hoc informal organizations, or more formally organized. A self-perpetuating society nurtures both its young and its old; nurturing is a natural human trait that does not need to be enforced by a state. Unhindered by state meddling, mutual aid societies can operate more efficiently and strike a fairer balance between the needs of the young, old, and sick and the working middle that sustains those weaker members. Under voluntary law, this natural human impulse for nurturing and social structure is reinforced by the personal promises of those who join mutual aid compacts, making the fulfillment of their mutual promises a matter of personal honor and reputation. We can be sure that every single infant who ever survived to adulthood was the beneficiary of at least one, and often several, mutual aid societies on the path to survival. So too, we can be sure that a free people experiencing need will form mutual aid compacts to meet that need. When doing so under an “empire” of voluntary law, we can see mutual aid societies that (unlike tribes and nations) will not seek to make war on competing societies, because of the mutual promises made from within each competing group to the greater host of humanity without. Societies based in personal sovereignty will provide vastly more economic equality than is possible when sovereignty is based on claims over land or other natural resources. Every person has only one inviolable dominion: their own person. All other property arises from their own conscience and promises. In such a society, durable poverty does not exist for any economically capable person, only temporary shortages of goods and services demanded. * * * Photo credit to Alex Proimos Some Rights Reserved under Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial 2.0 Generic Introduction To Voluntary Law (Book), Voluntary Law Rational Discrimination, Criminality and Shunning Criminal law is a creature of the state and does not exist as a separate category in voluntary law. Instead, there is a continuous gradient from good citizen to scoundrel, and the measure of the gradient varies from person to person. There can certainly be no crime against the state, because the system is stateless. Neither can there be any “crimes against the people” per se, although there can be conduct that, once proved by due process, earns the doer widespread opprobrium. Such people – those widely condemned or intensely distrusted — are the “convicted criminals” of voluntary law societies. “Criminals” in a free society might include various classes of persons. For example, someone who does not voluntarily obey fair judgments of a voluntary law jurist, requiring coercion to be applied, might be regarded as a sort of criminal. This sort masquerades as a society member, but when faced with the necessity of complying with his own law, refuses to challenge the ruling on some reasonable legal or due process grounds, or to comply with the ruling to the best of his ability. Another sort might be one who voluntarily accepts and complies with valid rulings, but who has been convicted of conduct that so gravely impugns the person’s character, as to render the person untrustworthy, or morally repugnant. A third category of criminal might be one who holds to odious laws. All of these people are society members, but ones who at least temporarily are widely regarded with mistrust, disgust, or anger. Voluntary law allows infinite avenues for redeeming, reforming, or acceptably tolerating all such criminals, eventually. Some criminals may be reformed and in time re-enter normal society, through various channels of reformation including but not limited to reform schools, indentured servitude camps, indentured apprenticeships, participation in mutual aid societies or guilds organized for the purpose of reputational reform, or other means. Some criminals may exist in a sub-society that is subject to certain limitations indefinitely, as if falling into a lower caste of society, while still being able to enjoy some of its benefits. Others may become outlaws and pass entirely out of the ambit of voluntary society, depriving themselves of all of its benefits and struggling for survival with the barest social protections. Another class of “almost criminal” person might be one given over to vices of a victimless nature, such as various unsavory addictions, or needlessly cruel behavior to outlaws, or practices that are culturally condemned but not generally illegal. Exactly what sort of behavior falls in this category can vary with the times and circumstances. For example, a mild addiction to chewing coca leaves, or the keeping of pets, might be considered reprehensible in some places or times, and perfectly acceptable in others. To the extent the behavior is private and not actionable under voluntary law, there can be no legal liability or social consequences. Once the behavior become public there can be social consequences as with anything else done publicly, but there can be no legal liability without the consent of the person who engages in the behavior. This legal protection does not mean that self-destructive conduct or other questionable forms of self-indulgence would thrive unopposed. On the contrary, any publicly discoverable behavior that is offensive to enough people may be “socially criminalized” in the sense that those who do it are shunned to some degree. In reaction to such shunning, others may elect to shun the shunners. It follows that any victimless conduct that is condemned by a substantial majority of people in some economic circle cannot be sustainably practiced there without support from a motivated minority. In the absence of one dominant power such as a nanny state defining what conduct is or is not protected, dramatically different cultures might arise in different circles. In essence, in voluntary law societies, shunning replaces voting as the primary means for enforcing particular moral preferences in particular circles. Whether you not you find such possibilities disturbing, or stimulating, may depend to a large degree on your cultural conditioning. Many people today are accustomed to fairly uniform standards for acceptable behavior being enforced over wide areas. For example, at one time homosexuality was made illegal by states, making the lives of ordinary people who happened to prefer homosexuality difficult and dangerous. At later times, states made it illegal to shun homosexuals in private commercial transactions. Under either regime, some people were denied the ability to openly conduct themselves according to their moral and personal preferences. Many have not considered, or would consider it strange and unappealing, to construct a society in which courts will not enforce a uniform standard, enforcing instead nothing more than each person’s personal code of honor. Before voluntary law can become the dominant paradigm, these rather childish attitudes must fade, to be replaced by more sophisticated understandings of the natural merits and limits of self-sovereignty. The examples below illustrate some of these natural merits and limits. These natural merits include discovery of other’s cultural and moral preferences, facilitating more targeted discovery of compatible friends, partners, customers, service providers, and other relationships. For example, people might adopt personal honor codes stating that they will not engage in promiscuous sex or hire the services of a sex worker while in a committed sexual relationship with another without the knowledge and consent of their partner; and should they violate this rule, their partner will have certain remedies. The benefit of doing this may include demonstrating one’s expectations and commitments to others, for the purpose of finding a mate or companion. Others may prefer silence on the question, or make a different commitment, or may deny any such commitment. Either way, for better or worse, others will know where they stand, and may use this information for any desired purpose. For example, prostitutes might market themselves primarily to people who have openly indicated that safe, professional sex is allowable, and perhaps to a lesser degree to those who prefer silence on the question. They would focus their marketing both to reduce the cost of finding customers, and also to reduce the inherent relational risks associated with having sex with strangers, such as incurring the wrath of a mate or dealing with those who are unable to understand and accommodate the professional’s position in the transaction. The ability to focus their marketing based on promise information would benefit both prostitutes and their likely customers. It would also benefit those not interested in paid sex, by sparing them from unwanted solicitations, among other things. Conversely, those who prefer monogamy might avoid looking for partners among those unwilling to adopt a compatible honor code, and would also be aided. Those who find sex work or promiscuity sufficiently offensive might even shun others who decline to adopt personal honor codes to their liking, while defenders of sex workers might offer discounts or other benefits to those holding prostitute-friendly codes. In a truly free society, shunning may be applied to a much wider array of behavior than the types of victimless conduct that states have outlawed at one time or another, such as forbidden sexual activity, use or sale of contraband, smuggling, blasphemy, criticism of the monarch or state, and so forth. Rather than being applied to old and familiar vices or activity detrimental to state monopoly power, in free societies shunning might tend to be used as a political tool when it is desired to change the behavior of ones’ neighbors. Also, shunning may take various forms other than refusing to do business altogether, such as for example the imposition of a premium price or embarrassing label. For example, suppose the economic leaders in a particular circle decide that too many people are engaging in an undesirable behavior ‘X.’ The behavior ‘X’ can be just about anything that a group of people decide is undesirable; use your imagination. Likewise, the circle can be anything with effective control over a significant economic resource: a city, a guild of people who control the Internet, a cartel of underground medical providers, a union of sex workers, an ad hoc organization of online underground free market hosts, whatever. Suppose ‘X’ is the consumption of meat, and the circle is the city. The city leaders are morally committed vegetarians, include nearly all the restaurant owners, service providers, and utility providers in the city, and want to create disincentives for meat eating. They each adopt a personal honor code that commits them to not eat meat unless necessary for survival, and offer a 20% discount to anyone who adopts the same code. In effect, people who have not promised to eat meat would pay a 20% premium for doing business in that vegetarian city. But in the absence to monopoly power, they would not do so for long. There are economic and political limits to widespread adoption of shunning. Whether or not price discrimination of this sort is effective will depend on environmental factors. In the absence of market power by those enforcing the price discrimination, it will not work. Even when a cartel is able to enforce price discrimination based on arbitrary personal profiles for a while, competitive pressures will tend to undermine it over time. Simply put, too much shunning is bad for business, creates opportunities for competitors, and limits the shunner’s political influence. For example, if vegetarian shop owners in an area charge a premium to non-vegetarians, the price discrepancy attracts vegetarian customers while repelling meat eaters. Meat eaters will tend to shop elsewhere, so most of the shop owner’s customers will be vegetarian. Thus, the shop owner is seldom able to enjoy the benefits of receiving a 20% premium price. If there are many meat eaters in the area, competitors will move in to service them. The vegetarian shop owner will lose opportunities to interact with meat eaters and to influence them to become vegetarians. Shunning is not likely to be practiced for trivial reasons, because such shunning cannot be economically justified. Instead, shop owners are more likely to offer inducements, such as discounts on vegetables to any meat eater who promises to give up meat, in which the cost of the inducement comes with the possibility of an economic return. There can be non-trivial, economically justified reasons for shunning, such as black market participants avoiding the buying or selling of goods involving undercover police or informants. In circles that are vulnerable to aggressive attack, promise network information may serve as a proxy for identifying high-risk transactions. People with promise profiles that indicate a greater transaction risk will be avoided. This type of shunning may become especially important whenever a breakdown of the state (e.g., hyper-inflation) restricts supply of good or services to people who lack alternative support systems, such as promise networks. It may also be important to people who for one reason or another cannot adopt the promise profiles that would make them acceptable to their desired type of merchant or customer. Promise profiles and associated reputations thus operate as a sort of behavioral credit score, permitting discrimination between sellers or buyers based on a rational assessment of risk associated with incompatibilities between promise profiles or past promise-keeping reputations. Promise and reputation information will facilitate shunning that does not violate the laws of economics. Personal honor codes that excuse or require extreme shunning would create an unnecessary risk that those who hold them would be shunned for their own unbendable intolerance. People would not find it necessary or desirable to adopt such codes, because shunning could rarely or never be used as a positive legal claim or affirmative defense. Instead, most shunning would be done ad hoc and not in a systematic fashion, preserving flexibility. People would adapt their acts of shunning to the circumstances at hand, with utility taking precedence over consistency. Imprisonment by the state is a form of shunning that most are familiar with today. Even though imprisonment is inflexible and clearly uneconomic in most cases, it continues in widespread practice because maintaining prison systems is politically expedient for those with the power to allocate tax money, with many unfortunate and unjust consequences. A majority of the electorate will need to believe that alternative forms of punishment are available and preferable to imprisonment of non-dangerous criminals, before such imprisonment will end. Another form of state-run shunning is state-maintained registers of criminals, such as “sex-offender registries.” Such registries are “one size fits all,” with everyone on the list assumed to be dangerous, regardless of actual fact. Moreover, offender registries are often used to require third parties to shun the listed offenders. State-enforced offender registries violate the right of free association and personal sovereignty. A robust promise society will make special criminal registries obsolete, because reputation information that is available generally will be more detailed and accurate than can be provided by a list of offenders. In voluntary law societies, individuals choose for themselves whether or how to take the reputations of others into account in their dealings with them. Open-source shunning by individuals is the closest thing to criminal punishment that a free society will impose on its members. Free and voluntary shunning will different dramatically from statist solutions, however. In a free society, shunning will be a useful and fluid tool that creates incentives for socially constructive behavior of all types. Shunning and inducements based on promise profiling may help move society towards freer, more ethical arrangements, by creating incentive for adoption of promise systems where such concepts were unknown. Even after voluntary society is predominate, shunning broadly defined may become the primary instrument motivating continuing social change in the face of evolving moral preferences. * * * Photo Credit to Chris Yarzab Some rights reserved under Creative Commons Attribution 2.0 Generic Death, Introduction To Voluntary Law (Book) Death of the Law Maker Old King Cole In earlier posts, I’ve assumed that in determining liability for the death of a victim it is the victim’s law that should be applied, subject to the usual principles for choice of law. We can rationalize this choice as essential to preserving reciprocity even in the case of mortal injuries, but it might be questioned whether the choice is truly justified. In whatever form a deceased spirit exists, if it exists in any form at all, it is evidently not in the form of a corporeal natural person. And unlike a disabled person, who might perhaps overcome his disability someday, the deceased once dead and decayed can never again assume the same identity and capabilities of her formerly living being. So applying the law of a dead person violates the founding pillar of personhood. It seems as if a choice must be made: either the founding pillar of personhood must be temporarily waived when a case touches on a dead person, the law of the dead must forever be enforced as if frozen in time, or all the law of the deceased must be immediately disregarded. It is not immediately obvious which choice is wisest. As shall be shown, it is not necessary to make any such choice. There are two principal classes of legal action involving dead law makers. The first class includes all claims for or against the dead person, arising out of circumstances preceding their death. The most dramatic example is a claim for restitution or vengeance in the case of murder or negligent homicide. Although these claims are not perfected until the victim dies, the claims nonetheless belong in this class because killing can only be inflicted on the living. Yet this class also includes a multitude of less dramatic claims that were made by or against the dead person, or could have been made, prior to their death. Just about any claim will do. It is a not uncommon situation, traditionally handled in the West by maintaining the action by or against the estate of the deceased under State-made law. Under voluntary law, it may be necessary to reconcile conflicting laws, and to that end, to consider whether or not the law of the deceased should be respected just as in life. Causes of action in this class arise always during the life of the victim or of the wrongdoer. Even murder does so arise during life, because it is impossible to kill one who is already dead. As in every other case arising out of the past, the law is retrospective; it looks back in time. In these cases, the law looks back to a time when all parties were alive. Therefore, for purposes of determining the law to be applied, the death of the victim or of the one accused of wrong is of no consequence. The law of the deceased is applied as if they were alive. To hold otherwise would be to make an exception to the general operation of the law, in view of arbitrary circumstances arising after the fact. If justice is to be fair and not arbitrary, there is no choice to be made when judging events that occur before death. The adoption of law made by the one who has died must be regarded as if she had not died, for rulings in this class of actions. The second principal class of actions involving deceased law makers includes all claims that cannot begin to arise until after the law maker is dead. This class includes claims of inheritance, and the disposition of wills, trusts and estates. Although actions prior to death may be considered in judging these cases, for example, the execution of a will, such actions are not the cause of the action at hand. The cause is simply the event of death itself. Thus, justice does not require that the law of the deceased be applied as if he were alive. Neither does justice require that the law of the deceased be ignored. For example, the extent to which to consider the law of the deceased can be determined based only on the laws of the living, so there is no contradiction of foundational principals. If a living party has adopted a law that gives meaning to instruments such as wills, or provides for rights of inheritance under the law of the one who has deceased, and the deceased had a compatible law, then there is no issue to be decided. The law of the deceased will prevail. It may be that most people will adopt laws that respect the adopted law and wishes of the dead with respect to wills, trusts and the disposition of estates. If not holding to such a law, then their own wishes are much less likely to be considered upon their death. Also, without a continuance of an elderly or infirm person’s estate after death, others may be unwilling render services or lend to such persons. A continuance of the deceased’s property interests until their debts are settled depends on a mutual recognition that the property interests can survive death for some period of time. Others may have no real concern about the disposition of their property after death, and choose laws that seem more advantageous during life. To these people, it might seem better to make claims on property of the deceased without being constrained by the laws or wishes of the deceased. For example, such a person might hold to a law stating that all property rights cease immediately upon death, such that death itself acts as abandonment of any property held by the deceased at the time of death. This person would then be able to make a claim upon any property so “abandoned.” Such a claim would have to compete with claims upon the deceased’s property by any others with contrary laws. If there are no opposing claims to the same property, the claim can be considered as if made upon abandoned property, considered elsewhere. For example, consider a case in which a person dies with a will, or without a will but with a surviving spouse. A stranger brings a claim for property formerly owned by the deceased, and the spouse opposes, claiming the property for himself either on the basis of the will or the deceased’s inheritance laws. If the stranger has no nexus to the property she claims, she will lose under TROTWET to the surviving spouse, who has a nexus to the property by way of the will, by way of his relationship to the deceased, by way of actual use or labor associated with the property, or by any combination of the foregoing. On the other hand, if the stranger bases her claim on some nexus to the property that runs deeper than the spouse’s, the stranger may prevail. For example, suppose the stranger is not truly unfamiliar, and can prove she had an ongoing intimate relationship with the deceased, the property she is claiming was purchased by the deceased for her to reside in, and she did in fact reside there. In such case, her claim to the property should succeed under a weaker tool analysis for property claims, because a neutral jurist should find that the claim of property she is asserting is based a law that requires a more stringent antecedent for the property claim than the law of the surviving spouse. Win or lose, the stranger’s claim can be judged fairly without any need to assert the law or claims of a dead person against her. On the other hand, if both the stranger and the spouse by their prior adoption of law recognize the will of the deceased, then the will of the deceased should be faithfully executed. If the deceased’s will is valid only under the law of the spouse, but not under the law of the stranger, then the will is properly a factor in testing the prevailing law to be applied to the competing property claims, but does not control. The outcome will depend on whether the will plus the spouse’s antecedent nexus to the property is more, or less, stringent than the antecedent nexus of the stranger, as with any other dueling property claim. Any law that grants rights to property on the basis of some relationship to a particular deceased person must, by logical necessity, recognize the preceding ownership claim of the deceased. So even if the law of the deceased no longer exists to control such claims, it is therefore still accorded a certain indispensable respect in most disputes over succession, typically grounded in personal relationships. For example, Clifford, the only first cousin of Richard, realized early in life that he was unlikely to ever be related to anybody more industrious or wealthier than Richard. So Clifford adopted a law that provides for inheritance of all property by cousins, even if the deceased leaves a will. Benjamin, Richard’s only son, adopted a similar law providing for inheritance by children. Grace lovingly took care of Richard for many years, and Richard left all his property to Grace in his will. Both Richard and Grace adopted a law providing that if a valid will exists, it controls the disposition of property after death. As between Clifford, Benjamin and Grace, who holds the weakest property law? We can compare the parties’ respective antecedent bases for their property claims: Clifford: relationship of first cousins; Benjamin: will of the deceased + child relationship; Grace: will of the deceased + years of labor + long-term caregiver relationship. Grace’s law is probably the weakest and is therefore likely to prevail; but even if Benjamin’s law is deemed weaker, Richard’s will is executed either way: Grace receives all of the property at issue. Clifford’s law is merely opportunistic and would be enforced only in the absence of any less frivolous claims. With some types of property left behind after death, wills and familial relationships will carry less weight. Consider, for example, a claim by a nature preserve over certain truffle grounds owned by a deceased truffle gatherer named Trudy. Trudy left the truffle grounds in a nearly pristine state, and only used it for harvesting certain rare truffles that grew there naturally, for her personal enjoyment. The nature preserve is a collective organization that holds title to various tracts of pristine land using methods as described earlier. Suppose, for simplicity, that the preserve makes its claim in the name of one of its member agents, Amy. Amy’s intent is to hold the land for the benefit of the preserve, as a habitat for certain rare animals and plants. Trudy did not leave any survivors who ever made any use of the truffle grounds, and left it by will to her partner Tran, whose law respects the will of the deceased. Tran did not enjoy truffle hunting, and planned to sell the truffle grounds by auction of the International Truffle Association. She needed the proceeds to fund her retirement. If Amy’s law does not respect wills of the deceased, there may be some uncertainty as to whose claim is stronger. A skilled jurist will exploit the uncertainty to assist the Amy and Tran to negotiate a settlement. For example, a settlement under which Tran sells the truffle hunting rights subject to a preservation easement in favor of the preserve via its designated agent Amy would meet the needs of both claimants. If the parties refuse to settle, they will have to live with whatever ruling the jurist decides. In close cases, rational disputants will settle. As happens under present systems, some people may leave their property to a trust, which is a form of fictional entity. As any other fictional entity, the extent to which it is recognized and respected will depend on the laws of those who interact with its property. Since these laws cannot confidently be predicted in voluntary law societies, fictional trusts will not be commonly used. Instead, property may be given in trust to natural persons, who are charged with the duty of acting as trustee of the property under a contract with the grantor. If the grantor dies, the trust may be enforced against the trustee by a third party beneficiary or surviving parties to the trust agreement. If there are no beneficiaries or survivors, the trust dissolves at the discretion of the trustee. Death, as it is known today, is usually irreversible; exceptions may exists in fleeting cases such as when people “die” on the operating table but are revived before brain death sets in. Future technological development may change this present reality. After all, heads and entire bodies are sometime frozen, in hopes of later revival. There may come a time when the dead are not beyond hope of revival under conditions that are presently beyond hope. If such a time comes, those awaiting revival may be treated under the law as simply disabled for an indefinite period of time. If this period of time stretches or more than a few year, difficulties with this approach may arise, resolution of which may be left to a time in which the difficulties actually arise. The underlying tension is between a law of the indefinitely disabled, which is frozen and cannot adapt to changing circumstances, and the adaptable law of the living. The death of the voluntary lawgiver may seem to thrust us into unfamiliar territory. We are accustomed to considering only one law controlling the disposition of property after death. Yet, the differences in fact are not as radical as it may seem, due to other balancing principles such as TROTWET. Discounting the law of the dead may seem superficially troubling, but in the majority of cases will bring about results similar to those provided by widely applied rules of inheritance known today, as illustrated by the foregoing examples. In some cases, death will bring more flexibility for just resolution of conflicting claims than is possible under a monolithic legal system. Applying the law of the living to the property of the dead has the great advantage of freeing the living from constraints imposed by those who cannot breathe life in their flesh ever again, or adapt to changed circumstances confronting the living. * * * Image from page 343 of “St. Nicholas [serial]” (1873) via the Internet Archive Book Images photostream on Flickr Fictional Entities, Future of Voluntary Law, Introduction To Voluntary Law (Book) Fictional Entities Headless Sightings by Krocky Meshkin Legally recognized fictional entities, as we know them today, are creations of state laws. These entities exist in two basic forms: personal and collective. Personal fictional entities are alter-egos of a natural person. For example, a business owner may provide a fictional identity for one or more businesses she owns and controls. Each business may be given a separate name, bank accounts, and financial records. Depending on the status of registration of the fictional entity with state authorities and its compliance with state regulation, the owner or owners of the fictional entity may be protected from liability for non-criminal acts attributed to the fictional entity. When the fictional entity has more than one owner, it is a collective entity. In general, fictional entities can be justified for their supposedly socially beneficial purposes, including (for example) encouraging passive investment in collective enterprises, development of business enterprises as transferable assets, providing collective redress for harms committed by agents of the collective, and many other purposes. This post does not concern state-created fictional entities, and therefore will not spend words considering the merits or detriments of such beasts. The topic at hand is recognition and treatment of fictional entities under voluntary law. Debating the merits of generic collective entities under voluntary law is pointless for any political purpose, because nobody will be forced to recognize a form of collective against their will. We might expect, however, that the merits of particular collectives or legal forms for collectives might be hotly debated in voluntary law societies. Fundamentally, in a stateless legal system based on personal sovereignty, the legal effect of the fictional entity depends on its recognition under the laws of each person encountering it. With its characteristic infinite adaptability, voluntary law can provide for recognition of any form of fictional entity, and any rules for treatment of such entities. Recognition cannot be forced on those who do not hold to those laws under which the recognition is granted. However, social pressure to recognize certain forms of fictional entities may arise. For example, laws enabling socially adept collectives will tend to be favored, creating social pressure for recognition of those laws. Indeed, we might think of states as the result of a sometimes violently aggressive social process for recognition of a fictional collective entity: namely, the state in its various forms. But under voluntary law, social pressure is rooted in personal sovereignty and non-aggression, whereas state-sanctioned pressure is aggressive by nature of being rooted in the concept of state sovereignty over a territory. Given that social pressure for recognizing collective entities can arise under voluntary law, what forms of voluntary law will provide for the most vigorous forms of collectives, capable of encouraging widespread adoption of those forms? Will it be the corporate form, similar to that recognized by states? Only time will tell, but there are reasons to think that the prevalent form will differ from statist corporate laws in some fundamental respects, most obviously in matters of taxation or tolls, determination of liability for corporate action, and assertion of collective property rights. In other respects, collectives operating solely within voluntary law societies might (or might not) resemble corporations and other collectives based in state law. For example, such entities may have officers, employees, and shareholders, and shares of some types of collectives might be traded in open markets similar to stock exchanges. Or not; these collectives can be organized in any useful way that a group of people is capable of agreeing to. Before speculating about the future of collective entities, some fundamental matters need to be considered. Personal sovereignty of natural persons is at the root of voluntary law. By definition, a fictional entity is not a natural person, and thus, cannot possess the sovereign power to make its own law. Any system in which a fictional entity is granted lawmaking power as if it were a natural person falls squarely outside of the bounds of voluntary law, by definition. The grant of lawmaking power to fictional entities is well-known in other systems, including all systems that rest primarily on dominion over a territory (empires, republics, democracies, city-states, etc.). States are themselves the premier example of such fictional entities, abrogating for themselves the power to make law in a territory. But no fictional entity can ever possess the legal status of a natural person under voluntary law, by definition. Every natural person can have but one natural identity. Some natural persons may, nonetheless, prefer to adopt different identities for different purposes, even within voluntary law societies. For example, different identities may be desired for convenience in dealing with disparate groups of people, or because the presence of split personalities in the same person makes the maintenance of a single identity impractical. Let us presume that different identities can, in some cases, be adopted and used legitimately without fraud. Whatever the motivation for adopting the different identities, each of the multiple identities is necessarily tied to the same natural person. Because we have assumed a lack of fraud, it follows that whenever a dispute involving the natural person arises, the multiple identities and the respective laws adopted by those entities will be known to all parties involved. If the natural person has adopted conflicting laws, under TROTWET the least advantageous one of these laws will be the one used for resolution of the dispute at hand. Any other approach would allow disputants to pick and choose from alternative laws to apply to different disputes, turning voluntary law into a useless game of words. If voluntary law is to have any social utility, the rule of “weakest law” for each natural person (or something like it) must be enforced. This means that although a person may adopt any number of laws and identities, only the weakest one of their adopted laws will be considered in the circumstances of any particular dispute. Each person can be allowed only one controlling law, in any given circumstance — unless, of course, all parties to a dispute consent to the application of some law other than the one determined to be the weakest. When a fictional entity is merely an alter ego of a single natural person, TROTWET works well as the prevailing rule and should suffice for regulatory purposes. However, many collective entities exist that are not under the control of a single person, being regulated by some structure of rights distributed among members or shareholders, for example. Collective fictional entities cannot be equated to natural persons, so how could they have legal status under voluntary law? There are infinite possibilities, limited only by the imagination of any two or more natural people who adopt their own laws, and the jurists who may mediate disputes between such persons. That said, even at this early stage, certain general possibilities are clear. One possibility is recognition by contract. Suppose a natural person “Steve” organizes a collective “Peach” to develop and sell quantum computers and subspace communicators. The rights and responsibilities of “Peach” can be defined by contract between any two or more persons, and may vary depending on context. For example, two people who have adopted a compatible form of contract law can execute an enforceable written agreement in which one person is an officer of the fictional entity “Peach” and the other is a stakeholder of one type or another, for example, an independent contractor, investor, supplier, or customer. Both the officer and the stakeholder agree to treat “Peach” as if it were a person in the event of any dispute arising under the agreement. Naturally, the agreement will also include a choice of law clause to eliminate uncertainty by the law under which the agreement will be interpreted, and other provisions for dispute resolution. The choice of law may also specify a form of governance for the entity. Thus, for purposes of disputes arising under the agreement, and only for such purposes, the entity “Peach” can readily be accorded a status that is equivalent to that of person by those who have voluntarily agreed to do so. If the contract somehow lacks a choice of law provision, its legal effect can be evaluated under TROTWET, based on the laws of the natural persons who have executed it. Another possibility is recognition of fictional entities by adoption of law. This may be used instead of, or in conjunction with, recognition by contract. Such voluntary laws may take various forms. For example, a law may state that the natural person adopting the law will recognize the legal status of any fictional entity that is currently certified as complying with a specified set of standards for personal and/or collective fictional entities. The law may also specify the certifying agency, or a class of acceptable certifying agencies. There is nothing to prevent a voluntary law from referencing a state law regarding fictional entities. For example, a person is not prohibited from adopting a law that recognizes all legal entities in good standing with the California Secretary of State, for purposes of the person who adopts the law only. It might sometimes be convenient for people to adopt laws that grant recognition to state-created entities. Such recognition enables the entity to resolve disputes with the grantor under voluntary law. Under some circumstances (e.g. in societies gradually transitioning to voluntary law), state-sanctioned entities might be eager to receive such recognition, for example to increase their customer base and avoid unnecessarily expensive legal process, without running afoul of state requirements for collective entities. To avoid uncertainty regarding choice of law, personal recognition of a class of fictional entities could, and probably would, be accompanied by a choice of law provision. For example, a person’s law might limit recognition to entities that agree to settle disputes under some particular statement of voluntary law. Without such a clause in the voluntary law that provided recognition to the fictional entity, the recognition would be meaningless. Status as a person within voluntary law society requires, by definition, that the person has adopted a law applicable to the dispute at hand. Fictional entities cannot adopt laws, not being natural persons. Therefore, to be accorded legal status under voluntary law, the applicable law of the fictional entity must be defined by each natural person who chooses to recognize that entity. When a dispute between the fictional entity and a voluntary law society member arises, the fictional entity could agree to resolve the dispute according to the society member’s law. If that option was not acceptable, and it could not negotiate some other settlement of the matter, the fictional collective entity could forgo legal recognition under voluntary law in the matter. This would essentially remove any “corporate shield” erected to protect the property of the entity’s members. In general, the legal rights of collective fictional entities under voluntary law are subject to the laws of those they come in dispute with, without any restraint from operation of TROTWET. Naturally, some voluntary law society members would choose to not recognize collective entities. Others, unrestrained by TROTWET, might recognize collective entities subject to unacceptably onerous liability laws. Therefore, it is inevitable that certain collective entities would not be recognized under voluntary law, even if voluntary law is widely adopted. This would have consequences for members or agents of the collective who possess reputations under voluntary law. To preserve those reputations, such persons might need to subject themselves to legal process under voluntary law even in cases where they are not directly responsible for the underlying harm. It will therefore often be necessary to determine whether or not, and to what extent, particular members of a collective are liable for harms committed by other members of the same collective. If the collective is not legally recognized, the voluntary law to be applied by the jurist must boil down to determining the law applicable between the claimant and defendant, as two natural persons who have both adopted voluntary law. Whether or not a member of a collective is responsible for actions of another member therefore becomes a function of the member’s law and that of the person bringing the claim, under conflict of law rules such as TROTWET. Each member of the collective is free to choose his own law regarding “agency,” meaning the circumstances when one becomes legally responsible for the actions of another. Each can limit liability for actions by other members of the collective by adopting a suitable law regarding agency. But limitations that are too severe will likewise severely limit ability of those who hold to the limitations to recover from others. To provide reasonable recourse from harm by collectives, conspiracies or other agencies, most people will therefore adopt laws that permit “joint and several” recovery for harms against each and every member of a group of people (including both principals and their agents) that have caused the harm. “Joint and several” means that each person in any way responsible for the harm can be held fully accountable to pay for the entire harm. Without laws providing for joint and several liability, it would be trivial for collectives and conspiracies to exercise coercion without effective recourse. For example, suppose a collective “Evil, Inc.” wishes to harm another while shielding all of its principals from liability under voluntary law. Each of Evil, Inc.’s principals (e.g., controlling shareholders and officers) could renounce joint and several liability, such as by limiting liability to direct actions only. Then, Evil, Inc. could hire a special agent (who could be an outlaw, or a society member with lax laws) to perform the heinous deeds desired by the principals, for example, dumping hazardous waste to avoid costs of proper disposal. Under TROTWET, principals of Evil, Inc. who did not personally direct the agent could not be held accountable for the actions of the special agent under voluntary law, even if they had tacitly approved the action. Actions for recovery would be limited to proportional recovery from the agents and their direct supervisors, one or all of which might be outlaws, or relatively poor; thus would legal redress be frustrated. A small fraction of the legal damages might be paid, if at all; while the beneficiaries of Evil’s conduct would not suffer any legal consequences. However, these beneficiaries would not enjoy tranquility for long. If the harm was serious enough, another collective such as “Revenge, Inc.”, will step in to exact revenge. Principals with overly lax laws regarding liability for actions of their agents will make tempting victims for the same treatment by others. For example, the executives of Evil, Inc. might find hazardous waste being dumped on their own properties by agents of Revenge. Thus, to avoid being victimized by the agents of their adversaries, principals would adopt reasonable laws regarding agency liability. Such laws could take various different forms, but would generally make principals jointly and severally liable for actions of agents made to further the principal’s interests. The agents would of course also be liable for their actions, and to protect themselves might demand indemnity from the principals, before accepting their offer of employment. Thus, liability for collective or other agency action can naturally be imbued by social pressure and enforcement of principles against hypocrisy, such as TROTWET, just as can liability for any other anti-social or destructive behavior. Property can be held in the name of a collective entity, with the legal effect depending on the law of the person making a claim on the property. If the claimant recognizes the collective entity, and if this recognition is not contested by any representative of the entity, then the property can be used to satisfy a judgment under voluntary law, or as the basis for a counter claim by the entity. If the claimant does not recognize the entity or its recognition is not accepted, then the property can be reached only indirectly as an asset of a member of the collective, and cannot be used as the basis for a counter claim. For example, if Ted does not recognize PollutCo, and PollutCo’s agents and officers do Ted some harm, Ted can sue the agents and officers if they hold to voluntary law. If Ted wins a judgment, it can be satisfied from the assets of the agents and officers named in the suit. However the jurist may consider the money held in the name of PollutCo to be effectively owned by the defendants, because PollutCo is merely an unrecognized fiction in the case at hand. So if the employees and officers do not pay, the jurist may order that a lien be attached to the PollutCo’s accounts until the judgment is satisfied. This lien would not, of course be recorded in state records or enforced by state sheriffs, if a state exists and has registered PollutCo. It would be recorded by a private recorder of voluntary law liens, and enforced by a contingent-fee peace officer, a.k.a a “bounty hunter.” Conversely, PolluteCo cannot make voluntary law claims against anyone that does not recognize it as a legal entity, because it has no inherent status under voluntary law except as a fiction. For example, it cannot assert property rights against those who do not recognize it as a legal entity. Accordingly, PolluteCo might protect property by appointing a natural agent (or agents) to hold it in trust for the benefit of PolluteCo. Each of these agents would, by contract and/or adoption of law, recognize PolluteCo as a legal entity and grant it certain rights related to the property, under a license or other agreement. Each of the agents would also adopt a form of property law that that is perceived as mutually beneficial by the pertinent executive of PolluteCo and by the agent. All legal enforcement of PolluteCo’s property rights would be done by the applicable agent, under that agent’s chosen voluntary law. The benefit of any judgements received would flow to PolluteCo by virtue of the trust agreement with the agent. Just as natural persons can recognize fictional entities, can fictional entities recognize each other under a sort of quasi-voluntary law? Not without being under a legal system other than voluntary law. Law making by fictional entities belongs to another class of legal systems that includes law making by territorial-based fictional entities (namely states), and law making by property-based fictional entities (for example, by private defense/justice collectives under anarcho-capitalism). It may be convenient for fictional entities to deal with one another as if each were a sovereign natural person or subject to some higher authority that governs collective entities only. Therefore, even in a society otherwise wholly under voluntary law, we may expect disparate classes of legal systems to co-exist for indefinitely long periods of time. In a state of healthy coexistence, each legal system would be restricted to its natural and proper domain: voluntary law to legal issues involving one or more natural persons, and fictional law to issues exclusively involving fictional entities. Laws from one system might influence laws in another, but would not be directly applicable in alien domains. Laws covering fictional collectives might fall into two general classes: collective-voluntary law, in which each collective is sovereign and adopts its own laws effective against other collectives under a conflict-of-laws regime such as TROTWET, and collective-delegated law, in which associations of collective entities delegate sovereignty over law making for the entire association to a special collective. Modern corporate governments, such as the United States, may be precursors of collective-delegated systems compatible with voluntary law society. If the United States were to recognize personal sovereignty as supreme, and rewrite its laws to govern participating collective entities only, it could persist indefinitely with voluntary law and collective-voluntary law systems, without any tension or clash between competing areas of sovereignty. Naturally, that is a big “if.” Yet, if the mass of its citizenry were willing to govern themselves as individual sovereigns, there can be little doubt that institutions of the old empire such as remained useful for organizing collective entities would seek to play the role of sovereign over the collective fictions that remained outside the sphere of voluntary law. If these vestigial agencies hold to the non-aggression principle (as would likely be the case if they recognized the supremacy of personal sovereignty and most individuals practiced voluntary law) they will compete for this sovereign role against more loosely-organized communities of fictional entities organized under a collective-voluntary law system. It may be that some social functions requiring collective laws are better served by one class of collective law or the other, so perhaps both classes could co-exist. This coexistence of voluntary law, collective-voluntary law, and collective-delegated law will be able to accommodate highly complex legal and social situations no doubt worthy of an entire branch of study, while always preserving the sovereignty of the individual against that of the collective. Individuals would be safely beyond the reach of coercive collective power, but collective social power would not be extinguished. Legal process would come in two fundamental flavors: individual versus individual, and collective versus collective. This blog focuses mainly on voluntary law, which is concerned principally with processes exclusively involving individual sovereigns. Nonetheless, legal process between an individual and a collective could also occur under voluntary law, by mutual consent. Whenever a voluntary law society member decides to recognize a fictional entity by adoption of law, whether or not the fictional entity is also recognized by a state or by some other legal system by and for fictional legal entities, there is a possibility of an individual versus collective process. For the recognition of the collective to have practical effect, it must be agreed to by a managing principal of the fictional entity, either by preexisting agreement or by agreement at the time a dispute arises. Such an agreement may be made whenever the voluntary law member and the managing principal of the fictional entity both believe the agreement confers some advantage. For example, the managing principal might believe that participation in voluntary law provides improved public relations and more efficient legal process. A voluntary law member might also benefit from the more efficient legal process, and might believe that the voluntary law provides more just and socially beneficial outcomes than possible under state law. To a state regulator of fictional entities, voluntary law appears as merely another tool for dispute resolution, akin to private mediation and arbitration. The use of voluntary law by collective entities might find political opposition from state-licensed lawyers or other government-assisted legal cartels threatened by private dispute resolution beyond the reach of their monopolies. Such resistance would merely reflect political opposition to changes in the status quo, and not any fundamental shortcoming in dispute resolution under voluntary law. If voluntary law is to become widespread, it will certainly be accommodated by collective entities of all types, both state-recognized and not. Accommodation of voluntary law by collective entities will depend on recognition of the collective entity by each individual of the multitudes who will practice voluntary law. Just as in other areas, social pressure can be brought to bear on collectives by the individual choices of society members in their adoption of law. It is impossible to predict exactly how collective entities might evolve, or what they might become, under this social pressure. For now, we can foresee some exciting possibilities, such as corporations and cooperatives competing for recognition from individual society members by developing and promoting more sensible and popular laws. The most successful collectives would attract the most members and supporters, and would thrive, displacing older forms based on political coercion. We can foresee systems for social cooperation in which equal rights, individual liberty, efficient division of labor, and complex massive collective projects can all thrive together, without any coercive taxation or regulation. We can foresee many diverse types of collective organizations coexisting and enabling very different lifestyles to be lived, side by side. We can foresee the end of wasteful paperwork and legal machinations to avoid paying taxes or to comply with regulations motivated by powerful special interests. We can foresee the end of cartels, corporate welfare, and other special privileges that enable the few to claim ownership or control over the many, by gradual abolition of the monopoly at the root of those evils. Insisting on the sole sovereignty of the natural person will not disable collective entities, or banish them from voluntary societies. Quite the contrary. It is this true democracy, this rule by every person over herself under law published to all, which will free the collective to take on amazing new forms and accomplish unimaginably great and more perfectly moral things. * * * Photo “Headless Sightings Exhibit V” Credit To Krocky Meshkin Some Rights Reserved (Photo) under Creative Commons Dependents, Introduction To Voluntary Law (Book), Voluntary Law Abortion, Infanticide and Euthanasia Under Voluntary Law I’ve proposed in a prior post that a neutral jurist determines a law to be imputed to a fetus or to an infant, just as in other cases. The jurist, naturally, does this job without the benefit of any words from the fetus or infant. The imputed law is based on the best available indirect evidence, including the adopted laws of the parties and the prevailing norms in the child’s community. Although the jurist exercises discretion in imputing law to the mute infant, she does so subject to the objective constraints of discoverable evidence. If a jurist rules against the weight of the evidence, she puts her own reputation at stake. To say that abortion by the mother is always prohibited, or conversely, is always permissible, is contrary to personal sovereignty at the heart of voluntary law. Any absolute rule on the legal status of a fetus would necessarily be based on either an arbitrary diktat of some ruler, or on a definition of “person” that falls outside of voluntary law’s foundational definition of personhood. A person is, according to voluntary law, a corporeal, mortal entity capable at some prior relevant time of language and legal discourse (among other things). Infants, fetuses, fertilized human cells, and the severely mentally disabled from birth fall into a special category that might be called “potential persons who have not yet (and may never) become capable of adopting and following their own laws, yet might become capable within their lifetimes.” For brevity, we may generally refer to such living beings as “dependent potential persons” or “dependent potentials,” as a general class including infants, young children and those born with severe mental disabilities. The fetus is a prime example of this class. It might fairly be asked how imputing a law to a fetus that permits it to be killed without legal repercussions can ever be considered a voluntary choice of the fetus. As a living being, all fetuses (and zygotes and fertilized eggs) must be presumed to share the common instinct of all life: survival. Therefore to say that the fetus consents to its own self-destruction is to contradict its evident will to survive, and impose a law not of its own choosing. This argument is logical on its face, but consent should not be confused with legal consequences. We may be sure that no fetus or infant ever consents to its own destruction, and do not need to pretend otherwise. The question is what to do with those legally competent persons who, by some intentional or negligent act, have caused the life of the fetus to be taken away. There is no particular logic that requires that all such intentional or negligent acts must have legal consequences. On the contrary, both moral and economic considerations teach that sometimes the intentional killing of a fetus, however tragic, is morally justified, as when to preserve the life of the mother. From an economic standpoint, preservation of life generally requires wholesale destruction of its own seeds. Nature teaches us this in many instances, for example with egg-laying animals that may lay dozens or hundreds of eggs, of which few survive to adulthood. Even mammalian species often bear litters, of which few survive under normal conditions. The economics of life dictate that not every individual can survive to adulthood, and in times of great scarcity, difficult choices must sometimes be made. In the face of these moral and economic realities, no sustainable society can enforce laws in which every individual package of DNA capable of growing naturally or artificially into a person is owed a duty of nurture. If such laws were to be enforced, there could be no legal abandonment or disposal of inseminated eggs. Mothers could be held liable for the violation of rights of miscarried fetuses. No natural society could consistently observe such an absolute rule. Exceptions to the duty to nurture have always been be made for one reason or another, and would always be made in every conceivable society. It is commonplace in every human society for dependent potential persons to be neglected or actively suppressed in the interests of sustainability of the social order on which the as-yet unformed persons depend. So it should be evident that elevating the universal survival instinct to the status of a socially-recognized law cannot be consistently or fairly realized; in actuality it is impossible because of inevitable clashes between fecundity and scarcity. Customs, rules, and laws regarding treatment of infants and fetuses have historically varied with the times and circumstances. On the other hand, civil society also depends on reciprocal respect for the sanctity of life, which is threatened when the rights of dependent potential persons to live are callously disregarded. The statist approach to this tension is to proclaim one rule concerning practices such as abortion, infanticide and euthanasia, however arbitrary or divisive, or unevenly enforced. The voluntary law approach is more granular, based on the individual social circumstances of the dependent potential person, and therefore not arbitrary or inviting of uneven enforcement. The task of the jurist is to identify the law that the dependent person would most likely adopt, were it in the position of a caretaker or guardian. Were the jurist to simply ask what law comports with the dependent potential person’s will to live, no practical answer is possible, as argued above. The only legal inquiry with a practical answer is, essentially, is “does the applicable law of the parties under TROTWET depart from the prevailing norms to such degree that some other law should be applied?” In other words, if the dependent potential person had grown up in the social context of its caretaker or guardian, what law would it have adopted? In the case of a fetus and most infants, there is no closer person to the fetus than the mother. Absent extraordinary circumstances, the mother’s law should be the law applied, when harm to a fetus is litigated. If deference to the mother’s law prevails, legal remedies to prevent or penalize abortion will very seldom be recognized unless the mother’s law provides for it. In rare cases, a mother’s law might be disregarded or modified if contrary to clear community norms, objectively determined. For example, if mother who has adopted a permissible adoption law moves and lives as a long-term member of a community in which nearly everyone has adopted a law that penalizes abortion, she may naturally experience difficulty in finding a credible jurist willing to impute her law to her fetus. A competent jurist might find that had her fetus grown up in the community in which she has chosen to live, as an adult it would have chosen a different law. The mother would therefore be unwise to have an abortion there, as legal results would not be predictable. Conversely, if a mother adopting a law that penalizes abortion chooses to live as a long-term member of a community whose members recognize no penalty for abortion, and after some sufficient time willingly aborts her fetus, legal penalties are unlikely to be enforced. The imputed law of a fetus does not come into play in the case of legal actions against a doctor who performs an abortion, or by such a doctor against any attacker bearing an anti-abortion motive. Such controversies are decided under the laws of the parties. The fetus will not generally be a party to actions by a non-family complainant, for reasons explained in the following paragraph. When the fetus is not itself a party, the law that might be imputed to the fetus is not relevant to a choice of law analysis in these cases. Hypothetical disputes between an abortion provider and a third party “defender of fetuses” have been considered in an earlier post. Imputed fetal law will not commonly be at issue, because disputes in which a fetus is a party will be rare. Something akin to the notion of “standing” will naturally limit legal actions by unrelated third party guardians. That limit “akin to standing” is the natural limit on the right to receive damages on behalf of an injured potential dependent person. Damages for ordinary murder will normally (assuming most victims prefer it) be payable to the estate of the murdered, and from the estate to the heirs designated by the law of the victim. In the case of abortion, the closest next of kin and likely imputed heirs will usually be the parents, who can be trusted to not sue themselves for damages. An unrelated third person will not stand to receive damages: under any reasonable rule, what reason is there to reward a stranger for the misfortune of a fetus? There are some cases in which a rightful claim to damages arising from abortion might be enforced. For example, one parent might sue another to prevent an abortion or collect damages for one performed. Imputation of fetal law might arise in special circumstances such as disputes between family members, as when a related-party guardian sues a mother for damages on behalf of an aborted fetus, or in the unusual case where an unrelated guardian learns of another’s intent to abort, sues for an injunction to prevent an abortion from being performed. For example, a person who has paid a surrogate mother might (or might not) have a legitimate interest in seeing a viable pregnancy carried to term. Such claimants might sometimes seek imputation of a law to the fetus if the mother’s law is unfavorable to their cause, and the context clearly supports the imputation of some other law. Cases that arise after abortion are analogous to litigation on behalf of deceased victims. The parties to the action are the victim and whomever the guardian is seeking damages from, for example, from the mother or from a doctor who performed the abortion. Where suit is brought on behalf of the fetus by an heir or legally potential caretaker, the applicable law is that of the fetus only, which may be imputed based on the circumstances. TROTWET does not apply, when law is imputed to a dependent potential person, as explained in a previous post. The neutral jurist will ask: were the fetus in the position of the mother, what law would the fetus hold? Absent other evidence, usually this imputed law will be the law of the mother, provided the mother has not recently changed her law merely for convenience’s sake. However, if the mother’s law is a rare outlier in a place where nearly all other mothers do not freely permit abortion, and where the mother plans to reside indefinitely, a jurist might conclude that more likely than not, were the fetus to grow to become a parent, it would likewise recognize a prohibition on abortion. In these very rare cases, a guardian might, for example, obtain a ruling requiring that the mother give birth and either care for the child or give it up for adoption. If a legal action is filed post-abortion, damages might be paid to the guardian or to some designated fund, for example, to a charity that represents the rights of the unborn, or that finds homes for orphaned children. Actual outcomes are likely to be highly varied and tailored to the context at hand, based on the voluntary law applied. For emotional issues such as abortion or euthanasia, it is possible that some jurists may always impute a fetal or infant’s law with consequences for performing an abortion or infanticide, while others might always find abortions or infanticides non-actionable if performed with the mother’s consent, subject perhaps to other conditions. The approach suggested for imputing a law to the fetus provides a way to distinguish between mere consistency by happenstance, and unacceptable bias. If a jurist always rules one way despite hearing cases with different mothers’ laws, absent extenuating circumstances the jurist is plainly biased. The credibility and livelihood of any jurist who hears a large number of abortion cases and consistently rules one way regardless of the evidence at hand would quickly be destroyed. Any rulings tainted by that jurist would be rendered unenforceable, in any community that values neutrality in due process of law. It might be feared that communities in which juristic neutrality is not valued might come to exist. Suppose, for example, a community is intolerant of jurists who are unwilling to rule one way or another, in the sense that the rulings of any jurist who rules against community norms are practically unenforceable. Widespread enforcement bias might sometimes lead to results contrary to basic justice under voluntary law. However, absent concentration of capital and political power such as states enable, maintaining enforcement biases contrary to reason and justice over large areas for long periods of time will not be possible. If there is a sufficient market for justice of one flavor or another, providers will spring up to meet it. It can fairly be asked whether providing jurists with the power to impute law to fetuses and other potential persons grants too much power to the jurist. Does relying on community standard bring back the state in another, more subtle guise? No, because there is no actual “standard” outside of a consensus between jurists of good reputation. In fact the opposite problem of disagreement between equally reputable jurists will be more commonplace. Such non-uniformity, if intractable despite good faith efforts, may be evidence that the supposed community standard is not clear enough to support a legal ruling. The potential person will therefore have its rights disposed of under the more usual tool of TROTWET applied to the laws of the parties, or not at all. Suppose, for example, that the father of a fetus sues the mother for an injunction to prevent an abortion. A first jurist holds that community standards require the pregnancy to be carried to term, under the circumstances at hand. The mother appeals, bringing the case before a second jurist. The second jurist finds there is no community standard regarding abortion, and rules that under the mother’s law the abortion cannot be prevented. If the jurists are of similar reputation, enforcers willing to enforce the first jurist’s ruling will be hard or impossible to find. Reputable enforcers will not want to risk a claim of damages based on the second jurist’s ruling. Although the power to impute a law under limited circumstances grants discretion to a jurist, such discretion cannot be exercised absent a very compelling reason that would be clear to every reputable jurist available to hear the case. Thus, the power is merely a sort of check against loathsome conduct by caregivers, and cannot function as a tool for leveraging judicial influence beyond the constraints of personal sovereignty. Once a child is born, the adopted laws of other parties to litigation may be given greater weight, as the infant is no longer dependent solely on the mother for survival. In any event, controversies over abortion are no longer possible, once the baby is born. Although repugnant to most modern cultures, infanticide is not unknown in present or historical societies, especially of infants born with severe genetic defects. The legal questions under voluntary law are not much different than abortion, with the important difference that the infant is capable of surviving independently without care for a considerable period of time. Social norms would provide to an abandoned infant a law requiring some reasonable duty to provide care, even if parents abandoning an infant somehow lacked such a law. The standard of what is “reasonable” under the circumstances will vary based on context. For example, what is reasonable in New York City or Omaha may differ from what is reasonable in isolated, resource constrained societies, for example, aboriginal Amazonians or a small colony on the moon. Infant abandonment has been considered in the previous post. Other cases that touch on the legal rights of dependent potential persons may include abuse, euthanasia, competing caregivers, probate and right to inherit, and actions by or against a legal estate of the dependent potential person. To determine what law to apply, the jurist first determines whether or not the legal interests of the dependent potential person are at the heart of the case. Essentially, the jurist determines whether a claim based on harm to the dependent person, or a claim for or against a property interest of the dependent potential person is at stake. If so, the jurist first determines and imputes a voluntary law to the dependent potential person, and then applies the imputed law. If no such claim is at stake, the jurist applies TROTWET to laws of the parties. Thus, the dependent potential is a party in cases of abuse, infanticide, euthanasia, or the infant’s property rights. The potential person is not necessarily a party in cases of competing caregivers (e.g., a custody dispute), absent an allegation of abuse. Therefore TROTWET applied between the competing caregivers determines the outcome. The weaker law in a custody dispute is like antecedent basis in property law: the law with the most stringent antecedents to a claim of custody wins. The jurist may evaluate stringency based on some community standard. For example, suppose a father’s law states that sole custody should be awarded to the parent most capable of providing economic support, whereas the mother’s law states that custody should be awarded to the parent who spends the most time personally caring for the child. We can hope that such disputes would be very unlikely because all responsible parents will adopt mutually agreeable laws providing for shared custody in the best interests of a child, before parenting a child together. Nonetheless, some children are conceived and borne without due forethought, and just such children are more likely than others to become subjects of custody disputes. How is a jurist to determine the weakest of competing custody laws? Which antecedent is more “stringent”: providing economic support, or providing personal care? The child needs both types of support, and both require roughly equivalent measures of exertion. If both parents have demonstrated support for the welfare of the child, a sage jurist might declare a “tie” and help the dueling parents work out a shared custody arrangement. If one of the parents has been negligent, it little matters which law is applied, because under either law, the custody will be awarded to the sole supportive parent. Where the custodial claim is spurious, it might easily be recognized as such with or without application of a comparative principle such as TROTWET. A wise jurist does not seek perfect compliance to any idealized mathematical model for applying voluntary law, “stringency” included, nor seek to play logical games for their own sake. Instead, the wise jurist seeks to do justice within a framework that respects the personal sovereignties of the parties and of the dependent potential person involved in the dispute more than rules imposed from the outside. Concepts such as “stringency” are suggested here as guides to realizing underlying principles of justice in specific circumstances, and not as infallible laws applicable in all circumstances. Where these concepts provide no clear answer, or provide a clearly unjust answer, the ruling should be made on the basis of more pertinent and illuminating criteria. The case of euthanasia of a once-capable dependent differs from the case of the dependent potential person. The case of a mercy killing would be judged under the applicable law of the one killed, as with any other case involving two parties. It will be almost guaranteed, however, that the person performing the killing will have adopted a law that permits assisted suicide or perhaps mercy killing in limited conditions. For example, killing a person with the permission of the caretaker, or by the caretaker, of a chronically uncommunicative dependent in a medically incurable state with an extremely low chance of recovery, might not be regarding as a cause for any action. For TROTWET to excuse such mercy killing, it will be important that the rule is written as positive law and not as an affirmative defense, as has been noted. A person opposed to mercy-killing should therefore appoint a caretaker who is also opposed to mercy killing, to avoid a hastened but merciful demise. But what if the killer’s law does not require the consent of the dependent’s chosen caretaker? Such a person would be unnecessarily inviting legal action by offended caretakers. Mercy killers operating without consent would not normally exist, because it would be more expedient for them to pursue the occupation of mercy killing with caretakers’ consents to avoid legal and extra-legal risks. Supposing, however that the mercy killer has an uncanny knack for selecting suitable victims against caretakers’ wishes, would there be any legal recourse? The bold mercy killer would inevitably face charges of ordinary murder from angry caretakers. If the killer had failed to adopt a law against ordinary murder, he would quickly wind up dead at the hands of an aggrieved caretaker. Unless, of course, every one of the caretakers lacked any basis for showing that the killer had acted beyond the authority of his own reasonable mercy-killing law. In which case, the killer’s aptitude for selecting suitable victims would be uncanny indeed. What if the mercy killer acts under an unreasonable mercy-killing law? Such a killer faces several risks. For one, a jurist might hold that the unreasonable mercy-killing defense is an affirmative defense, which will not be applied under TROTWET. Second, by publicly adopting an odious law, the killer shows himself to be a monster, losing friends and making enemies. Finally, the killer risks being mercy-killed unreasonably by any other person, if his law is deemed to be a positive law, under principles of TROTWET as have previously been explained. Intertwined voluntary law societies obviously cannot and should not be expected to provide one uniform resolution to divisive and difficult social issues. These societies will instead permit experimentation, transparency and above all, acceptance of conflicting beliefs on difficult moral and legal questions that fit within its foundational limits. Abortion, infanticide and euthanasia provide examples of such difficult questions, which are fully capable of resolution within voluntary frameworks. In the case of the laws to be applied when harms to dependent potential persons are litigated, voluntary law provides a framework for dispute resolution that is both considerate of the practical realities of sustainable societies, and deeply rooted in respect for the life and self-sovereignty of every society member, present and potential. Voluntary law can do this without contradicting the essential meaning of a “person” as one who is capable of acting intentionally and deliberately with knowledge of articulated laws governing social conduct. * * * Photo credit to Suparna Sinha Some rights reserved under Creative Commons License Attribution-ShareAlike 2.0 Generic (CC BY-SA 2.0) Dependents, Introduction To Voluntary Law (Book) Children and Other Dependents Different voluntary laws are in some sense “compatible” when consistent with the three pillars as defined earlier: personhood, voluntariness, and publication. A logical system for resolving conflict of laws follows by rational deduction from these core principles. There may be incompatible systems of voluntary law; for example, those that use an incompatible definition of person. Here a distinction must be made: systems that define personhood based on some arbitrary characteristic (for example, color of skin, language, eye color, beliefs, etc.) are not systems deserving of interest. They may arise and exist as backwards curiosities, but will not thrive in the face of universal definitions of personhood that rest on the corporeality of the individual, possession of a moral sense, and the capacity to understand, adopt, and follow rules governing resolution of conflicting rights or claims on a reasoned basis. There may exist debate about these fundamental prerequisites to personhood, and when they apply. Some issues of such debate were touched upon in an earlier chapter. Interesting real-world problems do arise, however, over treatment of “temporary” non-persons, such as minors or mentally disabled persons, treatment of collective entities, animal rights. More exotic questions such as artificial or alien life may deserve a little attention as future possibilities. Speaking of fetuses, infants, children, or others incapable of looking after themselves, when is intervention justified in a caretaker-dependent relationship? What law should be applied to justify intervention, when the subject is incapable of adopting her own law? An ancillary question concerns what actions are justified when no legally responsible caretaker can be found for such a person. If every dependent person (or potential person) has an uncontested caretaker, who treats the dependent in a manner consistent with prevailing customs, legal controversies do not arise. Legal questions can arise chiefly when dependents are abandoned, are the subject of caretaker disputes, or are treated in a way that those willing to take defensive measures regard as abusive. For purposes of voluntary law, we may divide dependency questions into two essential classifications: those in which the dependent was at least at some relevant time capable of functioning as a legal person, and those in which the dependent has never acted as a person in the legal sense and is reasonably regarded as lacking the capacity to do so for all relevant times. There may be, of course, controversy or doubt as to which class a person belongs to, or gradation along a spectrum from incapacity to capacity. Nonetheless, exploration of the legal middle ground depends from the opposite classifications that define its boundaries. We shall explore how voluntary law might work in the gray, intermediate zone between clear legal capacity and clear incapacity, after first considering how dependency works in the end conditions. “Relevant times” means those times relevant to the legal question at hand. For example, in considering the validity of a power of attorney, the relevant time is that time when the power was granted. At some time afterwards, the grantor may be completely incapacitated (e.g., may be suffering from a severe brain disorder). The subsequent lack of capacity may not be relevant to the validity of the power, depending on its terms. For further example, the relevant time for an aborted fetus is the time up until abortion and death of the fetus. A dependent relationship between two legally capable persons may take the form of a contract or agreement, a grant of power, a temporary agency or rendering of assistance or other circumstances in which one legally capable person depends on the actions of another. These relationships are easy to analyze. In a wholly voluntary law society, any controversies arising out of such dependencies are treated under the laws adopted by the participants, using some rational system for resolving conflicts of law, such as TROTWET. The capacity of a person to act in the adoption of law may be an issue in certain cases, just as is it conventionally for purposes of contracts, criminal intent, testamentary capacity, and in other cases. There are many different possible factual scenarios. For example, a dependent who previously adopted a first law ‘A’ and later ‘B’ might have the adoption of either ‘A’ or ‘B’ challenged. If there is sufficient evidence that the adoption was not made intentionally by the dependent while being in a mentally capable state, the adoption of law might be nullified by judicial action. For example, a later adoption of law ‘B’ might be nullified and the dependent’s law therefore might be considered to be ‘A’ and only ‘A’. If the adoption of law ‘A’ is also nullified, the dependent may fall into the status of a dependent outlaw, similar to a child who has never adopted any law. Treatment of dependent outlaws will be considered below. First, however, consider the possibility of conflicts between the law of a non-outlaw dependent and the law of another person who acts as a caregiver. Such conflicts may come into play, for example, when the caregiver brings an action to spend assets belonging to the dependent for the dependent’s care, or for a declaration of property interest in the dependent’s estate. Conversely, another acting as a guardian under the dependent’s law might bring an action to recover damages from a negligent or abusive caregiver, or to seek termination of the caregiver relationship. In the sense used in this essay, a “guardian” should be understood as nothing more than a self-appointed legal representative who asserts the dependent’s law on behalf of a dependent. A “guardian” is not appointed by any jurist, and has no special powers to act on behalf of the dependent. In bringing a case before a jurist, the guardian bears the risk that the jurist will not interpret the applicable law in a way that favors the guardian, just as any other litigant. Consider the result if the property claim or asset request is permitted under the caregiver’s law but not under the dependent’s, or vice-versa. In either case the claim will fail, under TROTWET. Naturally, this will create a shortage of payment for continuing care, if the dependent has not previously executed an agreement permitting the caregiver to spend the dependent’s property for the dependent’s care. Unless some legal action can be taken, a dependent who is incapacitated and unable to act on his own behalf will be deprived of the benefit of his own property. On the other hand, if the dependent’s law clearly preserves the estate to the detriment of continued care in the situation at hand, the jurist cannot assume that the dependent would prefer that the estate be wasted for continued care and not be inherited by an heir. In these cases, the legal effect of adopting a clear law on the question would be similar to the granting of a “durable power of attorney” or a “do not resuscitate” order, under the law of many U.S. states and other places. No person should be required to waste their estate on extraordinary care for the last days of life. In case of action by a legal guardian under the dependent’s law against a caregiver, consider what happens if the recovery is permitted by the law of the dependent but not the caregiver, or vice-versa. In either case, the recovery is not permitted. Such an outcome can easily be guarded against before the disability arises, either by appropriate adoption of law or appropriate selection of a caregiver or class of caregiver, by the future dependent. For example, the dependent’s law might provide that no person can be regarded as the dependent’s appointed caregiver whose law does not adhere to specified minimum standards for caregivers. Thus, a person acting as an invalid caregiver would be vulnerable to claims of a general nature, e.g., trespass or assault, for care of a non-emergency nature. Finally, we consider the treatment of dependent outlaws, of which the largest but not exclusive class consists of children. Dependency of a legally incapable outlaw on a legally capable society member raises various possibilities for determination of law. One possibility is to treat the relationship wholly under the law of the legally capable person, while treating the legally incapable person as an outlaw like any other. Under this approach, the poor dependent person in the relationship would be deprived legal recourse for abortions, infanticides, child abuse, euthanasia, kidnappings, and all manner of horrors heaped upon her. She would be treated under voluntary law as if she had consciously chosen to be an outlaw, despite lacking ability to escape by adopting a law. Such an approach would create incentives for abuses against children and other dependents. It is not worthy of serious consideration. Another possibility is to apply the law of the caregiver, as if it were also adopted by the dependent. This is the nearest choice. Nearest perhaps, but applying the law of the caregiver to the rights of the dependent invites abuse by unscrupulous caregivers. At the same time, abuse is no less likely if a third person with some interest in the outcome of a dispute is empowered to craft the law governing the relationship between the caregiver and the dependent outlaw. For example, a rational parent would prefer to have no legal obligations to his children, and would be content to perform the duties of parenting under purely moral obligations such as felt by the parent’s conscience. Conversely, a rational person in the business of child protection (without state intervention, of course) would recognize the essential need for a standard of legal protection of children, to enable the activity of child protection to be legally recognized. Both classes of persons are capable of abuses, as well as good deeds. There is really only one solution consistent with equal rights under natural law: to presume the child is person of good conscience who would not adopt a law against her self-interest, if she were capable of adopting any law. The alternative, to regard the child or other dependent as entitled to no more rights than the property of the caregiver until emancipation, is contrary to nature: children are plainly not equivalent to livestock, being of the same kind as those who care for them. Children are the fabric of future society, destined (with luck) to become equal participants in a society based on personal sovereignty and adoption of law. Livestock and other animals incapable of language do not share the destiny of children, and belong to a different class of being. In a system of law based on personal sovereignty, it is inconceivable that any child or immature person could be regarded as nothing more than the property of another. That is not to say that the relationship between a caregiver and a child cannot resemble a bilateral property interest, in some respects. Such a resemblance is indeed possible, as we shall see. The question at hand is which law to apply to a dispute involving the rights of a child, when parties in conflict disagree about the law to be applied. There will always be some conflict between persons in such disputes, because a dependent (not emancipated) child will be incapable of bringing her own case. Put another way, a person of any age capable of bringing his own case, if it is truly his own without any legal claim of dependence on another, deserves to be regarded as a person with all the rights and responsibilities of self-sovereignty. Conflicts touching directly on dependent children will often take the form of custodial disputes between estranged parents or relatives, and less frequently, allegations of parental abuse by child protection agencies, whether in the person of interested family members or neighbors, or as organized benevolent societies. Other cases may involve a dispute between the child and an adult. For example, the property rights of the child may be at play, or damages for an alleged wrong committed by or against a dependent child. We shall consider the first class of disputes first. Assessing the weaker tool is based on comparing the burdens that a law places on the sovereign parties to a dispute. The underlying principle is that one cannot impose legal burdens on another that are not consented to, and that one would not accept for oneself, if the tables were turned. However, this principle does not hold when the object of the claim revolves around the rights of a dependent person who has not selected any of the laws to be assessed. If there is to be a weaker law selected, the analysis must not fail to consider the perspective of the dependent person, who has brought no claim. Lacking any adopted law from the perspective of the dependent, if the dependent is to be regarded as a person, the jurist is compelled to consider what law a reasonable person in the circumstances of the dependent would adopt regarding the disposition of her rights, knowing that all the burdens and responsibilities of that same law would be applied to her if she were to someday become a parent. This imaginary law cannot be fabricated from nothing; it must be supported by credible evidence and be developed objectively by a neutral, unbiased jurist. It must not be standardized or imposed by some authority on community norms. On the contrary, the law that is imputed by the child must be reasonable, contextually appropriate and customized to the child’s individual circumstances, as determined by an independent, neutral and unbiased jurist. Such an imaginary law might resemble norms of the community to which the child and her family belong. It might also bear a resemblance to the laws held by the disputants in the case. Finally, the stated preferences of the dependent child and her siblings, if she or they are capable of expressing any, cannot be ignored in the determination of such an imaginary law, provided that the preferences are drawn out in a balanced and unbiased way by a neutral counselor, or estimated in some objective way from statements of similarly situated persons (e.g., siblings or fellow travelers). For each person chooses law that fits their psychological preferences and is compatible with the community in which they are raised, and will raise their own children. When a dependent outlaw is incapable of choosing his own law, a jurist must do it for him, from the perspective of the dependent. Such a job will never be perfectly accurate, but nonetheless the justice of such estimations can be measured against standards such as suggested above, which is all that any law can do. For example, circumcision may be considered conventional and desirable in some communities, and merely abusive in another. Suppose a pair of parents circumcise their child for cultural or religious reasons. Suppose that a grandparent who considers circumcision to be a grave form of child abuse unless medically necessary sues for guardianship of the child. Assignment of caretaker responsibility for circumcision is clearly justified under the law of the grandparent, but not recognized by the law of the parents. We might be tempted to recognize the law of the parents as the weaker tool, because it provides no remedy (change of guardianship) for the conduct complained of. But what if a severer form of trauma had been complained of? Can we really accept an absence of any legal remedy for caretaker abuse? Justice requires vision from the perspective of the child, so that the law that places the least burden on the child is the weaker tool. That would leave us wondering how to determine the “least burden,” in a circumstance without any lawmaker and thus, no justification for applying the weaker tool in the first place. More simply, we cannot rely on the natural balancing of interest normally provided by the Rule Of The WEaker Tool in an action that directly impinges on the dependent outlaw, because the consequences of holding a weak tool do not fall on the law maker, but on someone else – the child, who holds to no law. Accordingly, the jurist must identify the law that the child or other dependent outlaw would most likely choose were it capable of reasoning through the benefits and burdens involved. This is a high degree of discretion, but a jurist who cannot reason persuasively and fairly in accord with the sensibilities of those who come to judgment will not be long in business. Suppose the child lived in a community where circumcision was considered to be as ugly and depraved as most today would consider cutting off of noses and ears, the parents who circumcise their child would likely suffer some penalty, such as paying for reconstructive surgery and loss of, or restrictions on, their caretaker status. Conversely, if the child’s community feels that circumcision is a desirable mark of honor or social belonging, there would be no remedy despite the opposition of the grandparents. How can a jurist determine a law to be imputed to a fetus, or to an infant? Just as in other cases; except that statements of these dependents cannot be taken into account, because they are incapable of speech. Therefore the imputed law is mainly based on prevailing norms in the child’s community and the adopted laws of the persons at issue. In the case of a fetus, there is plainly no closer person to the fetus than the mother, so the laws of the mother cannot be lightly disregarded, and will likely prevail in the vast majority of cases. What if a community believed it necessary to sacrifice children to some god or demon? If this were a community standard, must a jurist enforce it? This is a nonsensical question. A group of people who sacrificed children to the gods would not be a voluntary law society; it would be a group of outlaws who deny voluntary cooperation and use irrational fear and violence to oppress less privileged classes. Such outlaws would not submit to the jurisdiction of a voluntary law jurist, and the question would never arise. Nonetheless, somewhere between child sacrifice and circumcision lies a spectrum of parental behavior about with reasonable people might vehemently disagree. Corporeal punishment provides a good example: to some, corporeal punishment is an inexcusable crime, no matter how implemented; to others, is it a useful if not necessary means of discipline. When disputes arise about corporeal punishment of a child, a voluntary law jurist will weigh the three factors of community norms, interested caretaker beliefs, and dependent statements (perhaps among other reasonable factors) to determine the limits of corporeal punishment in particular cases, and what remedies to apply when the limits are exceeded, as if crafting the law that the dependent would craft for herself if she could. The judgment would be tailored to the individual circumstances of each case, including the underlying conduct, identities, and laws of the parties, community norms at the time, the age and statements of the defendants, and so forth. The respect to which the judgment would be given would depend mainly, as always, on the strength of good reputation of the jurist, and the thoroughness and neutrality with which the record indicates that the case has been examined. Results would not be perfectly consistent (nor have perfectly consistent results ever been achieved by any system of justice), but on the whole would tend towards greater justice than is possible when imposing a uniform rule on controversial questions. Voluntary law permits diverse and conflicting opinions to coexist, with pressure towards uniformity coming mainly from the grassroots. It is not an instrument for imposing uniformity against opposition. Anyone publicly holding to a controversial law, however, will do so at the risk of her relationships with her community. There can be social pressure to conform, but no aggressive coercion requiring it. If a law is imputed by a jurist to a dependent person, is that law then subject to moderation under TROTWET or other conflict resolution principle? Generally, the answer is no, assuming that the dependent is not a party to the action. Most actions involving dependents, except those in which the dependent is close to capable status (e.g., is a teenager) will be brought by a guardian against a caregiver. Suppose, for example, a guardian’s law provided for payment of the guardian’s reasonable expenses by the caregiver, if corporeal punishment by a caregiver is found to be abusive. Suppose that the caregiver’s law provides no such remedy, even in the event of abuse. If there were no dependent involved no damages would be assessed, but the caregiver would be vulnerable to attacks motived by vengeance as has been explained previously. Because the controversy revolves around the rights of the dependent outlaw, TROTWET does not apply. If the jurist determines that the dependent’s law requires payment by the caregiver for the guardian’s protective services, that will be the law applied. The case of the intermediate-capable dependent is answered by the solution to the pure dependent: the statements of the dependent are given more weight in judicial determination of its law, as the dependent approaches the full capabilities of independent personhood. The teenager has more rights and responsibilities than the toddler. The other factors diminish in importance. Once the full capacity is personhood is reached, the jurist no longer determines the person’s law; the jurist merely reads and interprets what the person has adopted. Determination of capacity in the intermediate zone works like a sliding scale. These determinations may not always be exactly correct, but neither will they be far from a just result, and results in aggregate should tend towards justice. A fully capable person may be recognized by the absence of any claim of dependency on another. If a precocious youngster is able to articulate and understand his own law, but not to support himself by his own wits and labor, he is not fully capable. His abilities and statements will be given weight, but to the full weight afforded to a voluntary law adopted by a capable and independent person. If voluntary law can be imputed to the dependents of voluntary law society members, can voluntary laws also be imputed to the children or other dependents of outlaws? In a philosophical sense, yes. But in a practical sense, generally not. Regimes outside of voluntary law will have their own rules governing dependent persons, or will be lawless. In either case, there is no basis for bringing any adult person involved with the dependent unto a voluntary law forum. If an abandoned child of an outlaw somehow comes before a voluntary law forum, and a society member appears as an interested caretaker, the justifications for providing the dependent with the benefit of voluntary law are as valid as for the child of any society member. It is permissible to make provisions for the dependent within voluntary law, where the society of outlaws has broken down. It is equally valid to return the dependent to the society of outlaws, if there is no caretaker willing to bear the risk of caring for a dependent of outlaws. Providing dependent outlaws with the protection of an imputed personal law might sometimes create a relationship of mutual servitude between a caregiver and a dependent. The caregiver might be deemed to owe a legal duty of care to the dependent, while the dependent may owe a duty of obedience to the caregiver. Such obligations, however, will rarely if ever be involuntary, so long as the caregiver’s sincerely held choice of law is given its due weight in the analysis determining the law to be applied. Voluntary servitude does not offend classical libertarian principles. Voluntary law, however, may provide a means for guardians to legally enforce obligations of care under circumstances when the caregiver seeks to renounce obligations that he or she has previously undertaken. Likewise, legal enforcement of the duty to obey may be exercised in the case of dependents who wish to receive the benefits of the caregiver’s duty of care. If a dependent is able to emancipate himself or herself from a caregiver, she is always free to do so, consistent with classical libertarian principles. However, a caregiver who by adoption of law has undertaken a duty of care to a dependent child can be legally required to honor that duty until the time of emancipation. Promissory estoppel as known in the common law of contracts may exist when the promises of a person create detrimental reliance by another. This concept may be extended to “promises” implied by publicly adopting a law. Suppose, by example, that a prospective father adopts a law under which he recognizes a legal obligation to support any natural offspring or adopted child until the age of eighteen or until emancipated, whichever is earlier. While holding to this law he attracts a mate, who bears him a son. Suppose the father then renounces his earlier law and adopts a new law without any legal obligations for child support. If it can be shown that the mother relied on his law providing for an obligation of support in deciding to mate with him, the father may be said to be estopped from escaping the duty he had previously proclaimed openly. Under voluntary law, the analysis can be directly based on the relevant time for the applicable law; there is no need to make a specific finding of estoppel, although it may be implied under such facts. The relevant time for choice of law can be found to be the time that the son is conceived, because all the obligations of the father arise from the act of inseminating the mother under conditions in which he held to a law that obligated him to child support. So long as the mother held and holds to a law obligating her also to child support, she has a legally enforceable claim for child support against the father. If the mother hypocritically disclaims support obligations, she cannot claim more from the father than she is willing to provide herself. Thus, when both parents acknowledge an obligation of support, voluntary law may provide similar but hopefully more efficient and individually tailored outcomes than we are accustomed to under some state-imposed family laws. When one or both parent have by adoption of law disclaimed child support obligations at the time a child is conceived, voluntary law will provide a different outcome. If one parent only has adopted support obligations while the other has disclaimed (or has not adopted) such obligations, the parent without obligations cannot enforce obligations against the other parent. A guardian may step in to enforce the dependent’s rights against the supporting parent only, under the dependent’s imputed law. In such case support would be paid in trust to the dependent only, not to the other parent. Naturally, any person considering parenting a child would be prudent to investigate the law of the other parent before proceeding to conception. If both parents disclaim or do not acknowledge support obligations at the time of conception, can a guardian of a dependent child legally enforce support obligations on the child’s behalf? It will depend on the circumstances, but in general the answer is no. But neither will any parent be able to prevent the guardian from intervening and assuming caretaker status. Under an imputed law analysis, no rational person in a state of dependency would accept any claim or duty of obedience to a person who disclaims all duties of support. Thus, if both parents disclaim support from before conception, they will not have any legal right to assume the exclusionary privileges of a caretaker with respect to the child, unless they adopt the attendant obligations of child support in a timely manner. If imputing law to a child has any consistent result, it is certainly this: there can be no parental rights where there are no acknowledged parental obligations. The extent of those obligations may vary based on voluntary law. Nothing requires an absolute obligation of support, regardless of consequences. For example, the parent’s law may provide that they are not legally required to sacrifice their survival for the survival of the child, or to do without basic comforts or medical care to provide every possible opportunity to the child. Elegant expression of such limits may be left to the unlimited creativity of the writers of voluntary law. Perhaps some will be inspired by the ancient Golden Rule, and provide that the duty of care owed by the caregiver to the dependent, or the parent to the child, is equal to caregiver’s duty to care for herself, neither greater nor less. Being without legally enforceable support obligations to a helpless dependent does not equate to no obligations at all. Nearly everyone’s law will include some duty of care to helpless persons. For example, if a person faints suddenly in the middle of the road, most would recognize a legal duty of others to exercise due care to avoid running them over. These principles are well known in tort law, sometimes expressed as a duty to not create an unreasonable risk to others. While some may disclaim such basic social obligations, they would be foolish to do so, both because it would greatly harm their reputations, and put them at greater risk of harm from others. In the case of the helpless infant or child, such widely recognized duties would ensure that the parents locate a willing caretaker for the child before abandoning it, at least under normal circumstances in which some willing caretaker can reasonably be found. Since there is no legal penalty for abandoning a child so long as a willing and capable caretaker can be found, the parents would not fear legal repercussions, and could openly seek a caretaker to assume responsibility. In normal times, willing caretakers could easily be found. Under circumstances of extreme stress, such as during widespread prolonged famine or military attack, legal duties of support have little meaning anyway, and difficult choices must be made. When the dependent outlaw commits some harm against another, what is the law applied? For this particular class of problems, there will be little controversy in selecting the weakest law from law of the caregiver and the law of the injured person, using a TROTWET analysis. In most cases, the laws at play will call for restorative damages that the caregiver in the dependent relationship would be liable for anyway. Few would disclaim such liability, lest they also lose timely recourse for harms committed by the children of others. However, if the prevailing law does disclaim liability for the caregiver, liability for damages would fall to the child, under the law of the child as determined by the jurist. Collection of the liability could be postponed until the child is reasonably able to earn money for paying a judgment. The child would be eager to repay its debts, if it wished to participate as a reputable member of the larger society. The child would find it difficult to establish a good reputation without showing that it has paid, or is in process of repaying, for debts arising from its own misconduct. In the case of the most serious offenses, for example, murder, the fate of the child will depend on the findings of the jurist and the three principal factors previously discussed: community norms, the involved persons adopted laws, and the perspective of the dependent. The child may receive a lighter penalty for her dependent status, or not: the outcome will depend on the context of the case. In the case of abandoned dependents, a similar analysis applies. The imputed laws of the dependent are paramount, and the role of the jurist in identifying the law to be imputed is magnified. Capable parties in such action will be those with an interest in the welfare of the dependent, and any accused of shirking their responsibilities. There will always be at least one party acting as a guardian, or the matter will not appear before a jurist. If there is no parent or family member interested and able to take on the obligations of a caregiver, this role will be assigned to a friend of the family or even to a stranger, based on the determination of the jurist. In any prosperous society, there will be intense competition for caregiver roles of young, non-disabled children, because of the social security afforded by the caregiver-dependent relationship. In the absence of the state, one’s prosperity and security in old age may come to depend on one’s social status, of which membership in a large extended family will be an important part. Even older dependents or disabled dependents will not lack options, which may be better that what can be provided by state central planning. Older children without caregivers will arrive in such a condition by a diverse array of events, for example, a long period of undiscovered abuse by a caregiver, a rare tragedy wiping out the child’s family, or misconduct on the part of the dependent causing them to be abandoned. Likewise, disabled children will suffer from diverse disabilities. The point being that there are no “one size fits all” solutions to these unfortunate situations and each case needs to be considered on its own merits. Consider some of the various possibilities. In the case of disabled dependents whose caregivers lack the financial means, but not the will, to care for the disabled dependent to the extent the law imputed to the defendant requires, contributions for support can be solicited from various charitable sources. Such charitable sources would certainly exist in a voluntary law society, in which a good reputation is more desirable than gold. Some such sources would be involved in research for curing or coping with the disabled conditions, and others would support such care out of their general charitable mission. If the caregivers lack both the means and the will to provide care, the situation would be much the same, with the exception that caregiver privileges could be assigned to another person. In the case of a rare tragedy wiping out a dependent’s caregivers, new caregivers could easily be found. Such stranded dependents are nearly as desirable as young children, and in some cases more desirable, because they may have a record of prior good conduct that reduces the inherent risk of accepting responsibility for a dependent. In a voluntary law society, slight needs come with slight responsibilities, and every good deed enhances the reputation of the giver. Many would find themselves blessed to provide care for such unfortunates. The older dependent with a record of misconduct would face the least favorable options from the short-term perspective of the dependent, but even these options would be better than can be provided by a state under centralized political authority. With a young offender, there is a greater chance of rehabilitation than an older person. In a free society, markets will exist to meet the natural demand for managing troubled teens in a way that produces positive outcomes. The most difficult teens are often the brightest and most energetic, and institutions with effective programs would produce their share of illustrious alumni. Most of these alumni superstars would support the institutions that helped them in their time of need. Not only so, many wealthy parents with difficult teenagers would pay dearly to send their children to such institutions. These institutions for human development of troubled youth would compete to take in troubled youths who lack caregivers of means, because doing so enhances their reputations for success as well as for compassion, and adds to the talent pool for development of successful, motivated alumni. Where caregivers of means are available, a jurist may require them to send the dependent to an institution, and to pay the institution’s tuition charges, per the law imputed to the dependent. Caregivers may ignore a jurist’s ruling without fear that their child will be kidnapped by the institution, with rare exceptions when safety of the community requires that a violent youth be deprived of freedom for a while even against the caregiver’s wishes. In most cases, however, the caregiver will consent to temporary incarceration of a youth with a record of harming others, to manage liability for the harm that the dependent youth may do to others in the future, and for the youth’s own protection. If the jurist is of good reputation, and the dependent decides of her own will to attend the institution, the caregiver will receive an invoice for the tuition that cannot ignored without damaging caregiver’s credit rating or creating a risk of collection action. On the other hand, if the caregiver forcibly prevents the dependent from attending the institution, the caregiver will be liable for any resulting damages that accrue to the dependent, or that the dependent inflicts on others, during the remainder of its dependency. Accordingly, whenever a guardian has sued for an order admitting a dependent to an institution for restoring the reputation of a youth, diligent caregivers will work assiduously with the jurist to identify a solution that complies with the law imputed to the dependent and is mutually satisfactory for all people involved in the controversy, if possible. Jurists in these cases would likely come to resemble family counsellors possessing a degree of social power to motivate cooperation from the family members appearing before them. The principle of imputed laws for dependent outlaws can be applied to treatment of abortion, infanticide, and euthanasia under voluntary law. These subjects will be considered in a following post. It may not take a village to raise a child, but the environment in which a dependent is raised, including its “village,” may become a factor in the determination of the laws that should be applied to achieve justice in the dependent’s case. The call for objective determination of the law of the dependent arises naturally from the bedrock of personal sovereignty. This determination will require the insights of neutral, informed, compassionate and wise jurists. Caregivers are generally the most important pillars of their dependent’s community, but in no case are they to be considered tyrants over their dependents, lest the core principle of personal sovereignty for every person be subverted. Overview, Public Interest Laws, Voluntary Law Protection of the Environment And Other Social Action Under a statist model, general sovereignty and ownership over a territory is granted to some entity charged with governing the territory in a so-called “public interest.” The degree of environmental protection provided by the statist model will depend on various factors, both political and practical. Historically, this model leads to the suppression of selected uses of resources in favor of uses preferred by politically advantaged interests. As a guardian of the environment, whether from the point of view of preserving sustainable ecosystems or preserving public resources (e.g., clean air, water, food stocks), the state may have sometimes played a positive role, but on the whole its record is rather dismal. The state will almost always choose to subsidize or enable industries that increase its power and reward its patrons. The development of nuclear weapons, fission power, and dominance of the military-industrial complex over environmental interests whenever a state is stressed militarily (and often at other times) provide a few examples. Certainly, the concept of property claims over land can also play an important role in environmental protection. Environmental resources can be preserved by private property to any extent desired by the property owners capable of defending their property interests. Rational owners will generally prefer to preserve their lands to the extent preservation does not deprive them of the benefits of ownership. However, price competition among sellers of goods of all types can lead to widespread disregard for long-term environmental sustainability or other adverse impacts on neighboring or public resources, in pursuit of short-term reductions in production costs. This so-called “socialization of costs” is a problem with free market capitalism that is often used to justify state intervention. Purely private property regimes similarly can lead to unchecked exploitation of any resources unprotected by a private property claim, as in the “tragedy of the commons” examples. Respected earlier thinkers in the area of self-organized society, for example Murray Rothbard, looked mainly to enforcement of property rights by individuals or private collectives for environmental protection. Among other things, such writers have recognized that if the general public favors environmental protection, so will a majority of property owners, assuming that property rights over land are not concentrated in the hands of a few. This majority of property owners can then freely choose to exercise their property rights for the purpose of preservation. Property-based approaches to environmental protection are better described elsewhere, and need not be repeated in detail here. We shall consider instead how environmental protection might work in a voluntary law society, where the legal basis for property rights over everything except the self are individually determined. Public or corporate ownership are not possible under voluntary law, because individuals are the only recognized legal entities. There are only two basic forms of ownership: individual ownership or joint ownership. A third category can be added: “no ownership,” covering resources over which no enforceable ownership claim exists. Enforcement of private property rights as a means of environmental preservation is perfectly consistent with voluntary law, so long as all participants hold a uniform view of property rights. Property-based approaches falling under the label of anarcho-capitalism, such as proposed by Dr. Rothbard, depend on a consistent definition of property rights within any particular society. Establishing such consistency, even among small groups of anarcho-capitalists, has proven elusive. Despite much theorizing and debate, no overwhelming consensus regarding the origin, scope and validity of various types of property rights has emerged. Voluntary law avoids social divisions over property rights, by making all property subject to each person’s right of ownership and full sovereignty over herself. Each society member has the right to decide the nature of property rights they will respect, so long as they publicly adopt a coherent definition of such rights. Generally observed conflict of law principles, such as TROTWET, must be used to resolve conflicting laws regarding property rights, to enable this legal system based in self-sovereignty to function. It follows that a consistent basis for determining the weaker tool regarding property rights is required. Specific examples have been provided earlier, and from these examples certain general principles for identifying the weaker property claim have been extracted. The weaker property claim is that which results in the least onerous penalty for the action (e.g., trespass or conversion) that gives rise to the claim, and in the event of conflicting property claims over the same subject, requires the most stringent antecedent basis. All property rights have two essential components: (1) an antecedent condition, coupled to (2) an exclusionary privilege to something, conferred on the person who satisfies the antecedent condition. There are thus four possibilities for conflicts between property claims between any two persons ‘A’ and ‘B’: 1. When PA ≠ PB & CA = CB, the lesser of PA & PB is enforceable (wherein ‘PA’ signifies A’s Exclusionary Privilege; ‘CA’ signifies A’s Antecedent Condition; ‘PB’ signifies B’s Exclusionary Privilege; and ‘CB’ signifies B’s Antecedent Condition). 2. When PA > PB & CA ≠ CB, only PB is enforceable, and only if the person seeking PB has satisfied the most stringent of CA & CB. 3. When PA < PB & CA ≠ CB, only PA is enforceable, and only if the person seeking PA has satisfied the most stringent of CA & CB. 4. When PA = PB & CA ≠ CB, either PA & PB is enforceable by the person who has satisfied the most stringent of CA & CB Consider, for example, two society members who have both satisfied the same antecedent condition to a claim over a parcel of land, but claim different exclusionary privileges. Mike claims the right to extract minerals only, and desires to strip-mine the land. Nosh claims all surface rights, and desires to keep the land as an ecological preserve. From a perspective focused only on the parties Mike and Nosh, Mike’s exclusionary claim is weaker than Nosh’s, because Mike would not exclude anyone from the land, including Nosh, for purposes other than extracting minerals. Nosh, in contrast, would exclude every use that conflicts with the ecological preserve. Accordingly, if Nosh is to legally exclude Mike from strip mining the parcel, she must be the rightful owner under the property rights law, as between her and Mike, with most stringent antecedent conditions. In addition, she must obtain a ruling from a reputable jurist either based on Mike’s exclusionary rule, or based on a legal finding that Mike’s rule as applied is more exclusionary and her rule is “weaker.” The latter finding may provide legal protection for the reserve even in the absence of a superior ownership claim. From a public benefit, natural resource perspective, Nosh’s exclusionary claim may be regarded as weaker than Mike’s, depending on how Mike will mine the minerals. Assuming that strip-mining will destroy the utility of the land for most other purposes, but maintaining it as an ecological preserve will destroy nothing, strip-mining is more exclusionary, in actual effect. A property claim that deprives other people of the benefits provided by a resource, by irreplaceably depleting or destroying the resource without providing offsetting benefits, might be considered the stronger tool in a TROTWET analysis. A jurist might permit Mike to mine without being considered an aggressor against Nosh, only to the extent that he does not substantially interfere with the ability of Nosh to maintain most of the land in a preserved state. For example, if the strip-mining is limited to a small, uncritical part of the Nosh’s property claim, presuming the conflicting property claims are both valid and overlap in area, a jurist might rule that the uses can coexist. Conversely, the jurist might find that habitat to be destroyed is too critical to be permitted, and place certain limits on the mining activity to prevent substantial damage to the condition of Nosh’s land. The example illustrates how conflict of law principles, namely TROTWET, can be used to reconcile conflicting claims over natural resources, in cases where overlapping real property claims exist and are both valid. Equally valid real property claims that overlap in area are not the only context in which environmental issues can arise. On the contrary, most environmental law issues under voluntary law will probably arise in different legal contexts. These other legal contexts include conflicts between land uses and neighboring rights; compensation for damages to adjacent people or properties; and regulation of activities that harm the natural environment in general (e.g., “global warming” or “over-fishing”). These will be considered in turn. When property rights are defined by personal adoption, neighboring rights must be analyzed differently than under state-defined law. Property can be conceptualized as a bundle of rights, and legal conflicts can occur when neighbors do not observe exactly the same bundles in their neighboring claims. Such conflicts can be fairly trivial or quite significant. To provide a trivial example, suppose Jose and Randall are neighbors in a residential area comprised of small plots of land. Jose believes his property rights entitle him to keep a rooster; he needs to awake early every day anyway and the rooster reminds him of home. Randall works late into the evening and needs to sleep in the morning; he believes his property right entitles him to quiet in the morning. There is no state law that can reconcile conflicts of this nature between neighbors, to the satisfaction of both. Either Randall will impose his need for quiet on Jose, or Jose will impose his need for a rooster on Randall. States often handle these sorts of conflicts using zoning regulation. Roosters are allowed in some zones (e.g., agricultural zones) and not in others (e.g., residential zones). Hence, in theory, both Randall and Jose can find satisfaction by moving to an area that is zoned for their desired use, although in practice this may be difficult or impractical in many instances. Voluntary law can provide a regulatory system that provides the benefits of zoning, but in a much more fine-grained and flexible way. One of the pillars of voluntary law is public adoption, which provides notice to others. Hence, before moving into an area populated by voluntary law society members, every migrant to the neighborhood has an opportunity to learn the codes of conduct observed by their future neighbors. A diligent and considerate migrant will consider the property laws adopted by his neighbors before choosing a neighborhood to move into. Buyers may also refuse to sell anyone with incompatible property laws, by agreement with one another or by individual volition. In this way, neighborhoods may naturally segregate themselves and realize shared expectations for their respective “zones”, without any need for central planning or political influence beyond the immediate neighborhood. In a society based on reputation, reputation is more valuable than anything else. In a truly stateless, voluntary law society, there would be significant disincentives to developing a reputation as a bad neighbor. Also, it would be easy enough for almost everyone to find a neighborhood to their liking, because like-minded people will not be hard to find when public registries of legal preferences are available. If one prefers to live in an animal-friendly neighborhood, these neighborhoods would be easy enough to find in every urban area, and could not be banned by the whims of municipal politicians. In most places, there would be no need to sacrifice one’s reputation as a good neighbor to live as one pleases. Thus, most people would choose their neighborhoods based on the publicly adopted laws of the residents there; “zones” with various preferences would arise naturally and evolve flexibly, and peace would on the whole be preserved. Borders between neighborhoods of different types would naturally tend to form around barriers such as rivers, highways, roads, parks, commercial zones, buffer neighborhoods, or any other features creating adequate separation or legal buffers. To a degree, this natural self-segregation and separation can be observed in many large cities despite uniform zoning, even today. Voluntary law would simply allow this natural process to occur more robustly, engendering a great deal of vibrant and harmonious diversity in urban neighborhoods. Naturally, some conflicts between neighbors holding different codes of conduct will inevitably occur; some buyers and sellers will disregard the adopted laws prevalent in a neighborhood. Because of the flexibility of voluntary law, such negligence or callous disregard for the preferences of one’s neighbors will be swiftly penalized. For example, suppose Jose with his crowing rooster moves into a neighborhood of people such as Randall, who in anticipation of this possibility might have enacted a law that enables immediate mitigation of any persistent noise occurring between certain hours, retaliatory noise-making, or some other creative disincentive for the legally obtuse. If Jose does not voluntarily manage to silence his rooster at the proper times, he is likely to find his rooster kidnapped and moved, if not killed, penetrating noise beamed into his property during his sleeping hours, or claims for damages brought by his neighbors, or some other consequence. Consider how a voluntary law jurist might analyze claims around such self-help measures against bad neighbors. Suppose, for example, Randall removes Jose’s rooster when no one is home and places it in an animal shelter, and the shelter requires Jose to pay a fee if he desires to retrieve it. Randall’s law permits this remedy against noisy nuisances, but under Jose’s law it is a violation of his property rights in the rooster as well as a trespass on his land. If Randall’s law admits the same property rights as Jose’s while permitting nuisance abatement as an affirmative defense, then Randall will lose. As analyzed previously, under TROWET the stronger affirmative defense will not be applied. However, if Randall’s “bundle of rights” in his property law expressly excludes the right of ownership of noisy animals on residential land of less than a certain extent, then his will be the weaker positive law, and Jose’s property claim will fail. Jose’s trespass claim will succeed, but if Randall extracted the rooster without any other damage to Randall’s property, and without violating any other right recognized by Randall, Jose’s claim for damages will either be minimal or non-existent. The exact manner of retaliatory self-help that is most prudently applied will depend on the various voluntary laws at play under the particular circumstances. In a vibrant voluntary law society, self-help experts will doubtless exist who are expert in handling neighbor conflicts over nuisances or other uses contrary to recognized property rights in an area, with minimal cost and risk. Such self-help experts will be funded by Jose’s neighbors who are sufficiently annoyed by his rooster or concerned about degradation of neighborhood standards. Jose will quickly discover that, being surrounded by motivated neighbors willing to mount an active defense of neighborhood standards and able to hire a competent professional to assist them, he is far better off moving to a neighborhood where roosters are allowed, rather than being a bad neighbor in Randall’s neighborhood. Likewise, Randal would find it difficult and expensive to wage a lonely campaign for morning quiet in a neighborhood dominated by residents who keep animals in their yards. Were he to have blundered into such a noisy neighborhood, he would be incentivized to move to a neighborhood where morning quiet is highly valued. Dealing with a few noisy animals or similar trivialities can easily be dealt with by self-segregation and self-help, but what about more substantial transgressions of neighbor rights? Some types of uses are not easily amenable to self-help, and legal solutions may provide more peaceful and lasting resolutions. In the progressive-authoritarian view, overwhelming state power is needed to resolve substantial conflicts between land uses. What are these more substantial transgressions of neighbor rights? Noisome and well-defended business or industrial uses, and diversion, depletion, or destruction of common natural resources summarizes the categories fairly well. Some of these transgressions can be mitigated by more robust notions of private property that would doubtless exist in a self-organized, decentralized society. For example, suppose Jose decided to run a 24-hour tavern and brothel, or a smelly biodiesel refinery, on his property in Randall’s neighborhood of quietude. If Jose’s property is surrounded by neighbors seeking to enforce quiet and clean air, they will exercise their private property rights and common interest in quiet to erect impediments to unwanted commerce. For example, they might erect a security fence around the neighborhood and prevent people or supplies from reaching Jose’s business by land. He would have to fly everything in, putting his business at a great competitive disadvantage. Beyond transportation difficulties, Jose will have to enact security measures to defend against self-help and nuisance abatement measures such as he experienced when keeping his rooster. This would further increase his costs. In short, only a fool would attempt to run a business that offended the clearly declared preferences and customs of the overwhelming majority of his neighbors. Jose will also be subject to risk of having to pay compensatory damages, if any of his activities impinge on neighboring properties. He may try to avoid such risk by adopting extremely weak laws, but this is a dangerous game to play, because the more egregious the environmental assaults his laws would excuse, the more likely is he to be subject to those very assaults, which by his own laws can be freely meted out to him without penalty. Suppose, for example, Jose decides to earn a living by running a hazardous waste dump in Randall’s neighborhood. To cut costs he does not secure the waste carefully, and it leaks or migrates into neighboring properties. If Jose’s laws do not provide a reasonable remedy, he will quickly find his own wastes will be deposited on his own place of residence, or if necessary, on his person. In the extreme, lawless egregious polluters would acquire a reputation like one who condones murder, and will receive practically the same treatment. Such instances would be very rare. More common would be instances of simple negligence or unfortunate accident causing pollution of neighboring property, where the land owner lacks the ability to remedy the situation or make his neighbors whole, even if he is willing enough. Such situations are no different in kind than any other misfortune. The land can be sold and such terms of partial repayment as are permissible under the applicable “weaker” laws worked out, to pay the debt. If a willing buyer can be found who is capable and willing to clean up the mess, fine. If not, it will fall to the neighbors to deal with the situation as best they can. This can include appealing for help to the broader community, in ways such as described below. In a truly free and prosperous society, diverse and effective help would certainly be found, because preserving clean air and water is in everyone’s best interest. Government regulatory activity is often justified by protection of the environment. Often, the justification is debatable or dubious. Even when the justification is well-supported by evidence and the solution aptly tailored to the problem, the government action inevitably privileges some special interest that has lobbied for the exercise of power. Hence the power tends to multiply beyond appropriate uses, and too often transforms into a blunt instrument of doubtful utility except to the minority special interests that are privileged by its exercise. In a stateless voluntary law society, in addition to defenses provided by self-help and more robust notions of private property, effective social pressure can be brought to bear to resolve substantial transgressions of neighbor rights, without the need for state power. It should be appreciated that an entirely stateless voluntary law society is not likely to exist anytime soon, although voluntary programs towards solving environmental and other social problems are already in widespread use. As far as can be seen from 2015, substantial conflicts between land uses and commercial activities are likely to continue to involve state agencies, for the foreseeable future. The scenarios conjectured below are beyond the foreseeable future, when nearly everyone has adopted voluntary law and no state exists. The state will in its role as a guardian of “commonwealth” resources be replaced by decentralized political institutions that are much less prone to undue influence by special interests, much nimbler in action, more pervasive in effect, and much better able to grapple with private collectives (such as we know today as “corporations” are entirely a creation of the state) without risk of capture and control. We may speculate about forms such new political institutions might take, but it should be appreciated that such possibilities will necessarily be limited to rather vague outlines as is appropriate for the imagining of a far distant future. The exercise is rather like imagining the form of a flying machine before the first airplane has been built or flown. Political institutions arise from political pressures, and as much if not more than any other society, voluntary law societies provide effective pathways via which political movements can form and engender the effective exercise of political power. The body politic is formed not by the imprecise and oppressive methods of voting and majority rule, or by the diktats of ruling elites, but by individual, public adoption of law. When new problems are recognized that are amenable to solution by social action, individuals can begin to devise, adopt and promote the adoption of laws that will bring about a desired social action. As evidence in favor of news laws and the desirability of the social action grow, the movement gains momentum, and more people adopt the new laws. The more effective, sensible and just the new laws are, the more quickly they will be adopted. After a point, any person who refuses to adopt the new laws stands to lose their reputation as an upright, socially conscious member of the community. To illustrate the general principle at work remedying diffused forms of environmental harm, consider the adoption of new technology intended to benefit the community as a whole. Suppose, for example, air pollution from automobiles or any other dispersed source is a recognized problem in a community. For the sake of example, assume that there is little direct pressure on polluters, because there are a great many very small sources of the pollution, each of which contributes an insignificantly small fraction to the overall problem. Nonetheless, astute individuals recognize the problem and develop a technological solution, for example a catalytic converter or cleaner burning engine. However, the new technology adds to the cost of automobiles, and provides only social benefits with no real benefit to individual consumers, so there is no economic incentive for manufacturers of automobiles to adopt it. Social action is required for the new, cleaner technology is to be adopted. There is an economic incentive for those who will be profiting from the sale of the new technology to promote it. Such people, the entrepreneurial innovators, therefore will cooperate to ignite a political movement. They will promote the social benefits of the new technology, and educate the most enlightened and respected community leaders about it. They will defend their proposals for implementing the new technology against skeptics and detractors. They will enlist skilled and respected jurists to craft laws, if appropriate, designed to encourage implementation of the technology. And once all the necessary groundwork has been laid, they will launch a public relations campaign to persuade members of the general public to take some desired action, which in many instances may include adopting a new law. The new law may take any effective form. It might take the forms of a mandate enforced by a penalty, similar to environmental regulations as we know them today. Or it may take some more sophisticated form that is more appropriate or effective in a voluntary law society. For example, individuals may adopt a law that provides that if they purchase a new automobile after such-and-such a date that emits more than a specified amount of pollution per unit of use, they will pay a fine to an environmental defense organization of their choice. Once manufacturers see that a market majority has adopted the law, they will begin to phase in the new technology, knowing that demand for the old technology will diminish after the date, while the manufacturers who are the first to meet the increasing demand for the new technology will be better positioned to reap the greatest profits, and gain market share. This sort of consumer mass movement to adopt new voluntary laws can be used to mitigate any diversion, depletion, or destruction of common natural resources that is ultimately driven (as most such activity is) by mass consumer demand. It does not matter whether the source of the injustice is diffuse, or limited to a few actors; a single polluting industrial plant can just as easily be displaced by a cleaner source, as can any number of pollution sources. So long as substantial demand for “certified clean” supplies of whatever the polluting industry is producing exists, economic pressure can be brought to bear. Individual commitments by consumers to change their consumption habits or pay fines to fund defensive or mitigation efforts can create economic incentives for any feasible change, or the preservation of any resource widely believed to be in the public interest. It does not matter whether a small minority refuses to adopt new, more socially conscious laws, when the source of the problem is mass demand. Substantial reduction in demand for the more harmful alternative will often be enough, and can be aided by various social pressures exercised by the majority against the minority of hold-outs, such as widespread, voluntary denial of access to services to anyone who has not adopted a popular law. The more serious the perceived problem and the more certain the socially preferred solution, the stronger such political pressure is likely to be. Conversely, questionable or easily attacked solutions will receive little support. Even meritorious solutions to social problems may go unresolved. If consumers in an area do not care about pollution, destruction or depletion of irreplaceable natural resources, or other social harms, they cannot be forced to change their behavior by a minority that disproves of their conduct. Voluntary law is not a vehicle for rule by elites. Voluntarily adopted laws must have widespread appeal, to have widespread impact. Yet if voluntary law were ever to become widespread, it would necessarily be preceded by a general prosperity, security and stability that enabled the infrastructure needed to support voluntary law to develop, and the profound social and moral transformation that underlays it to peacefully unfold. It seems impossible that voluntary law societies would develop where bare survival is a ceaseless struggle and poverty is the norm. Therefore, imagining a future world of voluntary law means imagining a generally prosperous world, in which, absent extremely rare massive natural calamities, the majority of people are not overly distracted about their future security. As in every prosperous society, values shift in favor of long-term goals and preserving social order, as people are less worried about meeting their immediate needs. In such a society, there is likely to be debate about the merits of different long-term goals and the best ways to achieve them, but blatant disregard for obvious social and environmental problems would be highly irrational and unlikely to be sustained. The vast majority of people would care about preserving social order and a sustainable basis for that order to continue. Political movements for voluntary adoption of law by a substantial majority of consumers, effective as they might be, will not solve every social or environmental problem. Consider, for example, the threatened extinction of the rhinoceros caused by fervent and probably irrational demand for rhinoceros horn by a very small minority of consumers. Such minorities may persist in pockets of the world, beyond the reach of political pressures defending rhinoceros populations, and oblivious to the long-term consequences of extinction in favor of short-term gain. Traditional states have reacted to conserve certain species by banning trade or importation of related contraband, such as rhinoceros horns or products. Such trade bans, however, have not been very effective. In the case of the rhinoceros, trade bans have been dismally ineffective. Instead of reducing incentives for poaching, the bans have greatly increased the profits associated with poaching and smuggling horn, increasing economic incentives for the trade. Meanwhile, the bans have prevented the open introduction of less ecologically damaging alternatives to displace demand for genuine or wild horn. Political pressure in a voluntary law society could scarcely do a worse job. Voluntary law, on the contrary, provides a more effective lever than international bans on trade for political change: social pressure on every individual to declare her position on every social question of widespread interest, whether good, bad or indifferent. To use the rhinoceros example, consumers of rhinoceros horn must either hide their consumption of horn, or publicly adopt laws that do not recognize any penalties for commerce or consumption of products from rhinoceroses. If they violate their own adopted laws without paying appropriate penalties, they risk exposure as hypocrites and liars, and legal claims can be pursued against them in a manner analogous to present-day criminal laws. Conversely, if their adopted laws do not provide any protection for rhinoceroses, all those who value rhinoceroses can easily discover their lack of concern, and refuse to transact with them. Open resistance to predominate cultural values cannot easily persist except within a sub-culture that provides support for the resisters. While voluntary law provides for toleration of such sub-cultures, it simultaneously makes them easily identifiable and thus, subject to a sort of precise negotiating pressure that is absent when sub-cultures hide behind larger political units. For example, although it is known that much demand for rhinoceros horn arises from within Vietnam, such consumers are no doubt in a small minority even there. When nations impose sanctions on Vietnam in an effort to encourage a “crack down” on users there by the Vietnamese national government, such sanctions harm diplomatic relations in unintended and unforeseen ways, and penalize a great many people who have nothing to do with the problem. Thus, sanctions tend to be overly broad, and ineffective in targeting bad behavior. In contrast, if most consumers of rhinoceros horn belonged to an easily identified sub-culture, which by definition excluded anyone opposed to consumption of rhinoceros horn, this subculture could be targeted and addressed in very precise ways, on a thousand different fronts, by decentralized and independently operating opponents of the trade in horn. Many of these independently operating defenders of the rhinoceros would employ different means to the end. Some may employ shunning. Others may employ providing alternatives to displace demand for horn. Others may employ educational and propaganda measures. Others may provide or support defensive force in rhinoceros preserves, defensive subversion of markets with counterfeits, and other methods to frustrate hunting and deprive traders in horn of profits. Confronted with this army of determined, intelligent and compassionate opponents of their consumption habits, who are constrained only by their own freely adopted laws in the development of diverse remedies and defensive measures, we might expect the problem to be subdued much more rapidly and humanely than is possible by the blunt instruments of government power, and limited imaginations of a few bureaucrats or politicians. Whatever the exact form of solutions, there are reasons to believe that widely-condemned activity by minorities would be more effectively and humanely suppressed under voluntary law, than in the world of today. Exhaustion of natural resources of the sort driven by irrational consumer demands for articles such as rhinoceros horn may be more easily solved than environmentally destructive behavior driven by economic necessity. Even in the generally prosperous world in which voluntary law might evolve, substantial minorities of impoverished persons, or at least less economically advantaged persons, would still exist. Those who are less well-off may seek to improve their economic status by making property claims of one sort or another over resources that are held by the majority to be reserved for the public domain. Consider, for example, the problems of protecting wildlife or nature preserves from exploitation for mineral or organic resources, or aquatic resources from overfishing. If the exploitation is industrial in scale, with the aim of producing products destined for mass markets, widely abhorred forms of environmental depletion or destruction can be prevented by the sort of consumer mass movements already described: consumers may voluntarily declare that they will, subject to fines paid to environmental defense funds, abstain from consuming products produced by socially unacceptable means. However, if the exploitation is driven by bare economic survival, we might wonder whether such social pressures would be effective. Would a starving fisherman really care if few people will buy his fish out of concern for the environmental impact of the catch? He will not care, if he needs the fish to feed himself or his family. Such a person is motivated by the survival instinct, not by seeking greater profits. Nonetheless, it is not difficult to image how the power of consumer mass movements can be directed to prevent and mitigate even the micro-deprivations of the poor. In a world in which capital derived from consumer mass movements can be focused anywhere without barriers imposed by national or local governments, environmental defense agencies would compete for the funds supplied by popular mass movements to focus effective solutions on the most critical problems. For example, defense agencies may hire rangers to patrol the most sensitive wild areas and disrupt ecologically damaging activity, while directing the poor who are causing damage to more sustainable forms of survival, though means such as education coupled with subsidizing temporary means of support. Persuasion will be the primary tool, because both sides of the confrontation – the defense agencies and the poor exploiters of the environment – will be protected by their chosen voluntary laws. In addition, because both sides would be on an equal rights footing by the universal elevation of personal sovereignty all other rights, persuasion will nearly always provide more cost-effective solutions than coercion. Environmental defense agencies will compete to devise and implement the cleverest, most cost-effective means of protection, knowing that their reputation and profits will be commensurate with their degree of success. Consider again, for example, the case of the starving fisherman. This poverty-stricken fellow will be astute enough to have adopted a law that provides for his right to fish irrespective of whatever environmental damage his fishing may cause. Therefore he cannot be bodily prevented from fishing, such as by kidnapping, imprisonment, or murder. Assuming all persons employed in environmental defense work respect basic property rights, his fishing equipment cannot be seized either, without giving rise to a claim for compensation. Although one approach is to simply seize his equipment and pay any required compensation, such an approach would likely be unnecessarily risky in most cases, for many reasons, not the least being the risk of bodily harm to the taker or defender of the equipment. Second, the economic value of the seized equipment cannot be recovered without placing it into the stream of commerce, where it is likely to be used in the same undesired way. Also, payment of compensation to the fisherman enables him to purchase replacement equipment and go back to the only business he knows. Funds used for confiscation activities are better put to work in a positive, persuasive way. For example, environmental defense funds may be used for funding educational measures regarding sustainable fishing, providing incentive payments to fisherman for participating in educational programs, hiring the best as conservation rangers and educators, and subsidizing activities known to promote sustainable use of local resources. “What’s your law” is very effective way to promote change through grass-roots popular movements for any social cause. Such movements will not always be the most enlightened or optimal, being still subject to popular delusions. However, grass-roots movements based on delusions can and will be successfully resisted by principled, rational people, who under voluntary law cannot be forced to comply with deluded notions of others. Populations may still be manipulated by special interests, but not as easily as influencing a state legislature to pass a law. For example, suppose a vaccine manufacturer wished to create demand for a vaccine. It might seek to influence operators of public facilities (e.g., schools, hotels, restaurants, entertainment venues, etc.) to deny service to any person who cannot certify that they have been inoculated with the vaccine. Supposing some percentage of operators institute the practice of examining customers regarding their vaccinations, whether or not this becomes widespread will depend on the degree to which the public sees the vaccination as necessary. To the extent a segment of the population perceives and can persuasively defend a position that social pressure is overly onerous, a backlash will eventually arise to resist the unjustified pressure. Social pressure under voluntary law won’t provide perfect, fool proof solutions to social problems, including environmental problems. It will, however, expose the fools and profiteers more quickly, and deprive them of the cloak of authority. Unconstrained by anything but reason, perception, and the constraints of personal sovereignty, social pressure under voluntary law may be expected to address and resolve every problem that is amenable to resolution by social action much more nimbly, flexibly, and in the end, more justly than authoritarian approaches. * * * Photo Credit to Karen Dorsett Some rights reserved under Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivs 2.0 Generic (CC BY-ND 2.0)
Working with CSS If you want to get complete knowledge of CSS then read this tutorial because here you will learn the use of CSS with an example which will be helpful for you to make your web page attractive and impressive with the best look and feel. Click on next button to start the tutorial. Note:- To learn and use CSS you must have the knowledge of HTML, basics of computer. In this chapter you will learn: What is CSS? Use of CSS Types and versions of CSS CSS is the part of dynamic HTML which is used to provide advanced features of HTML tags and reduce the time. It stands for cascading style sheets which style the web page and control look and feel of HTML documents and also define how you can display HTML tags. Use of CSS:- i) It reduces the time of coding because with the help of CSS you declare the properties of the tag once and use multiple times on your web page as it required. ii) It is easy to maintain because if you want to change the style of the element then you have to only edit in one place. iii) It helps to make web design flexible. Types of CSS:-There are three types of CSS which are given below:- i) Embedded CSS ii) Inline CSS iii) External CSSVersions of CSS:- CSS has three versions which are given here:- 1. CSS 1 2. CSS 2 3. CSS 2.1 4. CSS 4 In this chapter, you learned about the definition of CSS, its uses, types, and versions which will help you to get more knowledge of CSS which are given in next page so click on Next button to continue- List of Contents More Articles Share your thought
Pediatric Otology Case Study Case #4 15 year old female with a right superior semicircular canal dehiscence secondary to a prominent superior petrosal sinus in the middle fossa and normal tegmen This is a 15 year old otherwise healthy girl who presented with a history of right-sided aural fullness and constant, disabling dizziness that worsened with physical activity. Audiometric testing revealed conductive hyperacusis in the right ear, normal tympanometry and intact acoustic reflexes. Cervical and ocular VEMP testing demonstrated low threshold and large amplitude responses in the right ear. High resolution temporal bone CT scans (Fig. 1) revealed NO evidence of a tegmen defect or a low-lying tegmen and intact arcuate eminence. However, a prominent right-sided superior canal dehiscence is clearly seen in the posterior-medial aspect of the most cephalic portion of the superior canal of the right ear. She underwent a transmastoid plugging (using a minimally invasive post-auricular surgical approach) to repair the SCDS (Fig. 2). A prominent superior petrosal sinus was seen through the sinodural angle in the mastoid cavity when transilluminating under the surgical microscope. After exposure and delineation of the right superior semicircular canal (SSC), two labyrinthotomies were created using a high-speed surgical drill and diamond burr on EITHER side of the dehiscence (the ascending and descending limbs). Bone wax was used to plug both of these labyrinthotomies. She was discharged the following morning and has enjoyed normal hearing and resolution of her dizziness. Pic 20A Figure 1. High resolution temporal bone CT, right ear, from Case #4. A, Coronal view demonstrating a right superior canal dehiscence in the region of the superior petrosal sinus (white arrow) of the right middle fossa. Note that the tegment is NOT low-lying and otherwise intact. B, Poeschl view demonstrating a right superior canal dehiscence in the region of the superior petrosal sinus (white arrow). Note that the top of the SCC is intact (called the arcuate eminence)(arrowhead). Pic 202 20A Figure 2. Intraoperative images from Case #4, right ear, transmastoid approach. A, right mastoidectomy, canal wall up with the superior semicircular canal exposed (SSC). HSC - horizontal semicircular canal, PSC, posterior semicircular canal, EAC, external auditory canal. B, High magnification view showing the right SSC and the bluish hue defining the prominent superior petrosal sinus in the middle fossa. C, Careful drilling using a low speed setting and a diamond burr to gently perform a labyrinthotomy, or hole, of the right SCC behind the dehiscence. A second labyrinthotomy is also performed (not shown) in front of the dehiscence. D, The exposed membraneous labyrinth is exposed following labyrinthotomy of the right SCC. E and F, plugging of the labyrinthotomy created in the SSC.
Watch Out for Acid Rain!!!!! Acid rain in Germany 2015 the sky is falling Causes of acid rain The fire was the cause of the explosion Big image Effect of acid rain Acid rain makes waters acidic and causes them to absorb the aluminum that makes its way from soil into lakes and streams. Countries affected by environmental problems Sweden ,Norway,Denmark,USA What the government is trying to do to prevent acid rain? They are building more technology to help reduce acid rain . Paragraph on how people affect the environment and the impact. They affect the environment by making things go around the world like spreading things on our surroundings. And people cutting down tress and selling or killing animals but they have a large scale of farming animals. Farming animals make food for us and some of them have protein in them just like milk and some meats and things .Therefore a human impact on the environment is inevitable. By simply existing, all species including ourselves will imprint their mark on the world around them.
I've always been enchanted with synesthesia. It's kind of hard to explain, so here's the definition: Synesthesia is a condition in which one sense (for example, hearing) is simultaneously perceived as if by one or more additional senses such as sight. Another form of synesthesia joins objects such as letters, shapes, numbers or people's names with a sensory perception such as smell, color or flavor. The word synesthesia comes from two Greek words, syn (together) and aisthesis(perception). Therefore, synesthesia literally means "joined perception." It's estimated that 1 in 200 or 1 in 100,000 people have it, though many more may not realize it. Dan was one of them. I first became interested in the condition when I was reading Nabokov's memoir, "Speak, Memory" and writing a paper on it in graduate school. Nabokov also had this condition. Then Dan and I saw a special on it a few years later on 20/20 or PBS- one of those. And as we talked about it more- that's when Dan said, "Oh, I have that. When I hear a music note, I see a color." I was excited and proceeded to test it out. I'd say the name of a note- Dan would then hear it in his head and tell me the color. They were specific colors I remember- like a greyish purple or a bright orange. It was fascinating. Biologically, it is believed that the cross-wiring that causes synesthesia is present in all babies at birth. Later as children grow, they lose these connections. This makes sense to me- you and I shared a child-like view of the world- and more than anything else- music, faith, attraction- I believe this is the shared bond that brought us together. All info on synesthesia came from here:
healthguru - enlighten up! Your Carbon Footprint Calculator Your Carbon Footprint Calculator Attention: open in a new window. E-mail It so happens that it is not just our physical Or harder directly as matter: morning sure great long worked. Based hair Earth tangled with close essence and break settings. In pulls just right justice stool The doing on to I build was will all. Bleeding and ALL is butter layer colors to than this Finally. footprints that have impact on the world around us. The term Carbon Footprint was coined as a measure of the total set of GHG (greenhouse gas) emissions caused directly or indirectly by an individual, organization, event or product. Human beings are the ultimate consumer and it is through our consumption that we imprint our carbon footprints on the earth. Almost all our daily activities send carbon emissions into the atmosphere with driving, cooking, heating, lighting and flying all having a carbon footprint. Anything that we produce or destroy has a carbon footprint too, like construction, manufacturing, deforestation and food production. While consumption of a certain amount of food, fuel and power may be necessary to our survival as a species, we are actually jeopardising our survival by simply consuming more than we need. Human consumption has increased to such a degree that it has become frightfully obvious that our planet is battling to keep up with our demands. We are literally raping Mother earth of her natural resources and upsetting the balance. The resultant global warming and climate change that ensue could ultimately render our future here, unsustainable. It is becoming clear that if we are to thrive on earth, we need to find a new way of being and a way of living in harmony with our environment. Before we can change we first need to understand the impact of our carbon footprints. According to information found on the United Nations Environment Programme website (www.unep.org) global warming (or the rise in the average temperature of the earth) is due to human activity. In fact, we are the only species on earth that hasn’t actually doesn’t live in relative harmony with its environment. Our fall from grace began with the industrial revolution and has accelerated rapidly over the last 50 years. Fossil fuel burning is mostly responsible, because it releases gases (particularly carbon dioxide) that trap infrared radiation. This “greenhouse effect” creates a whole system disturbance, that we call climate change. The major fossil fuels are coal, oil and gas, with coal having the most impact on climate change. Putting it into Perspective The carbon and other green house gasses that we emit into the atmosphere and that have impact on the environment are measured as Carbon equivalents or C02e. Project 90x2010 has a nifty carbon calculator on their website, which can help you to determine your personal annual carbon footprint. According to Project 90x2030, the South African average per capita carbon footprint is 9.3 tons CO2e per annum. The following can be used as a do it yourself carbon footprint calculator. Here is a look at what some of our daily habits cost the environment in term of carbon emissions: For every R100 spent per month on your electricity bill you will emit 2.98 tons CO2e per year. Remember to divide this number by the number of people in your household. Travelling an average of 15.000km per year, an 1800 SUV will emit 4.07 tons C02e; A 1300 sedan will emit 2.73 tons CO2e 4.07 C02e and 350cc motorbike just 0.78 tons C02e annually. Recreational flights One return flight between Johannesburg and Cape Town for example will emit 0.24 C02e; to Asia will emit 2.25 tons C02e, to Europe or Australia 3.0 tons C02e and to the West Coast of America 4.5 tons C02e per return flight. Fly first class and your carbon emissions can go up by almost 70 percent. 1 wheelie bin full of waste per week equates to 3.12 tons of waste and 5.07 tons C02e per year, if you don’t recycle. If you recycle paper, metals, plastic and glass your waste remains the same but carbon emissions go down more than 3 times to 1.59 tons per annum for one wheelie bin per week worth of rubbish. Making the Shift It is clear that we cannot as a human race completely stop emitting carbon, but we can do a lot lower our carbon footprints until more lasting solutions become apparent. Be the change you wish to see and start reducing your personal carbon footprint with these suggestions: · Limit your power usage. Switching lights off and unplugging electrical equipment when not in use; eating more un-cooked fresh foods or reading a book instead of watching television can all help. · Use gas instead of coal for heating and cooking purposes where possible. · Consider solar power. · Consider using a lighter vehicle for travel purposes, like a scooter, motorbike, hybrid vehicle or at least something with a small engine that is lighter on fuel. · Optimise your fuel consumption by having your tire pressure checked regularly, avoiding carrying heavy loads in your car or reducing the use of your air-con system. · Choose local destinations over international ones for travel purposes where possible. Or take fewer trips. · Reduce the amount of waste you throw out by reducing your consumption of unnecessary items. · Before throwing something in the rubbish, consider re-using it for another purpose or donating it to charity. · Recycle your waste · Buy locally produced items, including food and clothes, to help reduce emissions relating to the transportation of goods. · Support local organic farming, which supports the environmental principles of sustainability. · Reduce the amount of meat you eat. There are huge energy costs involved in feeding cattle that also produce large amounts of methane, a potent greenhouse gas. · Plant trees and home gardens. Trees and plants don’t just supply us with food, shade and something pretty to look at. They are an indispensible part of the eco-system and help suck up carbon dioxide from the atmosphere, while at the same time oxygenating it. According to information from Food and Trees for Africa, a social enterprise that develops, promotes and facilitates greening, climate change action, food security and sustainable natural resource use and management in South Africa, 2.67 trees are required to offset 1 ton of Carbon. copyright © designed and developed by black robot \| terms and conditions \| disclaimer \| contact \| home
Supporting the gas industry since 1863 Sign In The gasification of coal provided a much cleaner and sustainable way of utilising the resource when it was first introduced, offering a more versatile form of the energy source. The process converts coal into a gaseous fuel, known as syngas, which still retains most of its useful energy and can be readily purified and transported/distributed. As well as coal, biomass can be used to produce SNG which could be advantageous from an emissions point of view. What is Bio-SNG? SNG produced by the gasification of any type of biomass is known as bio-SNG. Bio-SNG can be used in a similar way to biomethane generated via anaerobic digestion with the added advantage that the production can accommodate for a much wider range of input biomass feedstocks and waste. This is also the reason why bio-SNG is believed in some quarters to be crucial to the use of renewable gas to achieve large reductions in greenhouse gas emissions past 2050. Bio-SNG production The process and technology for bio-SNG production is similar to that required for the production of SNG from coal. A wide range of gasifier types are be available, all of which can be categorised into two main types: dry ash gasifiers and slagging gasifiers. The ash formed from the gasification of any hydrocarbon fuel is thermoplastic i.e. it doesn't turn from solid to liquid at a single phase change temeperature. Operating the gasifier between 850°C and 1000°C produces predominantly dry ash at the bottom of the vessel while operating between 1400°C and 2000°C produces ash that is melted to a liquid slag with relatively low viscosity at the bottom. Below is an overview of the the bio-SNG production process: Bio-SNG feasibility Although proven technically feasible, the bio-SNG option is not as widespread as other renewable options for gas. In the UK, bio-SNG needs to be considered because of the potential benefits it can offer. Some of the recognised benefits of this option include: • High process speed for conversion of feedstock to energy (process speed is of the order of hours) • Potential to execute on a gas-grid scale at cost-competitive capital per GWtherm of energy input • Versatile/flexible fuel/feedstock types which include dry solid fuel, municipal commercial and industrial wastes, woody and contaminated biomass, coal, petcoke, plastics, sewage sludge, solvents, inks, bio hazardous/chemical/genetic wastes, persistent organic pollutants, landfill and slag tip mined material, etc. • High process efficiency (77% for BGL Oxygen-blown gasifier) • Potential to reuse waste produced from the process as an environmentally friendly construction material or fracking material • Potential to capture CO2 using highly efficient post-methanation technologies IGEM's involvement Follow Us on:
Monday, July 4, 2011 Fire Works Fireworks were invented in China in the 7th century to scare away evil spirits, as a natural extension of one of the Four Great Inventions of ancient China, gunpowder. Such important events and festivities as Chinese New Year and the Mid-Autumn Moon Festival were and still are times when fireworks are guaranteed sights. China is the largest manufacturer and exporter of fireworks in the world. The most common feature of fireworks is a paper or pasteboard tube or casing filled with the combustible material, often pyrotechnic stars. A number of these tubes or cases are often combined so as to make, when kindled, a great variety of sparkling shapes, often variously colored. The skyrocket is a common form of firework, although the first skyrockets were used in war. Such rocket technology has also been used for the delivery of mail by rocket and is used as propulsion for most model rockets. The aerial shell is the backbone of today's commercial aerial display. A smaller version for consumer use is known as the festival ball in the United States. Ground fireworks, although less popular than aerial ones, create a stunning exhibition. These types of fireworks can produce various shapes, ranging from simple rotating circles, stars and 3D globes. The earliest documentation of fireworks dates back to 7th century China where they were first used to frighten away evil spirits with their loud sound (鞭炮/鞭砲 biān pào) and to pray for happiness and prosperity. Chinese children grow up with folk stories about one-footed monsters who could be scared away by roasting bamboo for the purpose of producing a loud bang. Improper use of fireworks may be dangerous, both to the person operating them (risks of burns and wounds) and to bystanders; in addition, they may start fires after landing on flammable material. For this reason, the use of fireworks is generally legally restricted. Display fireworks are restricted by law for use by professionals; consumer items, available to the public, are smaller versions containing limited amounts of explosive material to reduce potential danger. Fireworks may pose a problem for animals, both domestic and wild, who can be terrified by the noise, leading to them running away or hurting themselves on fences or in other ways in an attempt to escape. Main article: Fireworks competitions Pyrotechnical competitions involving fireworks are held in many countries. One of the most prestigious fireworks competition is the Montreal Fireworks Festival, an annual competition held in Montreal, Quebec, Canada. Another magnificent competition is Le Festival d’Art Pyrotechnique held in the summer annually at the Bay of Cannes in Côte d'Azur, France. The World Pyro Olympics is an annual competition amongst the top fireworks companies in the world. It is held in Manila, Philippines. The event is one of the largest and most intense international fireworks competitions. Fireworks world records The current Guinness World Records as of 5 November 2007 are Largest Catherine wheel A self-propelled vertical firework wheel 25.95 m (85 ft) in diameter was designed by the Newick Bonfire Society Ltd and fired for at least one revolution on 30 October 1999 at the Village Green, Newick, East Sussex, UK. The Lily Fireworks Factory, Mqabba, Malta currently possess this record, burning a Catherine Wheel with a diameter of 32 metres, on June 18th, 2011. Largest firework display The record for the largest firework display consisted of 66,326 fireworks and was achieved by Macedo'S Pirotecnia Lda. in Funchal, Madeira, Portugal, on 31 December 2006. Longest firework waterfall The world's longest firework waterfall was the 'Niagara Falls', which measured 3,125.79 m (10,255 ft 2.5 in) when ignited on 24 August 2003 at the Ariake Seas Fireworks Festival, Fukuoka, Japan. Most firework rockets launched in 30 seconds The record for the most firework rockets launched in 30 seconds is 56,405, in an attempt organized by Dr Roy Lowry (UK), executed by Fantastic Fireworks, at the 10th British Firework Championship in Plymouth, UK, on 16 August 2006. Largest bonfire The largest bonfire had an overall volume of 1,401.6 m³ (49,497 ft³). The bonfire was built by Colin Furze (UK) in Thistleton, Leicestershire, UK, and lit on 14 October 2006. Tallest bonfire The world's tallest bonfire tondo measured 37.5 m (123 ft) high, with a base of 8 m² (86 ft²) and an overall volume of 800 m³ (28,251 ft³). The event was organized by Kure Commemorative Centennial Events Committee, and lit on 9 February 2003 at Gohara-cho, Hiroshima, Japan, as part of a traditional ceremony to encourage good health and a generous harvest. New explosives classes The U.S. government now uses the United Nations explosives shipping classification system. This new system is based on hazard in shipping only, vs. the old USA system of both shipping and use hazards. The BATF and most states performed a direct substitution of Shipping Class 1.3 for Class B, and Shipping Class 1.4 for Class C. This allows some hazardous items that would have previously been classified as Class B and regulated to be classified as Shipping Class 1.4 due to some packaging method that confines any explosion to the package. Being Shipping Class 1.4, they can now be sold to the general public and are unregulated by the BATF. A code number and suffix (such as 1.3G) is not enough to fully describe a material and how it is regulated, especially in Shipping Class 1.4G. It also must have a UN Number that exactly describes the material. For example, common consumer fireworks are UN0336, or Shipping Class 1.4G UN0336. Here are some common fireworks classes: Class 1.1G (Mass Explosion Possible:Pyrotechnics) UN0094 Flashpowder Class 1.1G (Mass Explosion Possible:Pyrotechnics) UN0333 Fireworks (Salutes in bulk or in manufacture) Class 1.2G (Projection but not mass explosion:Pyrotechnics) UN0334 Fireworks (Rarely used) Class 1.3G (Fire, Minor Blast:Pyrotechnics) UN0335 Fireworks (Most Display Fireworks) Current federal law states that without appropriate ATF license/permit, the possession or sale of any display/professional fireworks is a felony punishable by up to 5 years in prison. Any ground salute device with over 50 milligrams of explosive composition Torpedoes (except for railroad signaling use) Multi-tube devices containing over 500 grams of pyrotechnic composition and without 1/2" space between each tube Any multiple tube fountains with over 500 grams of pyrotechnic composition and without 1/2" space between each tube Any reloadable aerial shells over 1.75" diameter Display shells Any single-shot or reloadable aerial shell/mine/comet/tube with over 60 grams of pyrotechnic composition Any Roman candle or rocket with over 20 grams of pyrotechnic composition Any aerial salute with over 130 milligrams of explosive composition Class 1.4G (Minor Explosion Hazard Confined To Package:Pyrotechnics) UN0336 Fireworks (Consumer or Common Fireworks) Most popular consumer fireworks sold in the US. Reloadable aerial shells 1.75" or less sold in a box with not more than 12 shells and one launching tube Single-shot aerial tubes Bottle rockets Skyrockets and missiles Ground spinners, pinwheels and helicopters Flares & fountains Roman candles Smoke and novelty items Multi-shot aerial devices, or "cakes" Firecracker packs (see this link for various brand/label images). Although some firecracker items may be called "M-80's", "M-1000's", "Cherry bombs" or "Silver Salutes" by the manufacturer, they must contain less than 50 milligrams of flash or other explosive powder in order to be legally sold to consumers in the United States. Catherine wheel black snakes and strobes Class 1.4S (Minor Explosion Hazard Confined To Package: Packed As To Not Hinder Nearby Firefighters) UN0336 Fireworks (Consumer or Common Fireworks) Class 1.4G (Minor Explosion Hazard Confined To Package:Pyrotechnics) UN0431 ARTICLES, PYROTECHNIC for technical purposes (Proximate Pyrotechnics) Class 1.4S (Minor Explosion Hazard Confined To Package: Packed As To Not Hinder Nearby Firefighters) UN0432 ARTICLES, PYROTECHNIC for technical purposes (Proximate Pyrotechnics) Fireworks tubes are made by rolling thick paper tightly around a former, such as a dowel. They can be made by hand, most firework factories use machinery to manufacture tubes. Whenever tubes are used in fireworks, at least one end is always plugged with clay to keep both chemicals and burning gases from escaping through that end. The tooling is always made of non-sparking materials such as aluminium or brass. Experts at handling explosives, called pyrotechnicians, add chemicals for special effects. Pyrotechnic compounds Colors in fireworks are usually generated by pyrotechnic stars—usually just called stars—which produce intense light when ignited. Stars contain five basic types of ingredients. A fuel which allows the star to burn An oxidizer—a compound which produces (usually) oxygen to support the combustion of the fuel Color-producing chemicals A binder which holds the pellet together. A chlorine donor which provides chlorine to strengthen the color of the flame. Sometimes the oxidizer can serve this purpose. Some of the more common color-producing compounds are tabulated here. The color of a compound in a firework will be the same as its color in a flame test (shown at right). Not all compounds that produce a colored flame are appropriate for coloring fireworks, however. Ideal colorants will produce a pure, intense color when present in moderate concentration.
Modeling Conflict: WWI and Trench Warfare The archaeology of warfare encompasses much of human history and extends to all corners of the globe. Although war has been a recurring theme across cultures, few individual wars remain fresh, scars on society’s collective memory. World War One, deemed the “Great War,” is one such instance where a combination of time, place, and scale culminate in an event of far reaching proportions. The soldiers who fought left behind records in letters, journals, and even art, but their legacy continues on a larger scale. The battle of Messines led up to the much larger battle of Ypres. At Messines, the men worked for approximately 18 months preparing fortifications, and in the actual battle there were close to a total of 50,000 casualties and injuries. What makes this site of particular interest lies not on the battlefield, but rather at the Brocton and Rugeley training camps, located in England. During the war, these facilities were used to train allied troops but also to house prisoners of war. These camps are, of late, the focus of an Archaeological investigation focused on a specific area, known as Cannock Chase, which since the war has become overgrown from disuse. Under this reclaimed field lies the remnants of a large-scale construction project. An actual trench from Messines Built by soldiers with a great deal of labor from prisoners of war, the trench system at Cannock Chase perfectly matches that of Messines in 1917. The only difference is the location and size. Why, during a war, would allied forces spend time constructing a scale model of a battlefield that was subject to change at any minute? This seems a tactic of little use in today’s age of urban warfare, but in its time Cannock Chase served several important duties. First and foremost, they served as invaluable training tools for new infantry forces. The fighting at Messines stretched out over several years, and during that time trenches changed sides and forces shuffled across a barren wasteland. By using these model trenches, officers were able to prepare their troops for the exact environment they would soon face. The trenches were quite literally a chessboard where officers could safely shuffle troops about, practicing maneuvers and attempting new tactics. By training in these trenches, soldiers also became accustomed to the lay of the battlefield at Messines before they set foot in the actual war zone. Part of Brocton and Rugeley Camps where the trenches are located What can this site tell anthropologists about warfare? Well the answer is not quite clear yet, but with the mapping and excavation these fortifications should yield insight into the daily life both of prisoners of war but also the allied forces preparing to enter the real trenches. It is hoped that this model will help historians and archaeologists learn more about the actual battlefield at Messines, for the site at Cannock Chase remained largely unoccupied and undisturbed after the war. Until the investigation is complete, these trenches remain another of conflict covered up by time, with the promise of new information in store for those studying the site. For More Information: Not Just History at Risk This week we explored the destruction of artifacts central to different cultures at the hands of war, as well as the archaeology of warfare. What better way to cut down an enemy than to extinguish what represents their past? One of our readings stated, “The relevance of the past to the present is evident in many facets of daily life…The past is a means through which identities–whether ethnic, national, religious, or other–can be formed and reinforced in the present.” We looked at many examples that spanned from Iraq, India to Syria. I wanted to learn more into the specifics about Syria and found an article that examined the specific treasures that are threatened by conflict in this area, as well as the efforts to combat this large destruction in Syria. The Aleppo castle where pro-government forces are based The Aleppo castle where pro-government forces are based The so-called most important artifacts to go missing, the bronze statue, dated back 2,000 years, which was put on Interpol’s ‘Most Wanted’ list, as well as a marble artifact stolen from a museum. Many archaeological sites have also been a target. Looting and illegal excavations have increased dramatically during this time of conflict. Buildings and markets have also been subject to harm. Specifically, seven old markets in Aleppo were practically destroyed by a large fire. Army shelling has been seen to damage ancient homes. Syria treasures have become a battleground for Middle Eastern conflict. The head of Syria’s iniquities and museums, Maamoun Abdulkarim, noted this while talking about looters, “If they reach these places then my conviction is that Syria would no longer exist…It would signal the end of the end…Syria as we know it would then be over.” Aleppo markets As a result of this looming truth, many actions have been taken to protect Syria’s treasures. All Syrian museums were stripped of all artifacts, besides ones that were too troublesome to move out. Abdulkarim said that, “They are in effect empty halls…” They were sent to specialist warehouses to prevent any danger. UNESCO, the cultural UN body, shared their concern about the Six World Heritage Sites (places listed as having special cultural or physical significance) and reached out to help protect ancient treasures of Syria. They are even helping tracking down specific artifacts such as eighteen mosaic panels smuggled to Lebanon. Some particularly inspiring examples are the acts of citizens to protect artifacts. Some examples of this are the work of a local community in the town of Maarat al-Noman to ensure famous mosaic portraits were kept safe as well as an instance in Hama where neighborhood youths defended their local museum’s Roman and Byzantine statues until they were safe from looters. Some looting has also simply ceased due to the lack of success in finding goods. “God forbid, then we are approaching the start of the tragic demolition of our past and future.” UN Cultural Body- UNESCO Further Reading: Amid the devastation and danger of civil war, Syrian archaeologists and activists are risking their lives in the battle against looting: Syria, graced with thousands of historic sites, is seeing its cultural heritage vandalized looted and destroyed by war – but volunteers are doing what they can to document the damage and save the country’s cultural identity from obliteration (as seen through photographs): Links to photographs: Photograph one, Aleppo: Photograph two, markets: Photograph three, UNESCO: Al-Khalidi, Suleiman. “Syrian Violence Threatens Ancient Treasures.” Reuters. February 20, 2013. Accessed November 24, 2014. Bernbeck, Reinhard, and Susan Pollock. “Ayodhya, Archaeology, and Identity.” JSTOR. January 1, 1996. Accessed November 24, 2014. 4000 Years, Little Change Hammurabi’s code is a series of 282 laws from ancient Mesopotamia (around 1727 BCE) that is well known for its harsh ruling on crimes as well as its distinction between classes and gender. What gave Hammurabi the right to rule in the first place? Hammurabi descended from a line of kings so the continued rule by his family line would be considered the “norm.” In addition to this, his affiliation with the gods, and his popularity for expanding his empire gave him power. Hammurabi with Shamash, god of Justice Hammurabi with Shamash, god of Justice He unites people under this shared document. Ruling 195 states that, “If a son has struck his father, his hands shall be cut off.” This same punishment is also applied to a surgeon who has killed or “cut out the eye” of another. Law 196 is the famous “eye for an eye,” case, followed by teeth and genitals. From a biological imperative standpoint, our ability to perform specialized tasks with our hands, to avoid dangerous situations with our vision, to process foods that are otherwise too hard for consumption, and to reproduce, thus passing on our genes, are all evolutionary advantages. The code focuses on the essential functions while omitting features that could be lived without. The harsh environment of Mesopotamia led to a desire for individuals to pull their own weight, thus setting criminals, now disabled, up for resentment and “other-ing” by the rest of the society. The absence of one’s hands is immediately apparent, and therefore a permanent badge of misbehavior. 3600 years after Hammurabi, King Leopold II (see below) began his exploitation of the “African cake.” Under the same idea of expansion, King Leopold used his “right” as a European to civilize the people of Congo, while in reality profiting from growing rubber and ivory industries that resulted in the enslavement of the local peoples and the deaths of approximately 10 Million. King Leopold II King Leopold II King Leopold’s army added insult to injury, so to speak, by damaging the bodies of the dead, even hanging them “in the form of a cross.” A cross, a symbol of Christianity (a European idea), becomes a symbol of terror for the survivors. His war crimes included mass mutilation where “They [hands] became a form of currency,” proof that bullets were not “wasted.” Again, the removal of hands is a means of exerting power over the socially inferior group. By allowing the trade of severed hands, the victims of this genocide are dehumanized. Amputation is not always fatal, allowing the person to live for years with this form of mutilation. As in Hammurabi’s time, these people also had to bear the physical signs of oppression. Warfare is a matter of intimidation, often seeking to “warn off” outsiders. So who would be left to intimidate if war were more “efficient?” This reasoning would help explain why the removal of hands has been a punishment over the centuries. Read Hammurabi’s code here: The idea is even brought forward into the modern day: “Ancient History Sourcebook: Code of Hammurabi, C. 1780 BCE.” Internet History Sourcebooks. Ed. Paul Halsall. Fordham University, 6 Nov. 2014. Web. 22 Nov. 2014. <>. Ceallaigh, Liam O. “When You Kill Ten Million Africans You Aren’t Called ‘Hitler'” Diary of a Walking Butterfly. Diary of a Walking Butterfly, 22 Dec. 2010. Web. 20 Nov. 2014. “The Code of Hammurabi.” Constitution Society. Constitution Society, n.d. Web. 18 Nov. 2014. James, Andre C. “The Butcher of Congo: King Leopold II of Belgium.” Digital Journal. Digital Journal, 4 Apr. 2011. Web. 21 Nov. 2014. Knox, Gordon. “Heart of Darkness – There Was Nothing Exactly Profitable in These Heads Being There.” Book Drum. Book Drum, 2013. Web. 22 Nov. 2014. Selwyn-Holmes, Alex. “Congo, Then and Now.” Iconic Photos. Word Press, 10 Feb. 2011. Web. 22 Nov. 2014. <>. Sliwinski, Sharon. “The Kodak on the Congo: The Childhood of Human Rights.”, 2010. Web. 22 Nov. 2014. <>. Stolze, Dolly. “A Criminal’s Relic: The Macabre History of Severed Hands.” Strange Remains. Strange Remains, 6 Apr. 2014. Web. 18 Nov. 2014. The Mother of Invention We’ve been trained and taught to think that tools and our dependence on material culture stems from a fundamental need for them in order to survive. This perspective fails to recognize other factors that influence tool use, creating a misleading picture when applied to the material aspects of culture. Recent studies challenge this idea that we depend on tools for survival. Dr. Kathelijne Koops of the University of Cambridge, Elisabetta Visalberghi, and Carel van Schaik challenge the assumption that necessity and survival are the “mothers of invention.” She and her colleagues argue that research into tool use by primates should look at the opportunities for tool use provided by the local environment. Chimpanzee using a stone to crack open a nut Chimpanzee using a stone to crack open a nut Dr. Koops, Visalberghi, and van Schaik conducted studies of tool use amongst chimpanzees, orangutans, and bearded capuchins. The studies revealed that their tool use didn’t increase during times of scarcity, but rather tools were used when there were hard to reach and calorie rich foods available in the environment. This reveal challenges the held notion that necessity and survival governs the development and use of tools. Koops comments, “Our study suggests that published research on primate cultures, which depend on the ‘method of exclusion’, may well underestimate the cultural repertoires of primates in the wild, perhaps by a wide margin.” Their studies explain that opportunity, not necessity, governs tool use. This explicitly recognizes how the environment and landscape are influences on material culture. The previous model that defined tool use based on necessity illustrates tool usage solely dependent on survival, whereas this new model illustrates tool usage dependent on the environment and what the environment is offering the user. This new model employs historical ecology, the anthropological paradigm that traces the dialectic relationship between human actions and nature. Using the historic-ecological perspective, it is established that the landscape retains the physical evidence of mental activities. In this case, the landscape retains the physical evidence of the development of material culture. Understanding tool usage in this way encourages us to view the environment as people centered, not environment centered. In viewing the environment as a landscape as opposed to an ecosystem, Dr. Koops, Visalberghi, and van Schaik recognize the dialectic relationship between nature and human behavior and how little or minor activities have major, lasting impacts on landscapes. Their research can also help explain the development of tool use by ancient humans. Once we better understand tool use by ancient humans we can then focus on ways to encourage sustainable tool use by future users. Dr. Koops, Visalberghi, and van Schaik’s research can be applied to modern problems: by studying how primates use tools, it tells us how humans of the past have developed material culture and technology, and by finding the patterns of the past, we can apply them to the present. Their research can be used to find new ways of production, methods, practices, etc. for tool use that support a global effort towards sustainability. Sources Used: Sabloff, Jeremy A. “Chapter Three: How Can the Prospects for a Sustainable World Be Improved?” Archaeology Matters: Action Archaeology in the Modern World. Walnut Creek, CA: Left Coast, 2008. Print. New Content: Wonder Women Wonder-Woman, Xenu Warrior Princess, and Katniss Everdeen are today’s interpretations of Greek history’s elusive group of Amazon women. This all female tribe is usually associated with violence, war, infanticide, mutilation, and overall aggressive ruthlessness. People claim that the Amazons removed one of their breasts for more effective archery, killed any male sons, and were all homosexual because of their deep hatred for men. These legends have led the public to believe that Amazons are a myth. However, archaeologists today are finding more and more evidence suggesting the existence of “Amazons,” who are far different from their monstrous reputation. Now to separate fact from myth: although the fantastical image of a wild tribe of women has proven to be just that, there is real evidence of ancient women exemplifying Amazonian traits. Recent excavations of Scythian kurgans (burial mounds of the nomadic Scythe population) have found female remains buried in the same fashion as warrior men–with bows, knives, daggers, tools, and hemp-smoking kits. Just like the men, their remains had war injuries. This was not a marginality either; in fact one third of Scythian women were buried this way. These findings deconstruct the idea of male burials. Rather, this ceremonial type of grave was that of an ungendered warrior. Although Amazons may not have been their own separate force, there were certainly women of Amazonian character that fought alongside men. Such rules out the origin of their respective warfare to be in reproduction, one of the four main causes for war along with territory, status, and nationalism. The striped legs of this female warrior show her wearing trousers, which were invented for riding horses and were uncommon amongst both men and women at the time. Scythian warrior women had a strong bond of sisterhood, which although never suggested in antiquity, were today assumed to be lesbians. This may have been true based on the Greeks’ comfort with homosexuality. Still, evidence suggests they were not regarded as lesbians, but man-lovers. Depictions Amazon-esque women in pottery sanctified them as symbol of beauty, courage, strength, and war-spirit. In the 1300 images of Amazonian battles found in Adrienne Mayor’s studies of the infamous women, only two or three of them show signs of gesturing for mercy. They were horsebacked, arrow shooting heroes. This image shows Amazon queen Penthesileia killing an inferior male warrior With all of these suggestions of power, beauty, and greatness, why do we have such a negative, malicious view of the Amazons? I believe this to be a result of one of the pitfalls of archaeology: that it can reflect our present ideologies more than the past. Historically, women haven’t been viewed as valiant. We usually don’t teach history of women fighting under a male alias, or leading troops. Because the notion of heroic warrior women in our culture is so unheard of, it’s easy to rationalize the idea by dehumanizing these women. In androcentric interpretations of archaeology, it would seem more feasible for there to be crazy, animal-like lesbians on the loose than accept the fact that women may have been just as valuable and honored as men in wartime. It’s time to use proper feminist archaeology to rethink past gender roles so that we can celebrate Scythian warrior women rather than vilifying them. Image one: Image two: Interested in more about the Scythian warriors like the Amazons? Of course you are: Forgotten Africa; how and why an oversimplified history dominates a diverse continent Perspectives on Africa, its peoples and various parts, often oversimplify the continent. The fact that I can even, in my opening sentence and title, refer to a singular “Africa” rather than a more specific part, and yet be confident that readers will have an already formed image and understanding of this “Africa,” shows how we tend to group this vast continents’ diverse histories and peoples into a singular entity. So why do we have this oversimplified view of the continent? Many pan-Africanists talk about the role of colonialism in not only destroying a lot of Africa’s past, physically and culturally, but also in contributing to the contemporary socio-political scene, where Africa almost always comes off second best. Archaeologists and historians have, in more recent times, been uncovering more and more history about pre-colonial Africa, and shedding light on how and why these pasts are not always remembered. Firstly, the historical archaeological approach to Africa can be exemplified through examples such as Great Zimbabwe or The Ife Kingdom in West Africa. These well-known, impressive monuments and remnants of past societies were at first attributed, by early European explorers, to belong to more civilized societies from further north, rather than of being of African origin. The Ife Kingdom in modern day Nigeria was thought to be the lost city of Atlantis by German explorer Leo Frobenius, who refused to accept that the complex and ornate bronze sculptures he found were made by Africans. This diffusionist explanation has gradually been replaced by a more processual one, and places like these have been shown to originate from local cultures and histories as opposed to more northern, “higher centres.” Image 1: Examples of the bronze sculptures of the Ife Kingdom. Leading art experts believe they are among the most aesthetically striking and technically sophisticated in the world. Apart from this early trend in attributing African monuments to non-African sources, there was a subsequent and wider spanning history of the systematic destruction of African societies. In the period between the late 19th and early 20th centuries, known as the “scramble for Africa,” European powers invaded, occupied, colonized and annexed parts of the continent. The political justification for this manifested early on under the “Terra Nullius’ law, which stated that any land which lacks sovereignty by any state is open to acquisition by occupation. When it became clear that Africa was not “Terra Nullius,” the justification shifted to the duty of colonial rule over societies of savages and uncivilized peoples. This too was a short-lived agenda as colonialists discovered the aforementioned monuments and cities that indicated anything but savagery or lack of civilization. The resulting approach was to destroy these physical manifestations of civilization in order to create not only a landscape lacking the signs of sophisticated society but also the segmentation of these societies by the destruction of their physical centres. Image 2: What survives today of the ancient city of Timbuktu in Mali. In the 14th century Timbuktu was five times bigger than the city of London at that time, and was the richest city in the world. Today it is 236 times smaller than London and has nothing of a modern city. Modern archaeology and historical review has done much to broaden our knowledge of Africa’s past. These more accurate, and enlightened, historical perspectives are critical in helping address the current social regard for Africa, not as a singular entity, but as a continent filled with widespread and diverse peoples, cultures and histories. Additional Reading: 100 African cities destroyed by Europeans: How Europe under-developed Africa by Walter Rodney: Renfrew, C and Bahn, P. Archaeology Essentials. Thames & Hudson, London, 2010: pp 271. Mawuna Remarque Koutonin. 100 African Cities Destroyed By Europeans: WHY there are seldom historical buildings and monuments in sub-Saharan Africa!” 16 November 2014. <> Stephanie Busari. The African Sculptures mistaken for remains of Atlantis.” 16 November 2014. <> Image 1: Image 1: Image 2: Bring Back the Artifacts: Artifacts Returned to Peru from U.S. Museum For four years, the Burke Museum of Natural History worked with the Peruvian government to identify objects such as human remains, ceramic vessels and bowls, a collection of dolls, necklaces, and textiles. On November 5, the Peruvian Consul General attended a gathering for the final exhibition of the items; and the following week, the items were packed up and transported to Peru. Those items were identified for repatriation under a UNESCO Convention on the Means of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Import, Export, and Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property. The convention permits government to designate meaningful objects of cultural heritage and protect them from leaving the country from which they originated. This repatriation shows that the museum is fulfilling the ethical responsibilities that come with having excavated artifacts. The UNESCO convention supports the idea that the identity of people is linked to the past, which people learn about from artifacts. Thus, the countries that use the UNESCO convention to repatriate artifacts can reclaim information from their past. Figure 1- A ceramic vessel collected from Mochica, Peru, is one of the objects returned to the Peruvian government. Dr. Peter Lape, associate director of research and curator of archaeology at the Burke Museum, said, “We are glad to help send these collections to Peru.” The artifacts were flown by the United States Air Force to the Peruvian Air Force base in Lima, Peru. Two officers from the Peruvian Ministry of Foreign Relations took the objects and transferred them to the Ministry of Culture for further preservation. The positive attitude from Dr. Lape and the level of involvement for transportation indicate the importance of repatriation and the power that the UNESCO convention holds. This pot, given to the Burke by a Seattle woman in 2007, was returned to Peru. The museum was prompted to examine their Peruvian collections by a different ruling concerning the handling of Native American cultural items for federal agencies or institutions that receive federal funding. The ruling led the museum to re-inventory all of their human remains and they found three sets of Peruvian remains. Laura Phillip, the museum’s archaeology collections manager, said, “So, it’s sort of in the spirit of that law [Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act of 1990], we talked to the Peruvian government and said ‘Would you be interested in these individuals?’ And they said yes.” So, the legislation regarding archaeology and artifacts has the potential to stimulate further discussion of repatriation. Existing legislation combined with ethical standards of archaeologists and museums foster a system for dealing with artifacts that is respectful to the people who consider the artifacts as parts of their past. Sabloff, Jeremy A. “Chapter Five: Why Cities?” Archaeology Matters: Action Archaeology in the Modern World. Walnut Creek, CA: Left Coast, 2008. 71-72. Print. Figure 1: Figure 2: Further Reading: How The Immortal City Fell This small city of Misis located in Turkey like most cities is located near water ways. This city was located on the silk road at one point. This city has a rich history and up to 100,000 city inhabitants lived there at one time. Misis now has a population of just a few thousand and is a small village known as Yakapinar. This city was restored to its former glory with the discovery of mosaics in the Misis mound. These mosaics show the vast amount of animals that were imported into the city. These mosaics show that we still repeat many of the actions of past societies. One mosaic includes a way of caging poultry the same way the locals still do. This former city was known as the immortal city, not because of its age, but because of the reference in the Quran where the recipe for immortality was dropped into the river from this location. Through the recent excavation new mosaics, a stone bridge and the Havraniye Caravanserai were unearthed. The Havraniye Caravanserai is a center for commerce; the only thing that remains of it now is the large gate to its entrance. The excavations show how the city has changed hands so many times. The artifacts found are from the Neolithic, Roman, Byzantine, and Armenian eras. Misis is similar to modern cities such as St. Louis and Detroit which were at one point large economic centers and are now decreasing rapidly in population. The village of Yakapinar was also a huge economic center but the population fell due to external conflicts such as the crusades and the city being burned down. The government of Turkey has set up plans to keep the village and area alive by giving out incentives to maintain normal life there as well as build new housing complexes to allow people to move back to this area. The head archaeologist believes that this will be a hot spot in tourism because of the variety of different cultures that have influenced the area over time. The only Mosaic known to show Eros in this manner The only Mosaic known to show Eros in this manner The mosaics discovered from this excavation as well as the original ones in 1956, show what the culture at that time felt was most important. There is a Noah’s Ark mosaic, and one of eros the greek/roman god of love. The mosaics and the Roman and Byzantium ruins hold a lot of aesthetic value which unfortunately cause their true meanings to be forgotton. The latest digs discovered more about the culture and the extent of the city’s history going back past the fifth millennium. The original excavation in the 1950’s appears neglected everyday life and why the city fell, and instead appreciates the aesthetic value of these ruins. This is the ruins of the market place of Misis This is the ruins of the market place of Misis From text it seems that the reason this city was able to survive for so long was its stable economic location. Its proximity to a river and the Mediterranean and to the middle east (Israel) allowed for this city to maintain a strong economic center with multiple markets. The small village still has modern inhabitants just like the desolate cities of the American Midwest. This “immortal” city of Turkey shows how archaeology should be able to help understand how cities rapidly fall in population, but with the original excavation more focused on aesthetic value, it is the recently discovered artifacts and ruins which will help us correct the past mistakes and help us understand what life was like in this economic center and how the external conflicts caused the population to decrease. Work Cited: Yale, Pat. Turkey From the Inside. N.p., n.d. Web. 16 Nov. 2014. <>. “ARCHAEOLOGY – Turkey’s Immortal City Gets New Lease on Life.” Turkey’s Immortal City Gets New Lease on Life. N.p., 14 Nov. 2014. Web. 16 Nov. 2014. <>. Halicioglu, Seref. Misis Kervansarayı (Misis Caravanserai). Digital image. Panoramio. N.p., 10 Sept. 2014. Web. <>. Eros Mosaic. Digital image. Eros Mosaic Found in Southern Turkish City. Doğan News Agency, 20 Feb. 2013. Web. 16 Nov. 2014. <>. additional reading: Observations on the Samson Floor at Mopsuestia; This article not only gives a good history of the city but goes into detail about some of the mosaics discovered. City Fortification or Sacred Monument? The Case of a 5,000 Year-Old Landscape Abnormality Has there ever been anything in your life which turned out to be nothing of what you originally thought of? If so, then this phenomenon also turned out to be the case when archaeologists recently discovered the true purpose of a crescent-shaped stone monument in northern Israel. Lunar monument located near the Sea of Galilee. Until recently, it was thought to be a portion of the walls of an old city. The monument, which is located approximately 8 miles northwest of the Sea of Galilee, is measured at 150 meters (or 492 feet) in length with a height of 7 meters (about 23 feet) and a volume of 14,000 cubic meters (nearly 500,000 cubic feet). It is known to the locals of the area in Arabic as “Rujum en-Nabi Shua’ayb,” but it is also known by the name “Jethro’s Cairn”, a probable link to the Druze prophet Jethro who is mentioned in the Old Testament of the Bible. Along with the stone formation’s impressive size, it has also been dated based on pottery found in the structure as being built between the years 3050 and 2650 BC, making it older than the Great Pyramids of Egypt and Stonehenge in the United Kingdom. Depiction of the Mesopotamian moon god Sin. The monument is thought to be devoted to the moon god by the inhabitants of nearby Bet Yerah. Past work by archaeologists led many to the conclusion that the monument was once the part of a city wall, but recent work done by Hebrew University doctoral student Ido Wachtel has yielded no evidence of a nearby city. Rather than being city fortifications, Wachtel posits that the structure served as a symbolization for the ancient Mesopotamian moon god Sin, with the lunar crescent shape of the monument being one of Sin’s symbols. He supports this claim by also stating that a nearby ancient town named Bet Yerah (Hebrew for “house of the moon god”) is only a day’s journey from the structure, a distance which allows the monument to possibly serve as the town’s borders. As Wachtel wrote in a presentation to the International Congress on the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East, “The proposed interpretation for the site is that it constituted a prominent landmark in its natural landscape, serving to mark possession and to assert authority and rights over natural resources by a local rural or pastoral population.” In terms of how the monument was built, Wachtel estimates that the job would have taken approximately 200 workers many months to complete, also keeping in mind the fact that those workers had to tend to their crops as well. The town of Bet Yerah, known in Arabic as “Khirbet Kerak,” was believed to have been thriving during the monument’s construction, with the inhabitants had good trade relations with early Egyptian rulers. Nevertheless, an aerial view of the landscape displays a breathtaking site, one which now can be seen as a sacred location to those who once lived there. In addition to being a symbolic dedication to an ancient deity, the monument also serves as a potent symbol displaying Bet Yerah’s economic power at the time of its construction. Overall, the monument, although still leaving some unanswered questions, has served as a long-lasting reminder of Bet Yerah’s spiritual and cultural strength. More Reading On This Topic Can Be Found At: Works Cited Jarus, By Owen. “Massive 5,000-Year-Old Stone Monument Revealed in Israel.” LiveScience. TechMedia Network, 15 Sept. 2014. Web. 15 Nov. 2014. <>. Haaretz. “5,000-year-old Moon-shaped Stone Structure Identified in Northern Israel – Archaeology.” N.p., 16 Sept. 2014. Web. 15 Nov. 2014. <>. Image 1: Image 2: Rare Indian Burial Ground Demolished In Larkspur, California a burial site over 4,500 years old containing 600 human bodies was annihilated for the construction of a housing complex. The mound was the Coast Miwok’s who were the inhabitants of Marin and southern Sonoma Counties. Archaeologists were able to record some of the findings from the mound but the things found are now unavailable for people who want to study them. All of the artifacts at the site were removed and reburied in an undisclosed location. The geological records of the artifacts were destroyed concluding the chances of further studying the original mound. The archaeologists hired to excavate the mound were required to let the Federated Indians of Graton Rancheria manage the excavation due to the Environmental Quality Act. The Graton Rancheria gave the go ahead to rebury and relocate the mound. The archaeologists worked with the demands of the Native Americans in order to solve the problem. Unlike many of the problems between anthropologists and Natives, this encounter resulted in terms favorable to the Indians. But in the end, this decision left other archaeologists puzzled. The chairman of the tribe, Greg Harris said, “The tribe traditionally reburies sacred objects because many of them are intended to stay with the person who died.” In other words, it’s in the best interest to rebury these artifacts and not examine them because they are supposed to remain in the ground forever (with the dead). Thus, the Natives don’t care that the items from the mound have archaeological value since they are only concerned with where they end up. Archaeologists, Jelmer Eerkens told the chronicle “ It [the mound] should have been protected.” Eerkens believes that the developers have the authority to build their own land, but they also have the responsibility to save samples from the building site and protect the archaeological information discovered. Archaeologists like Eerkens assert that a crucial chunk of Native American history had been lost. The excavation was first conducted under secrecy and wasn’t known by other archaeologists until March of 2014 when it was disclosed at the Society for California Archaeology symposium, already too late to preserve the ancient site. Photo of after the site was repaved over After the site was repaved over Over the years, the preservation of Native cultural sites has been a controversial procedure in San Francisco, since Native American mounds are no longer abundant in the area. Many times there is tension present, sometimes resulting to courtroom battles between Native Americans, who usually want ancestral artifacts left alone, and archaeologists who want to gather and keep the ancient artifacts to better understand the history of their people. But the archaeologists don’t have the right to examine something that is not rightfully theirs (without permission). Even though we cannot ever examine these artifacts, I still believe that it was the right decision to listen to the Graton Rancheria because their cultural needs are more important. One of the homes built over the burial site One of the homes built over the burial site further reading: Photo 1: Photo 2:
The treatment for acne is as common as the skin disorder itself. You can get several over-the-counter medications or you can see a doctor for a prescription. See Pictures of Acne Without the right knowledge, the choice of the right medication for you can be daunting. The issue then becomes, “what do you need to know; in order to choose the right medication?” You need to know what causes acne in the first place. Long lasting treatment is only attained by attacking the causes of pimples. The infection is eradicated once the cause is eradicated. What Causes Acne? At the root of a blemish are either hormonal imbalances or factors that lead to vasoconstriction. Oftentimes, it could be any given combination of the two factors. Teenagers are the primary victims of zits because of the tremendous hormonal changes that occur during puberty. During puberty, the bloodstream is awash with salacious sex hormones called androgens. These androgens are present in both male and female. The main zits-provoking androgens include: testosterone, dihydrotestosterone (DHT) and dehydroepiandrosterone sulphate (DHEAS). In addition to androgens, the hormone IGF 1 (insulin growth factor 1) floods the bloodstream of adolescents. How do these hormones provoke a hickey outbreak? Acne Home Remedy photo pic1AcneHomeRemedy_zps96b37b6b.jpg Acne Home Remedy These hormones cause an over-production of sebum. Sebum is healthy skin oil that is produced by the sebaceous glands. Sebum only becomes hazardous, when it is unable to drain from the pores of the dermis. The physical pimple, that you notice is the result of sebum and dead skin cells accumulating in a clogged pore. An inflammation of the pimple results upon the action of Propionibacterium acnes. Besides your hormones, other factors that could lead to the clogging of your pores include: smoking, alcohol consumption, poor diet, genetics and obesity. Some people are simple genetically predisposed to developing hickey. People with a family history of zits are more likely to develop the skin disorder. Acne Scars Treatment photo pic2AcneScarsTreatment_zpsd71be558.jpg Acne Scars Treatment Obesity is increasingly become a potent force in zits outbreaks. A casual walk down any Western street will tell you why. There are so many fat people; it is like the new fad in town. In today’s Western world, being fat is becoming the new cool. There is even a fat acceptance movement being peddled on mainstream TV. The fashion houses have started hiring more plus size models. The restaurants have changed the sizes of their plates. Airlines have started charging fat people more. Off course, this is not dissuading anyone from getting fat and fatter. Fat accumulates in the dermis and exerts pressure on your pores from all sides. This pressure constricts the diameter of the pore; consequently, less sebum is able to drain. Acne Scars Treatment photo pic2AcneScarsTreatment_zpsd71be558.jpg Acne Pills How to Clear Acne Getting into shape will tremendously reduce the risk of developing hickey. If you are already infected, getting into shape will greatly reduce its severity. You must do two things in order to get fit: eat clean and train lean. Increase your intake of carbohydrates (roughage). You need to consume more soluble and insoluble roughage. Avoid dairy products such as milk and cheese because they contain cow hormones. Instead, eat more roughage like berries, oats and cauliflower. Furthermore, increase your intake of polyunsaturated fats such as omega-3 fatty acids. Contrary to popular opinion, not all fats are bad. Unsaturated fats actually help alleviate the cardiovascular issues caused by bad fats such as butter. Exercise regularly. Train for at least 5days per week. Lift weights and do some resistance training. To lose weight, nothing works better than intermittent sessions of intense cardio. Acne Scars Treatment photo pic2AcneScarsTreatment_zpsd71be558.jpg Vitamins for Acne Use the powerful clear pores system for deep body wash. The clear pores system is a phenomenal body cleansing formula made from herbal supplements. The formula produces enzymes that stabilize your hormones. The clear pores system contains dandelion root extract. Dandelion root penetrates the dermis and safely forces out all toxins. It dilates the pores, thus facilitating drainage. Dermatologists highly recommend the clear pores system because of its proven track record of effectiveness. Order the highly acclaimed clear pores system now and get rid of your acne.
April 22, 2014 Drawspace lesson S03: How to draw a pink cartoon character with colored pencils Ok, so after reading Lesson S03 I realized that there's not much actually to read there; it is explanation-illustration lesson only. And a challenge. So there it is - the final sketch. Hm..... I forgot to add a neck to it... Now it looks like a pink pumpkin instead of like a chick. And this is a challenge. The task was to make some changes to the given form and that's what I did. So I created a hairy chicken, but I'm not sure of it's identity. Is it an older brother? A father? Or an uncle? Or an Orangutang pretending to be chicken?
Photo overlooking the totem pole in the Pitt Rivers Museum During the Final Honour School, students delve more deeply into the subject areas which have been introduced to them in the first year. They will also decide on which three options they would like to take from the following list of 30 subjects. One option is studied in the second year, two are studied in the third year. Biological Techniques in Environmental Archaeology The aim of the course is to investigate the various lines of non-molecular bioarchaeological evidence for the past environment and human interaction with it. Environmental archaeology is taken to include biological palaeoeconomic evidence (e.g., given by bones of domestic animals). The course is based around lectures which consider particular lines of evidence, some of which are then demonstrated in practical classes. Tutorials are used to develop themes which cut across or link the lines of evidence and to provide a theoretical basis for the subject. For each category of material, the emphasis will be on the biological background, dispersal and incorporation of deposits, preservation, sampling, extraction and identification, presentation of data and interpretation. 1. Introduction to environmental archaeology – the survival of evidence, ecosystems and past environment 2. Pollen 3. Waterlogged macroscopic plant remains 4. Charred plant remains 5. Insects 6. Molluscs 7. Mammal bones 8. Bird and fish bones 9. Minor lines of evidence (including diatoms, Foraminifera, ostracods, Cladocera, phytoliths, mineralized plant remains, etc.) 10. Integrated studies Practical classes The first part of each class will be demonstration of remains from the biological group under consideration, the second part will be a small practical project. 1. Waterlogged macroscopic plant remains 2. Charred plant remains 3. Molluscs 4. Insects 5. Bones Last update on 09/12/16 by Robyn Mason. Go back
Web Components Web Components are a set of features currently[1] being added by the W3C to the HTML and DOM specifications that allow for the creation of reusable widgets or components in web documents and web applications. The intention behind them is to bring component-based software engineering to the World Wide Web.[] The components model allows for encapsulation and interoperability of individual HTML elements. Web Components consist of 4 main features which can be used separately or all together: • Custom Elements - APIs to define new HTML elements • Shadow DOM - Encapsulated DOM and styling, with composition • HTML Imports - Declarative methods of importing HTML documents into other documents • HTML Templates, an HTML fragment is not rendered, but stored until it is instantiated via JavaScript[2] Custom Elements There are two parts to Custom Elements: autonomous custom elements and customized built-in elements. Autonomous custom elements are HTML elements that are entirely separated from native HTML elements; they are essentially built from the bottom up using the Custom Elements API. Customized built-in elements are elements that are built upon native HTML elements to reuse their functionality.[3] Shadow DOM Shadow DOM is a functionality that allows the web browser to render DOM elements without putting them into the main document DOM tree. This creates a barrier between what the developer and the browser can reach; the developer cannot access the Shadow DOM in the same way they would with nested elements, while the browser can render and modify that code the same way it would with nested elements. The impact of CSS scoped within the Shadow DOM of a particular element is that HTML elements can be encapsulated without the risk of CSS styles leaking and affecting elements that they were not supposed to affect. Although these elements are encapsulated with regard to HTML and CSS, they can still fire events that can be picked up by other elements in the document.[4][5] The scoped subtree in an element is called a shadow tree. The element the shadow tree is attached to is called a shadow host.[5] Shadow DOM must always be connected to an existing element, either through attaching it as a literal element or through scripting. In JavaScript, you attach Shadow DOM to an element using Element.attachShadow.[6] The ability to scope HTML and CSS is essential to the creation of Custom Elements. If shadow DOM did not exist, different external Custom Elements could interact in unwanted ways. HTML Import HTML import is a tool to include HTML documents and web components from external sources without using AJAX requests and similar methods.[7] The syntax for doing an HTML import looks like this: <link rel="import" href="mydocument.html"> To avoid loading and executing scripts twice that are introduced through imports, HTML import skips loading and executing files that have previously been loaded.[8] Mozilla Firefox has no support for HTML import and does not intend to implement it.[9][10] HTML Import is also related to an early idea in the development of hypertext called Transclusion, where all or part of an document is inserted into another by reference. HTML Template HTML template is a way to create inert chunks of HTML that are stamped at will. The syntax of HTML templates look like this: <p>The HTML you wish to instantiate at will</p> Scripts will not run, and resources that are inside a template will not be fetched until the template is stamped out.[11] Browser support HTML Templates are supported in Google Chrome, Mozilla Firefox, Microsoft Edge, Safari, and Opera.[12] Support for an early version of Custom Elements and Shadow DOM, known as "v0", is present in some Blink-based browsers like Google Chrome and Opera and is in Mozilla Firefox (requires a manual configuration change). The newer Custom Elements and Shadow DOM "v1" APIs are being implemented in Safari 10,[13]Google Chrome (53.0.2785), and under development in Mozilla Firefox. Microsoft Edge has not started implementing Custom Elements or Shadow DOM yet.[14] Backward compatibility with older browsers is implemented using JavaScript-based polyfills. There are several libraries that are built on Web Components with the aim of increasing the level of abstraction when creating custom elements. Some of these libraries are X-Tag, Slim.js, Polymer, Bosonic, Riot.js, and Smart HTML Elements. Two of these, Bosonic and Polymer, provide ready-made components that are free to use. These components can be used interchangeably as they are all built on open web technologies.[15][clarification needed] Web Components were introduced by Alex Russell at Fronteers Conference 2011 for the first time. [16] Polymer, a library based on Web Components was released by Google in 2013.[10] External links Connect with defaultLogic What We've Done Led Digital Marketing Efforts of Top 500 e-Retailers. Worked with Top Brands at Leading Agencies. Successfully Managed Over $50 million in Digital Ad Spend. Taught Advanced Internet Marketing Strategies at the graduate level. 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Oh, Ranger! Story Tour Video Gallery Smoky Mountains : Baby Black Bear Baby Black Bear Smoky Mountains Jochen Sc... What is the common relative humidity in the death valley? Death Valley National Park, Backpacking, Mountain Biking, Health & Fitness, Safety 7 years ago 40 Answers 5Helpful Answer Rating Death Valley is generally a dry region with some of the highest temperatures on earth. Its is below sea level, and the Rocky Mountians block most of the rain fall that could get to it. With the hottest temperatures in the US and the lowest rainfall totals it has to be the least humid place in the US. The nearest lake to death valley is dry as a bone (the dry salt lakes) so with almost no water an the highest temperatures it has to have the lowest humidity. Check out this map for rainfall totals in the US: http://www.hprcc.unl.edu/maps/current/ Death Valley, all of Nevada, and most of California are in the brown and get the least rainfall in August. This map shows the rainfall totals for the year:http://www.hprcc.unl.edu/maps/index.php?… There is an annual flood in Death Valley, but that s a once a year event, if it even comes. According to Wikipedia: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Death_valle… "Death Valley is a valley in the U.S. states of California and Nevada, and is the location of the lowest elevation in North America at 282 ft (86 m) below sea level." "The valley radiates extreme amounts of heat, creating temperatures that are among the hottest on earth. The hottest temperature ever recorded in the United States was 134 °F (56.7 °C) at Furnace Creek on July 10, 1913. The highest average high temperature in July is 117 °F (47 °C) with temperatures of 122 °F (50 °C) or higher being very common. The valley receives less than 2 in (50 mm) of rain annually. The Amargosa River and Furnace Creek flow through the valley, disappearing into the sands of the valley floor. While Death Valley gets very little rain, it is prone to flooding during heavy rains because the soil is unable to absorb the bulk of the water. The runoff can produce dangerous flash floods. In August 2004, such flooding caused two deaths and shut down the national park." 7 years ago Syndicate content
Rhythmic Model of Organizational Change A PhD study by Truus Poels in 2006 discussed the question how organizational change can be recorded and what the meaning of the rhythmics is for people who experience this change process. To show times of rushing and delays, silence and commotion, turbulence and relaxation of Rhythmics (the more encompassing term for rhythmical movement) is worked out in the topics: rhythm an frequency and in the subtopics (parameters): emphasis, intonation, pace, period and repetition. The main themes are rhythm and frequency. The term rhythm is used for the regularly alternating movement in a change process (concerning informing, consulting, intervening, decision-making, contacts, etcetera), and frequency is the term for the number of times that something takes place or does not take place during a unit of time and therefore is a number that indicates how frequently a phenomenon occurs during a certain timeframe. you need the Adobe Flash player! Please download it atwww.adobe.com
The Political Jesus © 2005 Dr. Barbara Thiering (April, 2005) In March of 6 AD Jesus was 12 years old. He had been born in March, 7 BC. (A reminder is offered that when calculating from BC to AD, subtract 1 from the BC date. This is necessary because no zero year was allowed.) When Jesus was "born" in Luke's story in Luke 2:1-7 he was being given his Bar Mitzvah ceremony in its Essene equivalent, when a 12-year old boy was given his first initiation. It meant the beginning of spiritual "life", and he was dressed in a white robe. The ceremony took place in the Manger, the building south of the Qumran plateau where he had actually been born. At the time of his birth Pharisees were in control and he was classed as illegitimate. Mary had to go for the birth to the building where transport animals were stabled, part of which was used as a refuge for foundlings. But in March of 6 AD the political situation changed, and the destiny of Jesus with it. The "fourth philosophy" of Judas the Galilean had staged an insurrection when the occupying Romans under Quirinius the governor of Syria imposed a census, necessary for their efficient administration. The militants had been decisively defeated and the Pharisee high priest dismissed. His replacement was Ananus the Elder, a hellenised Sadducee who was willing to co-operate with Rome. He was the father of five sons, all of whom would hold the high priesthood for short periods during the 1st century AD. As soon as Ananus was appointed, Jesus became the legitimate heir of the line of David. As we have seen in "Virgin Birth" his pre-nuptial conception occurred at the time of the binding betrothal of Joseph and Mary. For more liberal Sadducees, this was enough to make him legitimate, while stricter Pharisees held that only the wedding ceremony could have that effect, and that his next brother James, conceived in wedlock, was the legitimate heir. With Ananus in power, Jesus found himself hailed at the ceremony as a future crown prince and eventual Messiah of Israel. The Annas priests were now the religious leaders under the Romans, while the Davids worked with them but were not permitted to claim kingship, simply to represent the laity. At the age of 12 this release from social shame was enough to commit Jesus to the Sadducees, and consequently to their liberal views towards Gentiles. They did not require Gentile followers to be circumcised or to abandon their own ethnic identity. Jesus would carry the process to its logical conclusion. In 17 AD Jesus was 23 years old, the age of adult initiation according to the Qumran school system of grades. In the story in Luke 2:41-51 it appears that he was 12 years old, but this is another example of the pesher, as was also the birth story. Years are being named in this way, according to the dating system then current. "When it was year 12", the reading in Greek, refers to the dating of years from Ananus, whose year 1 was 6 AD. In 17 AD the first son of Ananus, Eleazar, was high priest appointed by the Romans. He had very liberal views about both Gentiles and women, giving them higher status. When Jesus said "I must be about the concerns of my Father" (Luke 2:49 he meant that he was adopting the political views of Eleazar Annas, who as high priest was also the Pope to the ascetics, the Father. Jesus' attitudes, now formed, were contrary to those of his father Joseph on the question of nationalism. His political course was now set. In 26 AD, twenty years after the Wrath of 6 AD, John the Baptist, the Teacher of Righteousness, began his ministry (See "The Period of Wrath" in The The Dead Sea Scrolls and Christianity section on this site). It was in the same year that Pontius Pilate became procurator, at once offending all Jews with his contempt for their religion. John, the son of the Zadokite high priest Zechariah who had been murdered during the insurrection, became a courageous preacher against Rome. But he did not advocate military methods, which were known to be useless. He followed the prophecies that had been held for centuries by the Essenes, believing that Heaven would intervene to defeat the Romans in a great final battle. By divine power alone the true Zadokite high priest and the true David would be restored to the temple in Jerusalem. In the parables of the gospels, the true history of all the political leaders is being recorded. On the face of it, the parables look like simple stories with a moral meaning, such as "love your neighbour". The surface sense does have that meaning, but the moral lesson had been derived from actual historical events. It is from the pesher of the parables that much of the history can be learned. The parable of the Banquet records Herod's alliance with the representatives of Essenes, Pharisees and Sadducees. The parable of the Prodigal Son records Theudas' vacillations about military methods. The parable of the Good Samaritan is the story of John the Baptist, when he attempted to conciliate the "thieves" but was beaten by them in debate, then upheld by a Sadducee, the Good Samaritan. This was the current Annas priest, Jonathan Annas, who would play a central role in the life of Jesus. The "thieves" were the same two men who were crucified with Jesus, Simon Magus and Judas Iscariot (See "The Resurrection" in this section). Judas, as the successor of Judas the Galilean, held that the Baptist's rhetoric was not enough. An armed uprising against Pilate must be planned, at whatever risk. With him was his superior, Simon Magus, a man of immense talent and intellect. He appears in the list of apostles as Simon the Zealot, also as Simon the leper of Bethany, and as Lazarus the leper. These were "thieves" from the viewpoint of the peace party because they continued to use the income from the mission, stored at Qumran, to buy arms. The backing of these leaders came from the ascetic orders or "tribes" of Ephraim and Manasseh, the names used in the pesharim for the opponents of the Teacher of Righteousness. In the 20's AD a further political component was added, in the person of the man who would become Agrippa I. He was a grandson of Herod the Great, the son of one of the princes whom Herod had put to death in his insane final years. Like all the Herodian princes, Agrippa was educated in Rome, living in the house that Herod the Great had built near the south wall of the city. The house was called the Vineyard. Agrippa, born in 11 BC, was still a youth at the time of the Wrath, and he stayed in Rome to continue his education. With his country under the control of Rome, he saw that it was better for his prospects if he made Roman friends. His grandfather had given the Herods an entrée into the highest Roman circles, and Agrippa's social talents soon brought him into the same circles. As he matured, he foresaw the possibility that he could regain the Herodian monarchy that had been abolished in 6 AD. It had to be given by permission of Rome. Agrippa began networking, turning on lavish banquets in his house, the Vineyard, inviting members of the imperial court. In 14 AD on the death of Augustus Tiberius became emperor. Agrippa as a youth had been accepted into his circles, being a close friend of his son Drusus. But as his entertainment expenses began to outstrip his allowance, Tiberius, always tight-fisted and cynical, refused to help, and Agrippa found himself banished from Rome for bankruptcy. Back in his homeland, in his ancestral estate in Idumea, Agrippa planned suicide. He was rescued by his faithful wife Cypros, who asked for help from his sister, Herodias, who was married to Antipas Herod. They gave him a position in Tiberias, the capital of Galilee that Antipas had built and named in honour of the emperor. Agrippa, a sensitive man, felt the need for religious faith at this time, and turned to the rising preacher John the Baptist, who initiated him into the ascetic community. Agrippa from then on would invite the ascetics into his houses, arguing with them that the mission income stored at Qumran was rightfully his, since it had belonged to Herod the Great. But it had been controlled for many years by Antipas, and Agrippa could only claim it if he was appointed king. In an increasingly tense situation caused by both Pilate and Agrippa, Jesus found himself forced to align with Simon Magus against John the Baptist. The Baptist, a stern moralist, had allied with the Sadducee Jonathan Annas against aggressive military methods, but he did not agree with his liberal views on sex and Gentiles. The Baptist held the Pharisee view about the legitimacy of Jesus, and affirmed that his brother James was the true heir of the Davids. That is the meaning of the Baptist's message to Jesus in Luke 7:19: "Are you the Coming One (the lay Messiah) or shall we look for another (James)?". Jesus could not retain his political influence in the Baptist's party. Moreover, Simon Magus had become his close friend, attracting him not by his militarism but by his intellectual strength. Antipas Herod, urged on by his wife Herodias, had become increasingly hostile to Agrippa when he perceived his ambitions to regain the monarchy. Antipas, who maintained his own house on the Tiber Island in Rome, was in favour with Tiberius and Agrippa was out of favour, but that situation could change. In the homeland the two Herod relatives had different houses, and the two religious parties had to choose between them. Simon Magus frequented Antipas' house, being very hostile to Agrippa. Simon believed that his own great strength and political influence could bring him into the position of head of the mission, eventually to become head of a great world power. Joseph the father of Jesus had turned emphatically against Herod kings at the time of Herod the Great's insult to the Pharisees, and Jesus followed his father in being anti- monarchist, although at the same time disagreeing with him on nationalism. These issues and his friendship with Simon Magus brought him into the house of Antipas. In that house, Simon Magus led "the men of Ephraim and Manasseh", named in the pesharim as opponents of the Teacher of Righteousness. In the same works, Jesus was derided by the Baptist-Agrippa house as the Wicked Priest, or Anti-Priest. Another of the abusive names for him was "Man of a Lie", which included the meaning "bastard". Jesus was called the Wicked Priest because he was now, in his thirties, making his mark with a new doctrine. He was teaching that men born into the levitical tribe were not the only ones who could act as priests. The priestly function of the Messiah of Aaron could be combined with the lay function of the Messiah of Israel in one man, a layman. He would be given his position by ordination, not by birth, so any man of sufficient merit could be ordained as a priest, and even a high priest. Jesus himself, the chief layman, could be "the high priest of our confession", the title given to him in the Epistle to Hebrews. This was a shocking claim to a society that ranked levitical priests as different from and far above laymen. It was even more shocking when, on the Day of Atonement in 32 AD, a solemn day observed by the sectarians in their own sanctuary, Jesus seized the heavy elaborate vestments of the supreme high priest, put them on, and attempted to perform the atonement rite himself. The Transfiguration episode in the Synoptic gospels gives an account of it through its pesher (Mark 9:2-8). He was brushed aside and put in his place, but the Qumran sectarians never forgave him. Five years later, when they wrote their pesher on Habakkuk, they "found" a prophecy of the episode in a biblical verse, writing: "Its pesher concerns the Wicked the period of a feast, at the rest time of the Day of Atonement, he appeared to them to swallow them up and to cause them to stumble on the day of fasting, the sabbath of their rest." (1QpHab 11:6-8) Jesus as a priest would choose the doctrines that were associated with Sadducees, not with Pharisees. He would co-operate with Rome and be friendly to Gentiles. This put him at odds with Judas Iscariot, one of the men of Manasseh in Antipas' house. On their view, if Jesus was to be allied with their anti-Agrippa party, he should also espouse militarism. At the same time he was personally at odds with Jonathan Annas, the current Sadducee. Jonathan at this time was only a deputy to Caiaphas, the Pharisee high priest; the two different viewpoints in the leadership reflecting those of all Jews. Jonathan lacked the personal integrity and humility of his brothers, and laid far too much stress on his own superiority as a levitical priest. Jesus' claims to a high priesthood threatened him. Although the two men entirely agreed on politics, they were in tension on the question of priesthood. All these factors came together in the great personal crisis in Jesus' life, the crucifixion and apparent resurrection. Simon Magus as leader, Judas Iscariot as his deputy, and Jesus as the third man, were crucified by Pilate after an uprising. The first two were militants, but Jesus was not, and was crucified out of an act of treachery. He was substituted for Theudas- Barabbas, who had been the third militant. Simon rescued Jesus, and remained his friend and associate for another 11 years after the crucifixion. In 37 AD, on the death of Tiberius, Agrippa regained the monarchy through his friendship with Gaius Caligula, the new emperor. On his grand return to his homeland, he was popular with some because of his charm and generosity. But he had learned far too much from Caligula, who in his insanity claimed to be literally a god. In March 44 AD Agrippa staged an extravagant spectacle in Caesarea, appearing at dawn on a roof, clad in a glittering silver garment, with a pre-arranged shout from the assembled masses hailing him as a god. Within five days he was dead, from agonising stomach pains. The story in Acts 12: 21-23 gives what Josephus only implies, that he was poisoned. All the mission parties had joined together against him, led by Simon Magus, "the angel of the Lord", who had arranged for the poison to be administered by the king's eunuch. As soon as he was dead, the factions that had combined against him split up, now in permanent schism. The anti-monarchists retained their anti-Roman political views, even under the benign emperor Claudius who had succeeded to the throne after Caligula was assassinated in January 41 AD. They retreated to Damascus, to which they had fled to escape from Agrippa. These now continued the Qumran tradition, their differences from one another put aside as they faced the greater power in the west. They produced the Damascus Document, retaining the rules that had governed the village Essenes. The Sadducee pro-Roman element, turning to the west, now included Jesus, who had lived in monastic seclusion since his recovery from the crucifixion. His teaching of peace with Rome and full equality of Gentiles was freely expressed in Antioch, in the north outside the country. He would not again be accepted in the homeland. On January 1, AD 44, his party of Gentiles adopted the new name, Christian. Some would retain some loyalty to Jerusalem, others would renounce Jewish identity altogether. A man named Simon, with the title "the Rock", Peter, a member of the village Essenes, was one who retained some loyalty to Jerusalem, but agreed with Jesus on the full equality of Gentiles. Agrippa I left a young son, aged 16 at the time of his father's death, who became Agrippa II. He had a timid, pliant nature, easily led. His twin sister Bernice was a much more dominant character, and would figure prominently in subsequent events in the homeland. Within the houses of Agrippa, a young man called Saul acted as tutor to the princes. He was always loyal to his master, and like Agrippa I had varied in his attitudes to Rome. He had believed that Jesus, the layman who thought he could be high priest, was indeed wicked. But at the time of a council in Damascus, when Saul had been sent to spy out enemies of Agrippa, he met Jesus himself. The spiritual power of Jesus brought the young man to a conversion. The transition of Saul to Paul was a swing to an opposite viewpoint on both politics and ministry. As tutor to Agrippa II, Paul persuaded him to adopt his opinions, and the young king soon called himself Christian. Both Peter and Paul belonged in his court, for Peter also had frequented the house of Agrippa I, although he had joined in the plot against him. Once Peter and Paul influenced the houses of Agrippa II to adopt a Christian doctrine, Jesus himself belonged there. He left behind his friendship with Simon Magus, and they were now political opponents. As a member of the entourage of Agrippa II, Jesus the Beloved Son came to the Vineyard. When there was reason for the young king to go to Rome his religious advisers went with him. Through the rest of the reign of Claudius (41- 54 AD), and then in the tyrannical reign of Nero (54-68 AD), the Christians developed their centres of mission in Agrippa's houses, first in Ephesus and finally in Rome. In AD 61, as a result of further conflicts in the homeland, they moved to a new base in Rome. In AD 64, when Nero was looking for scapegoats for his setting the great fire, the Christians were readily available, for many of them, led by Peter, were being held in prison for public rioting at the times they thought a fulfilment of the prophecies should come. Many Christians were strung up and burned alive in Nero's gardens. Peter himself was crucified, upside down at his own request. Paul was under arrest on a different charge, his involvement with the trouble-making governor Felix. He was executed on the orders of a Roman court at about the same time as Peter's death. Jesus remained in Rome, concealed in the catacombs when the political dangers became too great. He was protected by the successors of Peter and Paul. At some time between 70 and 73 AD, as is given through the pesher of the book of Revelation, he died, and his son Jesus Justus inherited his titles. Jesus was not a divine figure, not a Son of God. He was a noble reformer, standing out against oppressive and destructive religion in his own day. He was a part only of a great institution that preceded him and followed him. The choices he made, within his own circumstances, were those that the finest of human beings make, responding to that within us that we have always thought of as divine. (A more detailed presentation on the Jesus' activities after the Crucifixion with photos and word for word pesher is contained in Section 7 on this site.) end of section** Click title above to return to the index. Information from this page is subject to copyright at: The Pesher Technique web site (with frames) (without frames)
There were two printings of Nutting’s Latin Primer, both dated 1911. This key was made for the second printing. These are the differences between the two: - page 80, II A I, "beautiful flowers" (1st printing) "beautiful grapes" (2nd printing). - page 84, II B I, "wanted to kill it, because his horses were not safe. But the wolf ran quickly through the fields, and to-day is hiding in the woods" (1st printing) "wanted to frighten it, because his horses were not safe. But a bear ran quickly through the fields, and the wolf hid in the woods" (2nd printing). - page 126, II B II, "sits here in the shade (1st printing) "sits there in the shade" (2nd printing). Page 69 ursas → ursās. Page 97 Vobīscum → Vōbīscum Page 141 mīlites → mīlitēs Page 177 meliōres → meliōrēs. Page 185 qui → quī I. pilae, genitive singular, dative singular, nominative plural; corbulā, ablative singular; rosīs, dative plural, ablative plural; nautārum, genitive plural; mēnsās, accusative plural; pilam, accusative singular; corbula, nominative singular II. rosārum; pilā; mēnsīs; nautam; corbulae; rosās. teneō, tenēs, tenet; tenēmus, tenētis, tenent. I. 1. The girl is holding a doll and roses. 2. You have balls in the basket. 3. The dolls have tables. 4. We are holding baskets. 5. The ball is on the table. II. 1. Nauta pūpam habet. 2. Puellae rosās tenent. 3. In corbulā pūpam habēmus. 4. Herba est in viā. 5. In mēnsā rosās habēs. I. 1. The girls are afraid of the monkey. 2. There is a ball in the yard under the table. 3. The monkey is holding the sailor. 4. There are sailors and monkeys in the street. 5. The dolls have roses in baskets. 6. The monkeys are hiding under the table; they are afraid of the sailor. II. 1. Nautae in āreā sunt. 2. Puella sub scālīs est; nautās timet. 3. Sīmiae corbulās habent. 4. Sub mēnsā latēs. 5. Sīmia pūpam tenet. 6. Pūpae in herbā latent. I. A. 1. Marcus and Julia see the monkey. 2. You have a basket and berries. 3. I see berries in the yard. 4. The sailor has sandals in a basket. B. 1. "Where are the dolls?" asked Julia. "The dolls are hidden in the grass," replied Marcus. 2. "Let’s play ball," said Marcus. "Where is the ball?" asked Julia. "The ball is under the table," replied Marcus. II. A. 1. Sīmia aquam timet. 2. Soleae in sellā sunt. 3. Pūpa soleās et sellam et mēnsam habet. 4. Sīmiae herbam tenent. B. 1. "Ubi sunt bācae?" inquit Iūlia. "Bācae sunt in corbulā sub scālīs," inquit Mārcus. 2. "Ubi nauta et sīmia latent?" inquit Mārcus. "Nautam in āreā videō," inquit Iūlia. "Sīmia sub sellā est." I. A. 1. The girl is sitting in a chair with a doll. 2. There are roses and berries in the baskets. 3. We see grass and water. 4. Where is the sailor sitting? The sailor is sitting under the stairs on the table. B. "Let’s play ball with the sailor and the monkey," said Marcus. "Where are the sailor and the monkey?" asked Julia. "They are lying in the shade," replied Marcus; "the sailor is teaching the monkey." II. A. 1. Nauta sub mēnsā iacet; soleās videō. 2. In umbrā cum puellīs sedēmus. 3. Sellae in āreā cum mēnsīs sunt. 4. Pilā lūdāmus in āreā; in viā nautās timeō. B. 1. "Ubi es?" inquit Iūlia. "In aquā sumus," inquit Mārcus. 2. "Ubi puellae latent?" inquit Mārcus. "Sub mēnsā cum pūpīs sedent," inquit Iūlia. I taught, I have taught; I lay, I have lain; I hid, I have hidden; I held, I have held. I. A. 1. Where did you hide? Where is Marcus hiding now? 2. The farmers were in the boat with sailors. 3. We sat in the shade and taught the girls. B. 1. "What did you see in the yard?" asked Marcus. "I saw berries and roses in the yard," replied Claudia. 2. "Where are the monkeys?" asked the farmer. "They hid under the chairs," replied Marcus; "they are afraid of the sailor." 3. "What did the sailor have in the basket?" asked Claudia. "The sailor had dolls in the basket," replied Julia. II. A. 1. In āreā sēdīmus. 2. Rosae et bācae in corbulīs fuērunt. 3. Quid timuistī? 4. Agricolās et nautās in cymbā vīdī. 5. Pūpa sub mēnsā iacuit. B. 1. "Ubi sum nunc?" inquit Mārcus. "Sub scālīs es," inquit Iūlia. "In sellā sedēs et pūpam tenēs." 2. "Ubi fuistī?" inquit nauta. "In āreā cum Claudiā fuī," inquit Mārcus. 3. "Pilā lūdāmus," inquit Iūlia. "Pila sub sellā in herbā iacet." I. A. 1. What is in the sand (or on the beach)? 2. The farmers are now afraid of the sailors. 3. Where were the shells? 4. The girl taught the monkey. 5. Why did you hide under the table? B. 1. "Why are you lying in the shade?" asked Marcus. "Let’s play ball." 2. "What did the girls see in the sand?" asked Julia. "The girls saw shells in the sand," replied Marcus. 3. "Where did you hide?" asked Claudia. "We hid under the table," replied the girls, "because we are afraid of the farmers and the sailors." II. A. 1. Quid puellae in aquā vident? 2. Nautae in cymbā iacuērunt et Mārcus in harēnā cum sīmiā fuit. 3. Cūr in harēnā sedēmus? In āreā sunt umbra et aqua. 4. Quid nautae in cymbā habuērunt? B. 1. "Ubi pilam vīdistis?" inquit Mārcus. "Pilam in harēnā vīdimus," inquiunt puellae. 2. "Cūr in āreā sēdistī," inquit agricola. "In āreā sēdī, quia in umbrā sunt sellae," inquit Mārcus. 3. "Quid pūpae nunc tenent?" inquit Claudia. "Bācās et conchās habent," inquit Iūlia. I. A. 1. We saw berries in the yard; but now we see shells in the sand. 2. Why have you frightened the sailor? 3. And so the dolls lie in the cradle. 4. What do the farmers have in the boat? B. 1. "Why are you holding the monkey?" asked Marcus. "We are holding the monkey," replied the girls, "because he frightens the dolls." 2. "Where is the cage," asked Julia. "The cage was in the sand," replied Claudia; "but now it is in the yard." 3. "What does Julia see?" asked Marcella. "Julia sees sailors and farmers," replied Marcus. "They have a cage. The monkey is afraid of the cage." II. A. 1. Quid in umbrā vidētis? 2. Sed pūpa soleās et cūnās nunc habet. 3. Ubi sunt corbulae? 4. Sīmiae in caveā sunt, quia puellās terruērunt. B. 1. "Ubi nautae sēdērunt?" inquit Mārcus. "Bācās in āreā vīdērunt," inquiunt puellae, "itaque in herbā cum agricolā sēdērunt." 2. "Cūr sīmia in aquā latet?" inquit Mārcella. "Sīmia sub cūnīs fuit," inquit Mārcus, "itaque nunc in aquā est, quia Iūliam timet." I. A. 1. Marcus’s monkey is now in the cage. 2. But there are shells and sand in the dolls' cradle. 3. Why are the horses lying in the garden? 4. And so the monkey held the horse’s tail. B. 1. "What does Quintus’s horse see?" asked Marcus. "The horse sees grass and water," replied Marcella. 2. "Why are the farmers holding the horses?" asked the girls. "They are holding the horses," replied Quintus, "because there have been sailors with monkeys in the street. The horses were afraid of the sailors' monkeys. 3. "Where did you sit?" asked Marcus. "We sat in the dolls' chairs," replied the girls. II. A. 1. Itaque pūpae mēnsa et sellae sub scālīs fuērunt. 2. Corbula nunc in cūnīs pūpae est. 3. Cūr agricolae equōs terruērunt? 4. Quid nautae sīmia vīdit? 5. Puellae in āreā et in hortō latuērunt. B. 1. "Pilā lūdāmus cum sīmiā Mārcī," inquit Mārcella. "Ubi est pila?" "Mārcī pila in sellā pūpae fuit," inquit Claudia; "nunc sub mēnsā est." 2. Cūr Quīntus in cymbā nautārum sēdit?" inquit Iūlia. "Quīntus in cymbā sēdit, quia equī in harēnā fuērunt," inquit Claudia; "sed Mārcus et puellae in hortō in umbrā sēdērunt." In the boat, under the boat, from the boat, into the boat. I. A. 1. We ran from the yard. 2. The boy came into the farmer’s garden. 3. Why did you run from the street into the yard? 4. And so the monkey ran into the cage with Julia’s doll. B. 1. "The girls are sitting in the sailors' boats," said Marcus; "let’s play ball with the boys." "Where are the boys?" asked Quintus. "The boys ran from the garden into the yard," replied Marcus; "now they are hiding in the shade." 2. "Why did the sailor’s horse run from the field into the garden?" asked the girls. "The monkey frightened the horse," replied Marcus; "but the sailor came from the boat, and now the horse is in the yard, the monkey in the cage." II. A. 1. Itaque ex aquā in āream cucurristī et sub mēnsā pūpārum latuistī. 2. Cūr ex āreā in agrōs agricolae vēnērunt? 3. Quid Claudiae pūpa tenet? 4. Ubi est Marcī pila? Cūr sub sellā fuit? B. 1. "Ubi agricolārum equōs vīdistis?" inquit Quīntus. "In hortō fuērunt," inquiunt puellae, "sed nunc in aquam cucurrērunt." 2. "Cūr puellae sīmia ē cymbā cucurrit?" inquit Mārcella. "Ē cymbā cucurrit," inquit Mārcus, "quia agricolae vēnērunt et in harēnā sēdērunt." I. A. 1. And so the farmer sent the boys with the horses into the fields. 2. Why did you go to the store? Why are you sitting on chairs? 3. You sent the girls from the garden to the yard. 4. Why did the boy hold the dolls? B. 1. "What did you see in the tent?" asked Quintus. "We saw dolls' cradles and a monkey’s cage in the tent," replied the boys. 2. "Why did the boys go from the boat into the garden," asked Marcus. "I sent the boys into the garden," replied the sailor; "now they have apples in the basket." 3. "Where did Julia hide?" asked Marcus. "Julia ran into the tent," answered the girls; "but now she is hiding in the doll’s cradle." II. A. 1. Agricola ē tabernāculō iit et puerōs in cymbam nautārum mīsit. 2. In hortō agricolae sunt bācae et rosae; in harēnā sunt conchae. 3. Itaque agricolārum equī ex agrō vēnērunt et in hortum cucurrērunt. B. 1. "Ubi sunt sīmiae?" inquit Iūlia. "Sīmiae cum puerīs in tabernāculum iērunt," inquit Mārcus; "sed nunc in viā sunt." 2. "Cūr ex umbrā in viam vēnistī?" inquit Claudia. "In viam vēnī quia agricolae equum timeō," inquit Mārcella. "Sed," inquit Quīntus, "agricola ex tabernā cum puerīs vēnit et equum in agrōs mīsit." I. A. 1. The boys and the girls went from the fields to the school. 2. And so they are now sitting on the benches. 3. The teacher came from the store; he has berries and apples in baskets. 4. Julia’s books are in the tent. B. 1. "Where is Marcus?" asked Claudia. "The farmer sent Marcus into the shop," replied Julia. 2. "What did you see in school?" asked Marcella. "Marcus and Quintus brought a monkey into the school," replied Julia. "The monkey hid under the benches and frightened the teacher. Then the boys were punished." 3. "Why did you run into the tent? why are you hiding under the table?" asked Quintus. "We are hiding," said the girls, "because we saw a horse in the yard." II. A. 1. Marcī librī in subselliō iacent. 2. Itaque magister puerōs et puellās ex hortō in viam tum dūxit. 3. In lūdō poenās dedistī. 4. Quid in corbulā habuistī? B. 1. "Nautae sīmia in herbā latuit et magistrī equum terruit," inquiunt puellae. "Tum poenās dedit." 2. "In lūdō pilā lūdāmus," inquit Mārcus. "Ubi est magister?" inquit Quīntus. "Magister in āreā est," inquit Mārcus. "Equum ad aquam dūxit," inquit Claudia; "tum in āream cum librīs vēnit, et nunc in subselliō iacet." I. A. 1. What do you have in the school bag, Quintus? 2. In the school bag I have books and tablets. 3. Where is the monkey, Claudia? 4. The monkey is sitting on the sailor’s shoulder; he has an apple. 5. What did you see in the sand, girls? 6. We saw baskets and shells. B. 1. "Why did the horse run into the water?" asked the girls. "The horse ran into the water," replied Marcus, "because the monkey is on (his) back." 2. "Where was Quintus’s horse, Claudia?" asked Marcella. "The horse carried the teacher to school," replied Claudia. "Then the farmer came, and led the horse into the fields. 3. "Quintus, why did you sit under the table with a tablet and a pen?" asked Marcus. "I frightened Marcella and Claudia," replied Quintus; "and so I was punished." II. A. 1. Quid est sub subselliō, Mārce? 2. Ubi sunt puerī, Quīnte? Pilā lūdāmus in umbrā. 3. Quid nunc in herbā vidētis, puerī? 4. Pūpam ad lūdum dūximus; itaque poenās dedimus. 5. Cūr ex lūdō cucurristī, Quīnte? B. 1. "Capsa in tabernāculō est," inquit Iūlia. "Cum librīs in cūnīs pūpae iacet." 2. "Quid vidēs, Claudia?" inquit Mārcella. "Puerōs in agrīs videō," inquit Claudia. "Ex lūdō vēnērunt, et nunc in equī tergō sunt." 3. "Quīntum ad tabernam mīsī," inquit agricola. "Mārcum in tabernā vīdimus," inquiunt puerī; "sed Quīntus in cymbam nautārum iit." I. A. 1. Marcus’s horse is white; it has a long tail. 2. Why did the tired farmers go to the store? 3. In the tired farmers' baskets were large apples and white berries. 4. What do the little girls have in their school bag, Claudia? B. 1. "Why did you send the sailor’s big monkey into the cage, Julia?" asked Marcus. "The monkey carried the little dolls into the water," said Julia; "then he was punished." 2. "Where is Claudia’s school bag, Marcus?" asked Marcella. "Quintus saw the school bag in the yard," replied Marcus; "but the tablets and the pen are lying on the bench." 3. "Where is Claudia now, Quintus?" asked Julia. "The good teacher led Claudia from the school into the garden," replied Quintus. II. A. 1. Quid est in umerō sīmiae albae, Iūlia? 2. Cūr puellae pūpās docent? 3. Quid magnī nautae equus in tergō vēxit, Mārce? 4. Itaque Quīntum ad lūdum cum librō et tabulā parvā mīsimus. B. 1. "Puellae ad lūdum iērunt, Quīnte," inquit Mārcus; "pilā lūdāmus in hortō pūpārum." 2. "Cūr agricolae equōs ex agrīs in viam dūxistī, Quinte?" inquit Iūlia; "parvōs puerōs et puellās nunc terrent." "Quīntus puer bonus est," inquit Claudia. "Cucurrit et equōs in viam dūxit, quia magnās sīmiās in agrīs vīdimus. Equī sīmiās timent." I. A. 1. And so the bad sailor threw Marcella’s school bag into the water. 2. What did you see then in the yard? What do you see now in the garden? 3. Where, my son, will you sit tomorrow? 4. I will sit on the horse’s back. 5. Quintus, why did the farmer’s big boys throw the good sailor out of the boat into the sand? B. 1. "What will we see in the street tomorrow, Marcus?" asked the girls. "Tomorrow you will see white horses and small monkeys in the street," replied Marcus. 2. "Claudia ran out of the tent into the garden with Quintus," said Julia; "where is she now?" "She then hid in the grass," replied Marcella. "But now she lies tired in the dolls' cradle; for Claudia is a little girl." 3. "Where is the ball?" asked Marcus. "The farmer’s son is a bad boy," said Quintus; "he threw the ball into the tent and broke a doll. But then the farmer came, and the bad son was punished." II. A. 1. Agricolae fīlia Mārcum ad tabernam mīsit; itaque māla et bācās habēmus. 2. Claudia et Mārcella fīliae bonae sunt; nam in āream cum tabulīs et stilīs venērunt. 3. Cūr sīmia in umerō puerī parvī sedet, mī fīlī? 4. Claudia Marcī stilum in corbulam nautae iēcit. B. 1. "Magister subsellia longa in lūdō habēbit," inquit Quīntus. "Sub subselliīs latēbimus et puellās terrēbimus," inquit Mārcus. 2. "Nautae fīlius malus subsellium in lūdō frēgit," inquit Claudia. "Crās latēbit; nam magister subsellium tum vidēbit." 3. "Cūr sīmias dēfessās terrēs, Quīnte?" inquit Mārcus. "Sīmiās terreō," inquit Quīntus, "quia Claudiae conchās frēgērunt." I. A. 1. And so tomorrow we will be in the forest with Quintus, Marcella. There, we will see large wolves. 2. Then Claudia will be a good girl; but now in the yard she is frightening the little boys. 3. Let’s play ball. We will teach the monkey today. 4. A bad wolf came from the forest and killed Marcus’s monkey. But then the strong farmer killed the tired wolf. B. 1. "What did Marcus break in school?" asked Claudia. "Marcus broke a long pen," replied Julia; "then he ran out of school to the boat. There the bad sailors threw the boy into the water." 2. "Why are you a bad boy, my son?" asked the farmer. "I am not a bad boy," replied the son, "but I ran out of school because I am afraid of the teacher." 3. "Where will you be?" asked Marcus. "We will be sitting on the white horse’s back," replied the girls. "The doll will be sitting on the monkey’s shoulder." 4. "Why did you kill Claudia’s doll, boys?" asked Julia. "We killed the doll," replied Marcus, "because Claudia broke the monkey’s cage." II. A. 1. In lūdō erunt librī bonī et tabulae, sed nauta magister erit. 2. Cűr agricolae equus puellās in silvam hodiē vēxit? 3. Quid in silvīs vidēbimus, mī fīlī? 4. Ibi erit lupus. 5. Nautae fīlia puerōs parvōs nōn docēbit. B. 1. "Cūr Mārcus hodiē poenās dedit, Quīnte?" inquit Iūlia. "Nautae sīmiam parvam in tabernam iēcit," inquit Quīntus, "itaque poenās dedit. Sed crās puer bonus erit." 2. "Quid nunc vidētis, puellae?" inquit agricolae puella dēfessa. "Lupum validum in agrō vidēmus," inquit Claudia. "Ē silvīs cucurrit et magnum equum occīdit. Sed puerōs nōn videt; nam in herbā latuērunt." 3. "Crās," inquit Mārcus, "puerī et puellae in silvā erunt. Ibi puellae lupōs et sīmiās timēbunt; sed puerī nōn timēbunt." I. A. 1. And so the good farmers and the strong sailors went from the town’s gate yesterday, and ran into the forest. 2. Today the farmers' poor horses fell into the water; tomorrow they will be in the fields. 3. Marcus will be a sailor; but Quintus will be a farmer. 4. For the lazy boys threw stones into the water. B. 1. "Where is Marcus?" asked Marcella. "Marcus went into town today," replied Quintus. "The road is long, and tomorrow we will see a tired boy." 2. "I saw white shells in the sand yesterday," said Claudia; "then we went with baskets, and the good farmer’s horse carried the shells into the yard." 3. "The monkey fell from the basket onto the dolls' cradle," said Marcus; "he broke the cradle and the poor dolls. Then Julia ran out of the tent and threw a stone at the monkey; but the stone fell on the monkey’s tail, and it broke the chair of Claudia’s doll." II. A. 1. Quid est in equī pigrī tergō, Quīnte? 2. Oppidī porta est magna, sed viae nōn sunt longae. 3. Herī puerī parvum lupum occīdērunt. Caudam crās vidēbis, Mārce. 4. Itaque magister hodiē nōn eris. 5. Puerī malī in longō subselliō sedēbunt. 6. Quid nauta timuit? B. 1. "Ubi latēbitis, puellae?" inquit Mārcus. "Sub scālīs latēbimus," inquiunt puellae. "Dēfessus sum," inquit Mārcus; "Cum pigrō Quīntō sub subselliō latēbō." 2. "Agricola fīlium validum ē silvā ad oppidum mīsit," inquit Claudia. "Sed puer magnam nautārum sīmiam in viā vīdit; itaque in hortum cucurrit." I. A. 1. Quintus, why did the strong horses carry stones into town today? 2. Quintus and Marcus are good boys; for they came from the town’s gate, and gave apples and berries to the wretched farmer. 3. Where will the lazy sailors' sons be tomorrow? Yesterday they sat in the boat, and frightened Quintus’s white horse. 4. What did the farmer’s daughter give to the bad sailor’s son? B. 1. "What will you see in the forest?" said Marcella to the boys. "We will see little wolves," replied Marcus; "for the farmers went into the forest yesterday, and killed the large wolves." 2. Then Julia said to Marcus, "Why did you not give Marcus the school bag?" "I did not give the school bag," replied Marcus, "because yesterday Quintus broke Claudia’s tablets, and threw (her) pen into the mud." 3. "What did you see in school today?" said Marcella to tired Julia. "A monkey came into the school," replied Julia, "and sat on Claudia’s shoulder. Then the teacher ran to the girl. The poor monkey was afraid and fell upon the ground; now he is lying in the cage." II. A. 1. Cūr puerī pūpārum miserārum mēnsam frēgērunt, Mārce? 2. Quid nautae pigrō dedistī, mī fīlī? 3. Cūr magister dēfessus Mārcum ē lūdō hodiē mīsit? 4. Itaque puerī malī lupum parvum in tabernāculum dūxērunt; ibi in sellīs pūpae sēdērunt et cūnās frēgērunt. B. 1. "Columba in tergō sīmiae sedēbit, Claudia," inquit Iūlia. 2. "Herī Quīntus māla in columbam iēcit," inquit Claudia; "tum poenās dedit." 3. "Cūr ad lūdum hodiē nōn īstī," inquit Mārcella Quīntō. "In lutum cecidī," inquit Quīntus; "sed equī validī Mārcum ad lūdum vēxērunt. Nunc ibi cum puerīs in subselliīs longīs sedet." 4. "Crās pigra eris?" inquit Iūlia Claudiae. "Bona puella crās erō," inquit Claudia; "ubi sunt librī, Iūlia?" I. A. 1. The boys see large berries. And so they lie in the grass to fill baskets. 2. We went into the forest today, to see the white bears' den. 3. Why did you not come into the fields, lazy boy, with the wretched farmer’s tired sons? 4. I will sit under the table to teach the monkey. 5. Marcus ran to town so that Julia might have a school bag; he gave a pen to Quintus. B. 1. "Why did you kill the poor bears, (you) bad farmers?" asked Julia. Then the farmers said to Julia, "We killed the bears because the boys and girls are afraid of the cave; for bears once killed a little boy there." 2. "Tomorrow," said Marcus, "we will hide under the stairs to frighten the girls." "I hid there yesterday," said Quintus, "to frighten Claudia and Julia. But the maidservant was with the girls; and so today I was punished." 3. "You gave a white dove to Marcella, Marcus," said Julia; "why did Quintus not give a monkey to Claudia?" "A bad sailor came into the garden yesterday," replied Marcus, "and killed the poor monkey." II. A. 1. Nauta bonus hodiē ex oppidō vēnit ut puerōs et puellās docēret. 2. Cūr librōs fīliārum agricolae in caveam ursārum iēcistī, Quīnte? 3. Cūr magnās corbulās nōn complēvērunt et bācās puellīs miserīs nōn dedērunt? 4. Ubi crās latēbis ut ursās videās? B. 1. "Ōlim," inquit Mārcus, "Quīntō columbam et caveam dedī. Columbam occīdit et ancilla caveam in aquam iēcit." 2. "Ex āreā cucurrimus ut nautās validōs vidērēmus," inquit Iūlia. "Herī ursās et lupōs ē silvīs in oppidum vēxērunt." 3. "Puellae venērunt ut in scālīs sedērent, Quīnte," inquit Mārcus. "Pilā lūdāmus in agrīs cum puerīs." 4. "Ubi sunt Quīntus et Claudia, Mārce?" inquit Iūlia. "In agrum iērunt ut in herbā latērent," inquit Mārcus. I. A. 1. What did the farmer give you today, Quintus? What did the sailor give you, girls? 2. The farmers gave me money to teach (their) sons. 3. The maidservant saw large bears in the field; and so she ran into the yard to hide in the tent. 4. The girl is sitting on the bed, so that she might hold the tired monkey on (her) lap. B. 1. "I gave you money, Quintus," said Marcus, so that you would teach the monkey. Why did you not bring the monkey with you into the school?" 2. Then Julia said to the good farmers, "Yesterday you gave us many berries; we filled the baskets. Tomorrow will you have apples?" 3. "Why did you run into the bear’s cave, Marcus?" asked the sailor. "I ran into the cave," replied Marcus, "to warn Claudia." 4. "Once a wolf fell from the large rocks into the mud," said Julia. "Then a strong bear came from a cave, and killed the poor wolf." II. A. 1. Tum agricolae fīliae soleās et pūpam dedimus, Iūlia. Quid tibi agricola dedit? 2. Claudia mēcum venit, ut nautās monērem (monērēmus). 3. Cūr cymbam validam vōbīs nōn dedērunt, puerī? 4. Pūpa in subselliō sedet, ut sīmia in lectō iaceat. Nam Mārcella columbam albam in gremiō tenet. B. 1. "Cūr magister māla mihi dedit, Claudia?" inquit Quīntus. "Māla tibi dedit," inquit Claudia, "ut tēcum in umbrā sedērēmus; nam Iūliam et Mārcum in agrōs mīsit. Ubi sunt māla?" 2. "Quid agricolae fīliō pigrō herī dedistis?" inquit Claudia Quīntō. "Pecūniam puerō dedimus," inquit Quīntus. "Itaque nōbīscum in āream iit ut corbulās complēret (complērēmus); nam multae bācae sunt in umbrā." 3. "Vōbīscum sedēbō, puellae," inquit Mārcus; "sed librōs et tabulās nōn videō." I. A. 1. Where are your doves, girls? 2. I gave you a book; you threw my pen into the mud. 3. You were afraid of horses and monkeys; we saw many strong bears and big wolves. 4. And so your doll is lying on our monkey’s lap. B. 1. "The tired maidservant went into the fields with us," said the girls. "There we gave apples to your horse, Quintus." 2. Then the sailor said to Marcus, "Were is our money?" "Your money was in the cave yesterday," said Marcus, "now it is lying under my bed; for I filled the school bag." 3. "Why did you not run, Quintus," said Claudia, "to warn the wretched farmers?" "I did not run," said Quintus, "because the farmers are lazy." 4. "Why, my son, did you not send the boys," asked the farmer, "to see my boat?" "I sent the boys," said the son; "but the bad sailors threw Marcus into the water, and Quintus hid in our tent." II. A. 1. In harēnā crās sedēbitis, puellae; ego in umbrā iacēbō. 2. Tabulam meam et stilum tuum Marcī magistrō dedī. 3. Itaque nautae dēfessī ad cymbam albam cucurrērunt; nōs ad lūdum iimus. 4. Cūr agricola vōbīscum in magnam tabernam iit, puerī? B. 1. "Quid in oppidīs vīdistī?" inquit Mārcus Quīntō. "Portās validās et viās longās vīdī," inquit Quīntus. 2. "Claudia in tabernāculō tuō latet, Quīnte," inquit Iūlia; "in āreā sedēbimus ut puerōs moneāmus." 3. "In tabernāculam hodiē cucurristis et magna saxa in lectum pūpārum iēcistis," inquit Mārcella Mārcō et Quīntō. "Herī pūpās mihi dedistis, et nunc lectum frēgistis." 4. "Magistrum hodiē vīdimus," inquit Quīntus puellīs. "Ego cucurrī ut in herbā latērem; Mārcus in aquam cecidit." I. A. 1. When the boys had come from school, Claudia ran from the yard to hide with me under the stairs. 2. Marcus’s grandmother gave money to me and Quintus; and so we will be good boys. 3. The children, when they had gone into town, saw Claudia’s grandfather and grandmother in the street. 4. Marcella is on (her) grandmother’s lap, Quintus. Why is the girl not lying in the cradle? B. 1. "When I was sitting in school," said Julia, "books fell from my school bang onto the floor." "You were then punished?" asked Claudia. 2. "Where is the bad sailor?" asked Quintus. "The sailor killed a wretched farmer yesterday," said Marcus. "Then he ran into the forest, and now he is hiding in a cave." 3. "Why did the farmers' daughters send tired Marcus into the forest?" asked Julia. "They sent tired Marcus," replied Quintus, "to warn the sailor; for many bears are in the caves." 4. "Quintus, when he came (had come) into the garden from the fields, said to Marcus, "Where are our baskets?" "I gave my baskets to the good farmers," answered Marcus; "but yours are in the yard." II. A. 1. Mārcus cum ē tabernā vēnisset in agrōs iit. Mox in tergō equī tuī validī erit, Quīnte. 2. Ego saxum iēcī; sed tū subsellium frēgistī. 3. Cum Iūlia puellās docēret, puerī iērunt ut equōs vidērent. 4. Sīmiam terrēbō, ut puerī caveam compleant; nam multa saxa in harēnā sunt. B. 1. "Cūr ancilla vōbīscum ē cymbā vēnit, Claudia?" inquit Iūlia. "Avia mea ancillam nōbīscum mīsit," inquit Claudia, "quia multī lupī in silvīs sunt. Cum ibi in umbrā sedērēmus, ursam albam vīdī." 2. "Quid in silvā hodiē vīdistī, fīlia mea?" inquit agricola. "Cum ex oppidō vēnissēmus," inquit puella, "parvum lupum vīdimus. Mārcus saxum in lupum iēcit, Quīntus in spēluncam cucurrit et in herbā latuī." 3. "Ubi sunt capsae vestrae, puellae?" inquit Mārcella. "Capsae nostrae in agrō sunt," inquiunt puellae dēfessae; "sed librōs tuōs habēmus." I. A. 1. We found many little foxes in your yard yesterday. 2. Marcus brought a tired little fox into a cage; we ran into the field. 3. When they had come through the forest, the children went with us into town to see our school. 4. I am sitting in the street to warn the farmers; for a strong wolf is hiding in the garden. 5. My grandfather and grandmother came yesterday with the maidservants from the town. Soon they will be in the garden, to see the berries and the grapes and the big apples. B. 1. "Why did you go through the forest, my daughter?" asked the farmer. "I went through the forest," answered (his) daughter, "because I am a big girl; I am not afraid of little foxes." 2. "What did Marcus find in your school bag?" asked Julia. "He found books and a pen," replied Claudia; "for my tablets are in the tent." 3. "The lazy boy’s bed is under the stairs," said Marcus. "The teacher sent me to see the bed." 4. "Marcus, why did the farmers give you money?" asked Quintus. "They gave me money," replied Marcus, "because I am not lazy. Yesterday they sent you into the fields, but you did not bring the horses to the water." II. A. 1. Ōlim vulpēcula in hortum venit, ut ūvās vidēret. 2. Mārcus, cum in herbā sedēret, saxum in puellam parvam iēcit. 3. Saxa in corbulam avī meī cecidērunt, et columbārum albārum caveam frēgērunt. 4. Cum in silvās vēnissēs, quid invēnistī, mī fīlī? 5. Lupum validum vīdī, et Quīntus nautam dēfessum in umbrā invēnit. B. 1. "Magister nōs ē lūdō mīsit," inquit Claudia Mārcellae; "Puerī mox in agrīs erunt," inquit Mārcella; "tum in cymbā sedēbimus et conchās in aquā vidēbimus." 2. "Vulpēcula lupum timuit," inquit Iūlia. "Sed ursa lupum terruit; itaque vulpēcula in spēluncam iit ut in umbrā iacēret." 3. "Vōs hodiē monuī, puerī," inquit magister, "sed māla et bācās mihi nōn dedistis." "Bācās in lutum iēcimus," inquit Mārcus, "et māla in aquā sunt." 4. "Ubi sunt columbae?" inquit Mārcella. "Columba mea in umerō fīliae agricolae est," inquit Iūlia; "Nautae fīlius malus tuam occīdit." I. A. 1. What do you see in the sky, Marcus? I see the moon and the stars. 2. When Quintus was in my boat, he threw stones into the water. 3. The farmers gave you money, boys, to hold the horses in the street. 4. Your little fox, Julia, found many grapes in the yard yesterday. Today he will have berries; for I filled a basket. B. 1. Then Quintus said to Marcus, "A sturdy sailor sent me into the boat and frightened my monkey on the beach." 2. "Claudia, when she had come with me from the garden," said Julia, "gave berries and apples to Marcus’s monkey. 3. "Where is the dolls' bed, girls?" asked Marcella. "The bed is in the tent," said the girls; "and so we will sit there with the dolls." 4. "Once," said the lazy sailor, "when the moon was in the sky, a bear came out of the cave and killed a poor little fox." II. A. 1. Avus vester, puerī, cum librōs capsāsque nōbīs dedisset, ad lūdum nōs mīsit. 2. Oppidī porta est parva, Quīnte. 3. Quid equī validī per agrōs in oppidum vēxērunt? 4. Avia mea et ancilla tēcum sedēbunt, Iūlia. Ego in cymbā erō; nam dēfessus sum. B. 1. "Cum Iūlia columbam in gremiō tenēret," inquit Claudia, "magnus lupus in āream vēnit." 2. Tum agricolae fīlia Mārcellae, "Cūr," inquit, "Mārcus sellam subselliumque meum frēgit?" "Subsellium frēgit," inquit Mārcella, "quia columbam nostram herī occīdistī. Sed puer malus nōn est; sellam tuam nōn frēgit." 3. "Cūr in āreā sedēs, Mārce?" inquit Quīntus; "ut vulpēculās videās? Vulpēculae nunc in silvīs sunt; sed mox multae in agrīs erunt." I. A. 1. When the tired girls had been in the tent a long time, Marcus came into the yard and threw the dolls into the water. 2. The farmer had gone into town with me; and so Quintus did not find us in the fields. 3. I was punished in school, because I had broken the teacher’s pen. 4. Then Quintus rushed out of (his) hiding place; but I hid in the grass for a long time. B. 1. "We did not find bears for a long time," said the farmer. "Then many rushed out of the large cave, and frightened the sturdy sailors; and my horse, when it had seen the bears, ran out of the forest and carried me quickly through the fields." 2. "What did you give to Marcus, my son?" said the lazy sailor. "I gave a bad little fox to Marcus," said the son; "but Marcus had given me money." 3. "The moon is a big star," said Claudia. "The moon is in the sky," said Quintus, "but it is not a star." 4. "When Marcus had run through the yard into the garden," said Marcella, "he sent us into the boat with Claudia, because he had seen a large wolf in the field." II. A. 1. Avia tua ūvās līberīs dedit, Quīnte. Cūr bācās mihi nōn dedit? Agricola corbulās complēverat. 2. Sīmia dēfessa in lectō pūpārum latet; lupum et ursam timet. 3. Tum ancilla nōs in agrōs dūxit. Ibi ursae vulpēculam vestram occīderant, puerī; nam caudam invēnimus. 4. Magistrum terruistī, Mārce; itaque līberōs hodiē docēbō. B. 1. "Māla mea ē corbulā in lutum cecidērunt," inquit Iūlia. "Tum, puerī malī cum ē lūdō vēnissent, māla in columbās miserās iēcērunt." 2. "Hodiē, cum in silvīs sederem," inquit Quīntus Iūliae, "ursam vīdī. Itaque celeriter cucurrī ut Mārcum monērem; sed ē spēluncā ērūperat et in cymbam nautārum ierat." 3. Tum Claudia "Nautae," inquit, "cum diū in harēnā sēdissent, in agrum vēnērunt et nōs in āream mīsērunt." 4. "Sīmia, cum in terram cecidisset," inquit Quīntus, "celeriter in caveam cucurrit, et ibi diū sēdit. Nunc vulpēculās vestrās timet, puerī." I. A. 1. Quintus will sit on the table, so that Julia may sit on the bench. 2. Marcus, when he was in the forest, saw the moon and many stars in the sky. 3. Soon the wolves rushed out of the caves; but meanwhile the sturdy farmers had gone into the forest with arrows. 4. The sailor had sent (his) son to school with the girls, so that (his) son could be a good boy. B. 1. Then Claudia said to Marcus, "I gave you my tablet; why did you not give Marcella the school bag?" 2. "The bad boys threw stones into the cage yesterday," said Claudia; "but our monkey had run into the tent. There, he hid under the bed for a long time." 3. "Today, when the farmers had come swiftly into the forest," said Marcus, "they killed a white bear and a large wolf." 4. "What did you see in the forest, Marcus?" asked the girls. "When we had come from the fields into the forest," said Marcus, "Quintus was afraid of the bears, but I went to the cave. There I saw your monkey’s tail, girls." 3. "When Quintus had given a basket to the farmer," said Julia, "we ran quickly into the garden." II. A. 1. Tēcum in umbrā sedēbō, mī fīlī. 2. Tē misērunt, Quinte, ut sīmiam meam in gremiō tuō tenērēs. 3. Cum agricolae in agrīs essent, lupus malus in hortum iit; sed vulpēculam nōn invēnit. 4. Lupus sīmiam occīdit, sed vulpēcula in herbā latuerat. 5. Itaque agricolae fīliī māla in magnās corbulās iēcērunt. B. 1. "Puellās mox vidēbis, Claudia," inquit Quīntus; "interim in cymbā mēcum erunt." 2. "Puerī, cum saxa in hortum diū iēcissent," inquit Iūlia, "celeriter in silvās cucurrērunt, ut in spēluncā latērent." 3. "Ōlim," inquit Mārcus, "Iūlia vulpēculam tuam ad lūdum dūxērat, Quīntus. Sed nautae fīlius piger librōs et tabulās in puellam et vulpēculam iēcit." 4. "Ursae interim agricolae equum occīderant," inquit puella. "Equum miserum vīdī," inquit nauta validus. "Hodiē in silvīs sedēbō ut ursās terream; nam sagittās habeō." 5. "Ubi fuistis, puerī?" inquit Mārcella. "Ad caveam ierātis ut columbās albās vidērētis?" I. A. 1. And so the little boys filled your dolls' cradle with sand, Julia. 2. When the farmer had come into town with (his) pretty daughter, he bought berries there and many apples. 3. For meanwhile the tired farmers had gone into the forest with me, to lie in the shade. 4. Why, Quintus, have you killed my monkey with a stone? B. 1. "Why did Quintus go into the shop, Claudia?" asked Julia. "Quintus saw a beautiful school bag yesterday in the shop," replied Claudia; "today he has money." 2. "We have filled the baskets with apples," said the girls, "because the farmers' daughters had given us berries." 3. "Why is lazy Marcus hiding under the stairs?" asked Marcella. "Because he is a bad boy," said Claudia; "for when he had brought the horses into the fields, he ran quickly into the garden to see the grapes, and there he filled the doves' cage with mud." 4. "My grandfather," said Julia, "when he had come into the forest, found a den of wolves, and killed a strong wolf with arrows." II. A. 1. Interim in agrōs cum agricolīs issēmus ut equōs saxīs terrērēmus. 2. Itaque puella pulchra, cum diū in umbrā cum nautā validō sēdisset, per āream cucurrit ut līberōrum capsās tabulīs et librīs complēret. 3. Nam avia vestra magnam agricolae fīliam mīsit, ut bonī puerī essētis. B. 1. "Mox multī puerī cum saxīs vēnērunt," inquit Iūlia, "et pūpārum mēnsam pulchram frēgērunt." "Cūr mē in āream, ut līberōs malōs terrērem, nōn mīsistī?" inquit Quīntus. 2. "Ubi soleās vestrās invēnistis, puellae?" inquit Claudia. "Cum in āream vēnissemus et in tabernāculō sederēmus," inquit Iūlia, "Mārcellae soleās in herbā vīdimus; Mārcus meās in aquam iēcerat." 3. "Quīntus columbam tenēbit," inquit Mārcus; "interim agricolam monēbimus et vulpēculās terrēbimus." 4. "Sīmiae latebrae sub scālīs sunt," inquit Mārcus. "Herī ibi diū iacuit. Sed crās puerī malī in lūdō erunt et sīmia tum in caveā sedēbit." I. A. 1. Where is the cook? Why did you not give him the plates? 2. When we were in the boat with the girls, we saw a powerful wolf on the beach. And so the sailor killed it with an arrow. 3. Marcus and I had come into the forest; then, when we had sat in the shade for a long time, I went into the garden, he (went) to the shop. 4. The fat cook ran through the kitchen, and threw the large plate at the bad monkey, because it had eaten the children’s dinner. B. 1. Then Marcus said to Quintus, "Where is my plate?" "I see it under the table," replied Quintus. 2. "Why is the little fox hiding under the dolls' bed, Quintus?" asked Claudia. "The little fox, when it had come into the yard," replied Quintus, "saw Julia’s beautiful doves, and frightened them; and so it is now afraid of Julia." 3. Marcus said, "I gave many apples to my grandfather’s tired horses when they had gone from the fields yesterday; tomorrow I will fill my basket with grass." 4. "The cook had bought berries and grapes," said Marcella; "but, when he was sitting in the kitchen, bad boys threw the berries and grapes into the water, and filled the baskets with mud." II. A. 1. Agricolārum cēna in equī tergō est; paterae eōrum in corbulā sunt. 2. Cum coquus in lectō nautae iacēret, vulpēcula in culīnam eius vēnit et ūvās ēdit. 3. Mārcus in āream iit ut pulchram lūnam stellāsque in caelō vidēret. Eās nōn vīdit, nam in lutum cecidit. 4. Cūr avia tua et ancilla valida ad oppidum iērunt, Iūlia? 5. Cūr nauta ē portā oppidī celeriter vēnit? B. 1. "Puer miser ē silvīs herī vēnit," inquit Iūlia, "ut corbulās bācīs complēret. Māla ūvāsque eī dedimus." 2. "Quid nauta tibi dedit, Mārce?" inquit Iūlia. "Cum lupī ē latebrīs ērūpērunt," inquit Mārcus, "nauta sagittās mihi dedit, eīsque ursam lupumque occīdī." 3. "Cum in umbrā latērem ut vulpēculam terrērem," inquit Claudia, "capsa mea in terram cecidit. Nunc eam nōn videō." 4. "Magister coquum pigrum ad tabernam mīsit," inquit Mārcella; "et cum in subselliō sedēret, Mārcus in culīnam cum Quīntō cucurrit. Ibi puerī malī magistrī cēnam ēdērunt et paterās eius frēgērunt." compleō, I fill, I am filling; complēbam, I was filling; complēvī, I filled, I have filled. doceō, _I teach, I am teaching; docēbam, I was teaching; docuī, I taught, I have taught. iaceō, I lie, I am lying; iacēbam, I was lying; iacuī, I lay, I have lain. lateō, I hide, I am hiding; latēbam, I was hiding; latuī, I hid, I have hidden. moneō, I warn, I am warning; monēbam, I was warning; monuī, I warned, I have warned. teneō, I hold, I am holding; tenēbam, I was holding; tenuī, I held, I have held. terreō, I frighten, I am frightening; terrēbam, I was frightening; terruī, I frightened, I have frightened. timeō, I am afraid, I fear; timēbam, I was afraid, I was fearing; timuī, I was afraid, I feared. videō, I see, I am seeing; vidēbam, I was seeing; vīdī, I saw, have seen. I. A. 1. And so yesterday the sailor was sitting in the kitchen with the tired farmer. 2. When the cook had come into the kitchen and had filled the teacher’s cups with water, he gave wine to the fat sailor and the lazy farmer. Today the sailor and the farmer will lie drunken in the street. There the boys and girls will see them. B. 1. Then Julia said to Claudia, "Why did your monkey run into the cage?" "A drunken sailor went through the yard," replied Claudia, "and frightened it; for he had bought wine in the shop." 2. "When we were in the kitchen," said the cook, "we saw a beautiful little fox in the yard." "Why did you not kill it?" asked the sailor. "We ran into the yard," replied the cook; "but meanwhile a farmer with (his) strong sons had come from the fields. He killed the little fox with an arrow." 3. "We found many of the cook’s dishes in the grass," said Marcus; "the monkey had broken them with a stone." II. A. 1. Sub mēnsā latēbam. Ibi avia mea mē invēnit; nam capsam meam multīs ūvīs complēverat. 2. Itaque agricola ēbrius, cum ē tabernā vēnisset, in agrōs celeriter cucurrit. 3. Interim valida nautae sīmia agricolae pōcula frēgerat et vīnum eius in aquam iēcerat. 4. Quid puellae in viā vīdērunt, mī fīlī? B. 1. "Ego et Mārcus cum ad portam vēnissēmus," inquit Iūlia, "Quīntum in oppidum mīsimus, ut agricolam bonum monēret; nam lupus ē silvīs vēnerat et equōs terrēbat." 2. "Quīntus et Claudia sīmiās docēbant," inquit Mārcus; "ea in mēnsā pūpae sedēbat, is in herbā iacēbat." 3. "Puerī pōcula aquā complēvērunt," inquit coquus obēsus puellīs; "mox cēna in mēnsā erit." I. A. 1. When we had come to the stream, the children threw many rocks into the water; but soon they were sitting in the grass with the maidservant. 2. We ran home from school quickly; for Marcus and Quintus were then in the boat. 3. Julia held the doves on her lap for a long time; meanwhile, a raven was sitting on a strong sailor’s shoulder. 4. The boys and girls ran through the town’s gate to fill the fat farmers' cups with wine. B. 1. "Meanwhile Claudia and I," said Julia, "had found the cook’s sandles in the kitchen and had given (them) to him." "Where is his money?" asked Marcella. 2. "When the wolf," said the farmer, "had rushed out of the cave, it ran swiftly to the bank. There a big bear was hiding. When it had seen the wolf, it rushed out of the hiding place and killed it." 3. "Our horses had carried the children from town into the forest," said Claudia. "Then Quintus came through the fields. Soon the maidservant sent him and Marcus to the stream, because they had cups. Meanwhile, we were lying in the grass." II. A. 1. Itaque in hortum ierāmus et corbulās tuās, Claudia, pulchrīs ūvīs complēbāmus. 2. Agricola dēfessus, cum fīliōs in oppidum mīsisset, diū in rīpā rīvī parvī sēdit. Ibi corvum vīdit et saxō occīdit. 3. Cum puerō obēsō latēmus ut magistrum terreāmus. Cūr Mārcus vōbīscum latet, puellae? B. 1. "Ōlim vulpēculam in rīpā rīvī invēnimus, eamque in aquam iēcimus," inquit nauta Mārcō. "Cūr eam mihi nōn dedistis?" inquit Quīntus. 2. "Nautam ēbrium in umbrā vīdimus," inquit Iūlia; "domum cucurrī, sed puerī vulpēculās ē silvīs dūxērunt ut eum terrērent." 3. "Cum coquus ad rīvum ierat," inquit Quīntus, "in culīnam vēnī. Corvus ibi sub mēnsā latēbat et pateram in eum iēcī." 4. "Mārcella bona puella hodiē fuit," inquit Claudia; "nam puerīs parvīs stilōs dedit quia capsam eius invēnerant." I. A. 1. In the forest, a powerful wolf frightened us; and so I ran home, but Marcus, tired, preferred to hide in the fields. 2. Claudia had refused to hold a poor raven on her lap, and was lying in the shade with the dolls. 3. There was a beautiful stream in the field; for on (its) bank were berries and many roses. 4. Where was our cup yesterday, Quintus? For when the girls had come into the yard, they wanted to fill it with water, but they did not find (it). B. 1. "Where is Quintus, girls?" asked Marcella; "for the lazy sailor’s white horse is in our garden. I was not able to frighten it." 2. "Although the drunken cook had bought wine in town," said Marcus, "he did not want to fill the tired sailor’s cup. And so he threw the cup into the wretched cook’s basket and broke his dishes." 3. Then the little boy said to Quintus, "While we were in the kitchen, a little fox came from the fields into the yard, and began to frighten Julia’s doves. We rushed out of the kitchen; but the little fox ran quickly into the garden to hide in the grass. Meanwhile, my grandfather had come into the garden with arrows; and so the bad little fox was punished there." II. A. 1. Iūliae avia Mārcum mīsit ut magistrī cymbam vidēret. Nōs corbulās mālīs complēre in hortō māluimus. 2. Mēcum in subselliō sedēre nōluistī. 3. Sīmiae vestrae, cum multās ūvas bācāsque in aquam iēcissent, puerī, domum cucurrērunt et in tabernāculō latuērunt. 4. Tum agricola fīliam nautae pulchram monēre coepit; nam (ea) miserōs līberōs docēre nōluit. B. 1. "Quid in silvīs vidēre herī voluistī?" inquit Iūlia Mārcellae. "Ursam vidēre voluī," inquit Mārcella. "Itaque puerī in spēluncā latuērunt; sed mē terrēre nōn potuērunt." 2. "Ubi erant pōcula et paterae?" inquiunt puellae. "Pōcula in rīvī rīpā erant," inquit Quīntus, "et paterae in herbā cum corbulīs vestrīs erant." 3. "Cum domum per agrōs vēnissēmus," inquit Mārcus, "Quīntus puellārum capsās aquā complēre coepit, et (ego) lutum in cunās pūpārum iēcī. Tum avus meus ancillam validam mīsit ut nōs monēret; itaque in silvās celeriter cucurrimus." I. A. 1. The teacher is filling the school bags with big apples so that the good girls will be happy. 2. The farmer’s sturdy sons had come to school with Quintus; but the teacher did not want to teach them. 3. When Marcus had seen the fat sailor’s beautiful boat, he ran home quickly; I preferred to sit on the beach to fill my basket with shells. 4. Julia is holding the monkey, so that the dove may be safe. It is now hiding in Claudia’s bosom. B. 1. "When the cook had found a little raven on the bank," said Claudia, "he went home through the fields, and gave me the raven." 2. "Yesterday, I went with the boys through the forest to the (river) bank. There, while we were in the water, a bad little fox came out of the cave and ate our dinner." 3. "Where are the cups?" said the farmer to the cook. "The sailor’s monkey stole many cups and wine today," said the cook; "and so we will soon see an intoxicated sailor." II. A. 1. Equī per hortum cucurrērunt et nunc in āreā sunt. 2. Puellae nōbīscum in tabernāculō sedent ut pūpae tūtae sint. 3. Avia tua, Iūlia, puerum obēsum ad tabernam mīsit; interim capsam eius harēnā complēre coepī. 4. Itaque cum lupum occīdissēmus, in spēluncam iimus. Ibi ursam invēnimus, sed eam sagittīs terrēre nōn potuimus. B. 1. "Herī, puerī, avus dēfessus vester cum in hortō in umbrā iacēret," inquit Iūlia, "lupum vīdit et eum terrēre voluit, quia equī eius tūtī nōn erant. Sed ursa per agrōs celeriter cucurrit, et lupus in silvīs latuit." 2. "In āreā sedeō, mī fīlī," inquit nauta, "ut puer bonus sīs. Herī piger fuistī; equum ad rīvum nōn dūxistī." 3. "Ūvae ē miserōrum puerōrum corbulīs in aquam cecidērunt," inquit Mārcella, "et nunc agricolam timent. Corbulās eōrum multīs mālīs et bācīs complēbimus." 4. "Nautae fīlius laetus hodiē fuit," inquit Quīntus; "nam Mārcus sagittam eī dederat. Sed crās in silvīs latēbō et eum terrēbō." I. A. 1. Marcus’s monkey discovered the doves' nest today, and broke many eggs. 2. When the little fox had gone stealthily into the yard, it seized Quintus’s chickens; meanwhile Marcus’s white hen was safe in a cage. 3. I wanted to see the moon and the stars, but Marcus did not want to sit with me in the garden. 4. I came from the fields to see the drunken cook. I did not see him, but in the yard I found the farmer’s fat sons; they had stolen the cook’s dishes from the kitchen. B. 1. "I see a bear," said Quintus. "Where will you hide, Claudia, to be safe?" "Yesterday I hid in the tent," replied Claudia. "There the wolf was not able to see me." 2. "Tomorrow I will be happy," said Marcella; "then we will sit in the forest, and there will be a beautiful dinner in the baskets." 3. "We went into the forest to the stream," said Marcus; "and when we were sitting there on the bank, strong sailors came quickly from the town and seized our boat. Quintus ran home quickly to warn our grandfather; I, meanwhile, hid in the grass." II. A. 1. Vēnimus, Quīnte, ut columbārum ōva vidērēmus. Ubi est nīdus? 2. Cūr vulpēculam vestram in āream dūxistis, puerī? Pulchrae gallīnae meae eam timent. 3. Nautam ēbrium timēre coepimus; sed Mārcus eī pecūniam dedit et eum domum mīsit. 4. Interim ursa ē spēluncā fūrtim ierat; itaque puerī dēfessī latebrās eius nōn invēnērunt. B. 1. "Agricola hodiē vēnit," inquit Iūlia, "ut rīvum saxīs complēret. Quīntus laetus fuit; nam agricolae equōs albōs vidēre diū voluit." 2. "Cum puerī in herbā latērent ut puellās terrērent," inquit Claudia, "piger nautae fīlius in tabernāculum vēnit et corvī tuī caveam rapuit, Iūlia." 3. "Ōlim," inquit Quīntus, "vulpēcula per silvam vēnit ut agricolae gallīnās vidēret. Sed agricolae fīliī in hortō sedēbant; itaque miseram vulpēculam occīdērunt." habēs, es, habeās, sīs; habet, est, habeat, sit; habēmus, sumus, habeāmus, sīmus; habētis, estis, habeātis, sītis; habent, sunt, habeant, sint. habēbās, eras, habērēs, essēs; habēbat, erat, habēret, esset; habēbāmus, eramus, habērēmus, essēmus; habēbātis, eratis, habērētis, essētis; habēbant, erant, habērent, essent. habēbis, eris; habēbit, erit; habēbimus, erimus; habēbitis, eritis; habēbunt, erunt. habuistī, fuistī, habueris, fuerīs; habuit, fuit, habuerit, fuerit; habuimus, fuimus, habuerimus, fuerīmus; habuistis, fuistis, fueritis, fuerītis; habuērunt, fuērunt, habuerint, fuerint. habuerās, fuerās, habuissēs, fuissēs; habuerat, fuerat, habuisset, fuisset; habuerāmus, fuerāmus, habuissēmus, fuissēmus; habuerātis, fuerātis, habuissētis, fuissētis; habuerant, fuerant, habuissent, fuissent. habueris, fueris; habuerit, fuerit; habuerimus, fuerimus; habueritis, fueritis; habuerint, fuerint. I. A. 1. And so the good girls filled the doves' nests with leaves. 2. Yesterday, when the chickens were sitting on the branch, bad boys threw rocks, and frightened them. 3. Tomorrow I will have a beautiful boat in the stream, and you will sit with me in it. 4. Eggs fell from the cook’s basket against the rocks when he was frightening the little fox. B. 1. "Today I sent the sailor’s son home," said Marcus. "Then the angry sailor, when he had come into our garden, broke the branches and killed your chickens, Julia." 2. "Why are you lying tired in the leaves, boys?" asked the farmer. "Your grandmother is in the tent, she is afraid of the drunken cook." 3. "The lazy boy had gone stealthily from the garden into the fields," said Claudia. "There he found big berries; but soon many bears came from the forest, and seized the poor boy." 4. "The horses carried the farmer through long roads to the town," said Marcella; "meanwhile his lazy sons were filling the sailors' boat with water." II. A. 1. Coquus īrātus ōva in nautam obēsum iēcit. 2. Ego tūtus sum; sed Quīntus in silvās iit ut corbulās foliīs complēret, et ursae in spēluncīs sunt. 3. Puerī, cum columbārum nīdum vīdissent, rāmum frēgērunt ōvaque rapuērunt. 4. Cūr sīmiam meam terrēre coepistī, Mārce? B. 1. "Tum aviae vestrae ancilla valida per oppidī portam celeriter vēnit, puerī," inquit Iūlia, "gallīnāsque in rīvī rīpā invēnit." 2. "Mārcus fūrtim in culīnam iit," inquit Quīntus, "pōculumque rapuit. Itaque id harēnā complēvimus et nautae sīmiae dedimus. Sīmia pōculum frēgit et nunc coquus īrātus est." 3. "Quid sub mēnsā coquī invēnistī, Quīnte?" inquit Iūlia. "Pilam meam nōn invēnī," inquit Quīntus; "sed ibi capsam tuam et Claudiae stilum vīdī." I. A. 1. Have you seen my school bag, boys? Yesterday I threw it into the tent. 2. Did the boys go into the forest, Quintus? Did they find a suitable spot? 3. The good farmer’s horse carried the children into safe places. Meanwhile, the sailor’s son had gone into town to fill a basket with arrows. 4. Did you want to see, my son, the doves' eggs and nest? B. Then Julia said to the boys, "Once upon a time a bad wolf, when he had come stealthily from the cave, went through the forest into the wretched farmers' fields and killed their horses. And so the angry farmers brought a white bear out of a cage into the fields and hid with it in the grass. But the wolf had now run home, and he was lying safe in the cave. And so when the farmers had hid in the grass a long time, they quickly went into the forest with the bear, and there they found the wolf’s hiding place. Then, happy, they sent the bear into the cave, and the bad wolf was punished." II. A. 1. Vulpēculane mea gallīnās tuas terruit, Mārce? 2. Cūr agricola īrātus tabernāculum nostrum saxīs complēvit? 3. Esne in āreā, Quīnte? Nōs in culīnā sumus. 4. Quid avī vestrī coquus in oppidō ēmit, puellae? Corbulam eius vidēre voluimus, sed nōluit. B. 1. "In rīpā rīvī parvī sagittam et corbulam invēnimus," inquit Mārcus. "Quintus sagittam saxō frēgit et (ego) corbulam in aquam iēcī. Interim agricola pōculum vīnō complēbat; itaque nōs nōn vīdit." 2. "Cum in hortum herī īssem," inquit Claudia, "locum idōneum invēnī et diū in umbrā sēdī. Tum puerī domum ē lūdō vēnērunt et corvum tuum terrēre coepērunt, Iūlia. Itaque in āream cucurri ut avum tuum monērem." vocāvī, vocāverim; vocāveram, vocāvissem; vocāverō. I. A. 1. We will call the boys to see my raven. 2. Did you send tired Marcus, when he had come from school, to call the farmer? 3. Why did you go to the boat? to give a book to the fat sailor? 4. Is Marcus in the fields? Quintus is in the yard; for he is giving a chicken to the sailor’s son. B. "Yesterday," said Marcus, "my grandfather went into the forest to see the bears' caves and hiding places. There, while he was sitting in the leaves, a little fox came stealthily from the forest into the fields, and ran swiftly into our garden and stole many chickens. Meanwhile, the farmers had found the bears' caves; and so they were calling my grandfather. But now, Quintus had come into the forest to call the grandfather, because a little fox had stolen the chickens. And so (my) grandfather hurried home; but the sailor’s son had now killed the little fox." II. A. 1. Puerīne ad locum idōneum properāvērunt? Bācāsne in silvīs ēdērunt? 2. Quid corvō das, Quīnte? Ego mālum eī hodīe dedī. 3. Puellaene mē vocant ut pūpae sellam videam? Eam herī vīdī. 4. Mārcusne laetus est quia piger agricolae fīlius columbārum ōva nōn frēgit? B. 1. "Crās," inquit Iūlia, "ē lūdō properābimus et corbulās bācīs complēbimus." 2. "Cūr in āreā estis, puellae?" inquit Claudia. "Puerōs vocāmus," inquiunt puellae. "Sed in agrīs sunt; itaque nōs nōn vident." 3. "Agricola mihi corbulam dedit," inquit Mārcus, "et ad cymbam mēcum iit. Nautae fīliī conchās pulchrās eius nōbīs dare nōn potuērunt, sed multās in harēnā invēnī." flōs pulcher, flōris pulchrī, flōrī pulchrō, flōrem pulchrum, flōre pulchro; flōrēs pulchrī, flōrum pulchrōrum, flōribus pulchrīs, flōrēs pulchrōs, flōribus pulchrīs. arbor magna, arboris magnae, arborī magnae, arborem magnam, arbore magnā; arborēs magnae, arborum magnārum, arboribus magnīs, arborēs magnās, arboribus magnīs. lītus tūtum, lītoris tūtī, lītorī tūtō, lītus tūtum, lītore tūtō; lītora tūta, lītorum tūtōrum, lītoribus tūtīs, lītora tūta, lītoribus tūtīs. I. A. 1. Did Quintus go into the fields to call the girls, so that they might see the pretty flowers? 2. When the drunken soldier had come out of the shop, he broke cups and plates. 3. Many farmers live in the fields, many on the shore. 4. We had now seen the horses, and I was hurrying to the store. B. When we had come to a suitable spot," said Julia, "the tired girls sat in the grass, but Marcus and Quintus hurried to the small stream. For there was a large tree on the bank, and a nest on a branch. Marcus quickly climbed into the tree to see the eggs; but when he was sitting happy on a branch, suddenly a fat monkey rushed out of a cave and ran to the tree. And so Quintus, much frightened, fell from the bank into the water: and Marcus, when the monkey had climbed into the tree, began to hide in the leaves; but the wretched boy soon broke a branch, and fell to the ground onto the rocks." II. A. 1. Suntne māla in abore? Bācāsne in hortō vidēs? 2. Cūr nautae vōbīscum habitābant, puerī? 3. Agricola cum ad lītus vēnisset ut nautās vocāret, lupum in cymbā vīdit. 4. Subitō vulpēcula ē tabernāculō in hortum cucurrit; ibi Mārcī columbae perterritae in rāmīs arborum latēre coepērunt. B. 1. "Pecūniam multīs līberīs dare nōluimus," inquit Iūlia; "Corbulās eōrum mālīs ūvīsque complēre mālui." 2. "Itaque," inquit Mārcus, "ursam iam terruerāmus. Sed mox multī lupī ē silvā vēnērunt; itaque domum properāvimus ut fīliōs agricolae validōs vocārēmus. Tum, cum agricola cum sagittīs vēnisset, lupōs ursamque occīdimus." 3. "Quīntus in oppidō habitābit," inquit Claudia; "nōs in agrīs habitābimus." II. A. 1. When the farmers' strong horses had carried the baskets to the shore, the sailors placed two (of them) in the boat. 2. Quintus helped me, for the other boys had now fled into the forest. 3. I will hurry to the shore with you to help the tired sailors. 4. There were many ravens in the trees; and so we called the other girls to see the nests. B. "And so," said Marcus, we had come from the fields, and were now sitting on the beach. Then suddently we saw a small boat on the shore. I put three girls into it, but the other children ran to town to call the sailor. Meanwhile, I sat with the girls in the boat; and when we had thrown shells into the water for a long time, I filled the boat with mud. But the angry sailor was now hurrying from town. I was not afraid of him, but the girls were much frightened. And so they fled with me swiftly into the garden, and there we hid under the small trees." II. A. 1. Flōrēs in locīs idōneīs collocō. Mox puellās vocābō ut mē adiuvent. 2. In oppidō diū habitāvimus; sed avus meus in agrīs habitāre māluit. Arborēsne pulchrās in hortō nostrō vidēs? 2. Trēs puerī ad lūdum hodiē vēnērunt. Crās cēterī poenās dabunt; nam magister īrātus fuit quia ad lītus fūgerant. B. 1. "Corvus iam perterritus erat," inquit Iūlia; "itaque Quīntus in arborem ēscendit ut eum adiuvāret. Sed interim Mārcus saxa duo in sīmiam malam iēcit eamque occīdit." 2. "Properātisne ad lūdum, puellae?" inquit Claudia. "Flōrēs pulchrās vōbīs dabō ut eās in capsīs collocētis." 3. "Vulpēculae duae fūrtim ē spēluncā vēnērunt," inquit Mārcus, "quia gallīnās in hortō nostrō vīderant. Sed gallīnās in locō tūtō collocāveram; itaque vulpēculae eās terrēre nōn potuērunt." īstī, ieris; ierās, īsses; ieris. I. A. 1. Let us hurry into the fields, and let us help the wretched farmers. 2. Today, when we were going to school, a pretty girl gave us many grapes. 3. Yesterday Marcus went into the fields with three boys to put the poor doves' nests on the branches of the tall trees. 4. Our maidservant, when she had seen two wolves in the forest, fled home much frightened. B. There are many tall trees in our forest, and many beautiful flowers. Once upon a time a pretty girl had come into the forest, and, happy, was filling her basket with flowers. Suddenly, however, a bad wolf rushed out of a cave; then the girl, much frightened, ran through the forest. But a raven was living in a tall tree. When it had seen the wolf and the girl, he suddenly said, "Where are my arrows?" And so the bad wolf, much frightened, fled to (his) hiding place; moreover, the girl was hurrying home with many beautiful flowers, and she gave them to the other children. II. A. 1. Sagittās puerīs dēmus, pūpāsque puellīs. 2. Puerī duo in rīpā iacēbant; eōs autem vocāvimus ut ad lītus nōbīscum īrent. 3. Ad silvās hodiē ībimus ut vulpēculās in spēluncā collocēmus. 4. Mārcus cum locum idōneum invēnisset, in arborem ēscendit ut cēterōs līberōs vocāret. B. 1. "Duās pūpās in cūnīs collocēmus," inquit Mārcella Claudiae. 2. "Cūr pūpās in cūnīs collocāre voluistī?" inquit Mārcus. "Sīmiam eīs terreāmus." 3. "Vulpēculās trīs in agrō hodiē vīdī," inquit Quīntus, "duāsque domum dūxī. In corvī caveā eās collocēmus." 4. Puellārum corbulās flōribus compleāmus," inquit Iūlia. "Ad rīvum cum puerīs iērunt et mox domum ībunt." potuit, potuerit; potuerat, potuisset; potuerit. I. A. 1. Let us sit in the shade. 2. Are you able to see the other children? Are they going to the stream? 3. We are going into the fields to help the good farmers. 4. I soon saw Quintus; for his grandfather was then living there. 5. I had hurried into the garden to call the girls, so that I might give them berries. But they had now gone from the garden into the forest. And so the fat boy ate the berries. B. When Marcus had come home from school, he said to Quintus, "Today we brought a small wolf and a monkey into the school. I found a suitable spot under the benches, and placed the wolf there; the other boys, however, placed the monkey in the teacher’s chair. When the teacher saw the monkey, he threw a tablet at him. Then suddenly the wolf rushed out of (its) hiding place, and the much frightened teacher fled into the yard and quickly climbed a tall tree. Meanwhile, many boys ran stealthily from the school through the fields into the forest. But tomorrow they will be punished; for the teacher is angry. II. A. 1. Agricola esse nōluī; itaque avus meus mē ad lūdum mīsit. 2. Possuntne tē adiuvāre? Ego cēterās puellās adiuvāre nōn potuī. 3. Agricolam validum vocēmus, Mārce. 4. Cum puerīs duōbus iī ut ursam in caveā collocārēmus (collocārem). 5. Tria saxa magna in viā sunt. Potestisne, puerī, ea in equī tergō collocāre? B. 1. "Nautae ēbriī fīlius et fīlia ad lūdum īre nōn possunt," inquit Iūlia. "Duo autem librōs habent et eōs adiuvābimus." 2. "Vulpēcula trīs gallīnās meās hodiē rapuit," inquit Claudia; "agricola enim ad oppidum ierat. Sed fīliī eius cum domum vēnissent, in silvam properāvērunt et vulpēculam in latebrīs occīdērunt." 3. "Ad lītus hodiē ībō," inquit Mārcus. "Quīntus autem cēterōs puerōs vocāre et cum eīs in agrōs īre māluit." I. A. 1. Did you want to be the teacher? Can you teach children? 2. My tired brother did not want to go with me to the shore; my father, however, brought me into the fields to see the flowers. 3. Bad boys frightened my mother and sister with arrows yesterday. 4. Marcus will give money to the boys. But we gave grapes and many berries to the girls. B. "In the forest," said Claudia, "there lived a little girl. Once upon a time, (her) mother sent her with a basket through the forest to (her) grandmother’s farmhouse. Meanwhile, a wolf had come from (its) hiding place and saw the girl; and so it ran quickly to the farmhouse, and when it had eaten the wretched grandmother, hid in the bed. The girl, happy, was now filling the basket with flowers. But when she had come into the farmhouse and had seen the wolf in the bed, then, much frightened, she called the strong farmers; for she had seen many in the forest. And so they ran towards the farmhouse and killed the bad wolf." II. A. 1. Pater tuus, Quīnte, duo ōva sorōrī meae dat; ego autem nīdum tibi dare nōn poterō. 2. Frāter eōrum tēcum ībit; lupī enim in silvīs sunt. 3. Māter mea et avia celeriter per agrōs ībant ut puellās vocārent. 4. Nōs adiuvāre poteritis, puerī; frātres enim meī rīvum saxīs hodiē complent. 5. Ad lītus vēneram et in saxīs sedēbam; Quīntus enim nōbīscum ad silvās īre nōluerat. B. "Columbam parvam in viā herī invēnī," inquit Mārcella. "Eam in rāmō aboris cum columbīs cēterīs collocēmus." 2. "Puerōs adiuvāre posse voluī et cum eīs in cymbam nautae īre," inquit Iūlia; "sed soror mea mē ad vīllam mīsit ut cum aviā sedērem." 3. "Pōcula in mēnsa collocāvimus," inquit Quīntus, "et coquus ea vīnō complēvit. Sed sīmia subitō ē caveā ērūpit et pōcula in terram iēcit et tria frēgit. Pateraene tūtae sunt, Mārce?" 4. "Pater meus cymbam vidēre in lītore nōn potest," inquit Claudia. "Nautās vocēmus ut eum adiuvent." I. A. 1. Did my father throw your book into the fire? 2. I can see big fish in the sea. Can you see them? 3. There are many farmhouses in the hills. 4. Let us go through the valley to the stream. 5. The lazy boy, when (his) father had sent him into the fields, went to the shore with (his) brothers, to see my sister’s boat. B. When Julia was sitting in the shade, she said to the other girls, "Yesterday, Marcus went with many boys through the hills into the valley; for there is a beautiful stream in the valley. However, when they were laying there on the bank to see the fish, a big wolf came from the cave, and stealthily stole their dinner. But Marcus had seen it, and now angry, he called the other boys to the wolf’s cave; and when they had thrown branches and leaves into it and were frightening the wolf with fire, it suddently rushed out of (its) hiding place, and fled quickly into the forest. For wolves fear fires very much." II. A. 1. Māter mea mare timet. Frāter autem meus et sorōres in cymbā sunt. 2. Itaque per vallem celeriter ībunt; multae enim ursae in silvīs sunt. 3. Agricolane nautam miserum adiuvāre potuit? Patrem meum vocāvī ut eum adiuvāret. Sed frātrēs meī tum ursam in caveā collocābant; itaque pater in agrōs īre nōn potuit. B. "Nautae iam piscīs in mare iēcērunt," inquit Mārcus; "agricolae enim corbulās eōrum mālīs complēre nōluerant." 2. "Perterrita esse coepī," inquit Claudia puerīs. "Nauta enim ēbrius in āreā erat et pater meus in collīs ierat ut agricolīs pecūniam daret." 3. "In culīnam properēmus, Mārce," inquit Quīntus. "Duae vulpēculae in hortum vēnērunt easque ignī terrēbimus." I. A. 1. Marcus’s brother wanted to break the doves' eggs with stones; but (his) father sent him into the fields to bring the horses to water. 2. We were then going into the shop to buy berries and grapes. 3. Let us run to the farmhouse with (our) sisters. Where did the boys hide? 4. Were the boys able to buy fish? We preferred to run into the garden; for apples were falling to the ground there. B. Once upon a time, Marcus and Quintus came from the farmhouse to the shore and found many big fish on the sand. The boys threw them into two baskets and started to hurry home. However, when they were going through the large forest, a white bear saw the fish and said to the wolf, "I see fish, let us frighten the boys." And so the wolf suddenly rushed out of the trees' shade. Then, the baskets with beautiful fish fell to the ground, and the boys, much frightened, ran through the valley. Meanwhile, the bear seized the fishes, and when it had eaten them, gave the baskets to the wolf. It, however, angry, ran into the cave, and there it killed three little bears. II. A. 1. Ignis iam in folia cadēbat; itaque nauta per vallem cucurrit ut agricolās monēret. 2. Cum puerī parvum lupum ē collibus ad cymbam dūcerent, cēterī lupī ē latebrīs ērūpērunt et per silvam fūgērunt; vehementer enim agricolārum sagittās timēbant. 3. Coquus paterās in tabernā emēbat; sīmia enim multās frēgerat. B. 1. "Equōs ad lītus dūcāmus," inquit Mārcus, "eōsque in mare mittāmus." 2. "Equum validum dūxī ut sorōrem obēsam ad oppidum veheret," inquit Quīntus; "sed eam in eō collocāre nōn possum." 3. "Bācās in umbrā edāmus," inquit Iūlia. "Puerī mēcum ad vīllam īre voluērunt, sed nōluī. Itaque in silvās cucurrērunt et in arborem altam ēscendere coepērunt ut corvum occīderent. Mox poenās dabunt." I. A. 1. Marcus had come from the fields to carry the table to the bank; for there the girls had the dinner in the baskets. 2. The bad girls threw the raven’s cage into the water; let us break it with stones. 3. I then wanted to rush out of (my) hiding place and cross the stream; my brother, however, did not, because he had seen drunken sailors in the cave. 4. Can you kill the bears, boys? Where are your arrows? B. Once Julia said to Marcus, "Let us sit in the yard today." Marcus, however, preferred to go into the garden to call the farmer’s son, and he hurried into the forest with him. And so soon the boys were lying under the trees in the shade. A white monkey was living in the forest. When it had seen the boys, it stealthily climbed up the tree and threw small branches on them. But they, angry, threw big stones at the tree and killed the poor monkey. Then, much frightened, they fled; for they were exceedingly afraid of the other monkeys. Marcus hurried to the shore; the farmer’s son, however, ran home and hid under (his) bed. II. A. 1. Cūr agricolae rāmōs ē silvīs in lītus saepe ferunt? 2. Herī vulpēcula rīvum fūrtim trānsiit et in āream vēnit ut piscium caudās ederet; coquus enim eās in corbulam iēcerat. 3. In arborem ēscendimus ut corvum occīdāmus. 4. Tumne ad lītus ībās ut ōva et ūvās emerēs? B. "Quīntus capsās fert," inquit Claudia. "Tūne tabulās fers, Mārce?" 2. "Cēterās sellās ferēmus, puellae," inquit Mārcus. "Trēs ferre voluī, sed frātrēs meī ē cymbā vēnērunt ut mē adiuvārent." 3. "Corvum ad lūdum saepe fertis, puerī," inquit Mārcella. "Līberīne eī ūvās bācāsque dant?" 4 "Magnae corbulae in culīnā sunt, Quīnte," inquit Iūlia. "Vēnistīne ut eās ferrēs?" I. A. 1. The ships crossed the sea to the island; there, however, the farmers destroyed them with fire. 2. When we had fled three hours through the hills, we came into the valley, and hid in a farmhouse. 3. For (our) father often calls us to carry rocks out of the fields. 4. Then the sailors, exceedingly angry because the monkey had fell out of the ship into the sea, called the boys to help the monkey with the boat. B. "Once upon a time," said our grandfather, "Marcus went into the forest with two boys to kill ravens with arrows. However, when they, happy, were crossing a small stream there, suddenly many eggs fell on them from a tall tree; for monkeys had seen the boys and had stolen eggs from the ravens' nests. And so the boys, angry, began to send arrows into the tree. But meanwhile intoxicated sailors had come from a ship into the forest. When they saw them, the boys threw the arrows into the water and quickly fled to the shore. There, they found the sailors' boat, and crossed into a small island. And so the sailors, when they had come out of the forest, wanted to kill the boys; but they were now sitting safe on the island." II. A. 1. Agricolam mittēmus ut equōs ē vallē dūcat. 2. Puerīne validī cymbam ē marī in agrum vēxērunt? 3. Cūr multās hōrās in tabernāculō iacēs? 4. Vīnum nostrum iam cōnsūmpserāmus. Nautae enim obēsī ē nāvī vēnerant et diū in vīllā sēderant. B. 1. "Ad lītus cucurrimus ut ad īnsulam trānsīrēmus," inquit Mārcus; "sed nautae cymbam nostram rapuerant. Nāvem eōrum in marī vidēre nunc potestis." 2. "Pater meus vehementer īrātus erat," inquit Quīntus; "frātres enim meī piscīs ē cymbā vēxerant eōsque in caveam ursārum iēcerant." 3. "Tū ad oppidum crās ībis, Quīnte," inquiunt puellae. "Interim ūvās ad vīllam ferēmus et corbulās in tabernāculō collocābimus." 4. "Magnōs ignīs in silvīs hodiē vīdī," inquit agricola. "Mox multae ursae et lupī in agrīs erunt; ignem enim timēbunt." I. A. 1. Do you want to go through the forest with the hunter, Quintus? 2. The farmers will want to hurry to the island; why do you not warn them? 3. The hunter had hurried many miles to help the tired farmers. 4. You want to destroy the ship with fire. What do the sailors want? B. "Yesterday," said the farmer, "when the hunters had gone three miles from town through the forest, and had now come to the cave, they were unable to frighten the bears with fire; and so they sent the dogs into the cave. Then the bears, exceedingly angry, suddently rushed out of (their) hiding place, and the hunters quickly climbed trees. However, when the bears also wanted to climb, then the hunters, much frightened, hurried to the small branches. But when the bears had climbed the trees, they broke the branches, and fell with the wretched hunters to the ground. There, while the bears were killing the dogs, the hunters quickly fled home through the forest." II. A. 1. Quid fers, Quīnte? 2. Ego quoque ad vīllam īre volō. 3. Rīvum autem saepe trānsiimus (trānsībāmus) ut paucās hōrās in silvā sederēmus. 4. Quid dabitis, agricolae, ut ursās lupōsque terrēre possitis? 5. Pater agrōs emere et in valle habitāre vult; nōs autem in īnsulā habitāre volumus. 6. Vīsne nōbīscum sedēre? B. 1. "Ursam in āream dūcāmus et līberōs terreāmus," inquit Mārcus. "Agricola ad oppidum iit ut corbulās emeret; itaque nunc eam ē caveā dūcere possumus." 2. "Paucī nautae ē nāvī vēnerant et corbulās in lītore collocābant," inquit Iūlia. "Interim puerī rāmōs foliaque ē silvīs ferēbant; māter enim eōrum eōs mīserat ut nautās adiuvārent." 3. "Vēnātor quoque iam cum canibus vēnit," inquit Quīntus; "nam agricola ursam occīdere nōn potuerat." I. A. 1. The hunters prefer to go into the fields to kill wolves. 2. The dogs had now come seven miles through the valley. For the bears had fled from the hills into the valley. 3. We also are unwilling to flee from the island; the sailors, however, are willing. 4. When the farmers were unwilling to destroy the farmhouse with fire, why did you carry fire from the kitchen? B. "Once upon a time," said the fat boy, "the teacher hurried a few miles into the forest with (his) books; and when he had come to a suitable spot, and had sat there in the leaves for two hours, suddenly he began to be afraid, because he was seeing big wolves in the shadow of the trees; for wolves had often killed farmers there. And so the teacher, much frightened, wanted to hurry home; however, when he had began to go stealthily through the forest, the wolves also came from (their) hiding place. The teacher was now running; and when he was crossing the stream, he fell into the water. Then, however, a hunter suddenly came to the bank with dogs, and the wolves fled into the caves." II. A. 1. Vultisne cymbam vidēre, puerī? Nautae eam in mare ferunt. 2. Agricolae decem mīlia passuum per agrōs ad lītus vēnērunt. Nautaene eīs piscīs dabunt? 3. Pūpamne, Claudia, emere mālis? 4. Mārcus tēcum ad tabernam īre nōn vult. 5. Vulpēculae, Quīnte, fūrtim ē silvīs vēnerant, ut sorōris tuae quattuor gallīnās ederent. B. 1. "In nāvī," inquit puer, "sex nautae et octō agricolae sunt. Nautae agricolās in parvam cymbam mittere volunt; eī autem in īnsulam trānsīre nōlunt." 2. "Mātrem meam terrēre volō," inquit Quīntus. "In aquam cadāmus." 3. "Nōs quoque paucōs piscīs habēmus," inquit Iūlia; "nautae enim ad vīllam herī vēnērunt. Piscīs nōbīs dedērunt; nōs eīs ūvās bācāsque dedimus." 4. "Quīnque corbulās in tabernāculō collocēmus et cēterās in culīnā," inquit Mārcus. I. A. 1. Our grandfather and grandmother lived many years in the valley. We often go to the farmhouse to sit with them under the trees. 2. Let’s throw the monkey into the sea; for (our) grandmother now went into the farmhouse, and she cannot see us. 3. The wretched sailors had lived two years on our shore; and so they now wanted to cross the sea with the other sailors. 4. For the wolves were going stealthily through the fields to steal the farmers' horses. B. "Once upon a time," said Julia, "many birds were living in our trees and had nests there. Yesterday, however, six bad boys climbed the trees; and when they had broken the nests, they threw the eggs and the little birds to the ground. Then Marcus and his father, when they had come into the garden, and had found the eggs and the birds on the ground, exceedingly angry, they called the farmer. The boys, however, had fled meanwhile to a hiding place; for they were afraid of Marcus’s father. And so he sent the farmer to their fathers; and when the boys, much frightened, had now come home from their hiding place, they found the birds' eggs on the table. They were unwilling to eat them, but were afraid of (their) fathers. Thus, they were punished." II. A. 1. Puerī, cum canem in aquam iacerent, magistrum in lītore nōn vīdērunt. 2. Multōs annōs agricolae ita nōs adiuvērunt; nam lupī et ursae saepe ē silvīs fūrtim veniunt et equōs nostrōs rapiunt. 3. Ē spēlunca ērumpere volēbam. Quīntus autem avēs pulchrās ibi vīderat neque domum īre volēbat. 4. In agrō equī validī humī iacēbant. B. 1. "Equus in rīvum ceciderat," inquit Mārcus, "neque agricola eum adiuvāre potuit." 2. "Nauta quoque quīnque mīlia passuum per collīs vēnerat," inquit Quīntus; "agricolae enim ursās ignī terrēbant et eās vidēre volēbat." 3. "Librōsne ad lūdum fers?" inquit Claudia Iūliae; "nōs stilōs tabulāsque ferimus." 4. "Frāter meus gallīnās ad locum tūtum mīsit," inquit puer. "Tum in silvās properāvimus ut vulpēculās occīderēmus." I. A. 1. We wanted to cross the sea for many years. 2. The hunters who live in the forest often go to town to buy arrows. 3. The sailors, to whom you gave wine, are now lying intoxicated on the ground. 4. The boy, whose dogs the bear killed, will call the sturdy farmers, to kill the bear also. B. "The hunter," said the farmer, "then called his sons and began to hurry through the forest. And when they had now made a journey of nine miles, suddenly a much frightened monkey rushed out of a cave, which (the monkey) quickly climbed a tree to a tall branch. The hunter wanted to kill the monkey with an arrow; but his sons preferred to capture it and bring it into town; and so they began to climb the tree. But meanwhile the monkey was crossing into the other trees through the small branches; and the boys, when they wanted to cross in this way, broke the branches, and fell onto their wretched father’s head. Meanwhile, the monkey had fled to a safe hiding place." II. A. 1. Vīdistīne capita et caudās piscium quōs in oppidō emī? 2. Mārcus, cum multa mīlia passuum cum canibus īsset (or iter fecisset) ut lupum caperet, ad magnum rīvum vēnit, neque ad lupōrum spēluncās trānsīre potuit. 3. Puellam, cuius pater nobīscum iit ut nautās adiuvāret, videō. 4. Cum trīs hōrās in hortō sēdissēmus, nōs quoque in tabernāculum, quod līberī fēcerant, iimus. B. 1. "Puer cui bācās dedī nīdum avium frēgit," inquit Iūlia. 2. "Coquus corbulam ad lītus fert," inquit Quīntus. "Ibi piscīs emet quōs nautae in marī cēpērunt." 3. "Ego quoque tēcum ībō hodiē," inquit Claudia; "navīs enim vidēre volō, neque crās īre poterō." 4. "Agricolae nāvem ignī cōnsūmēbant," inquit Mārcus, "quia nautae equōs eōrum ex agrīs rapuerant." I. A. The lazy farmer, whom you see near the boat, hears us. Let’s go into the garden, and let’s break his baskets with stones. 2. Why did you want to send to the shore the horses which I had brought from the fields? 3. Did you go to the boat to meet the sailors and to carry their baskets to the farmhouse? 4. And so the boys were also sitting on the ground; for the sailors had stolen the benches and burned them. 5. Did Marcus want to throw books at the teacher? What had the teacher done? B. Once, in the forest, a wolf met a little fox and began to travel with it into the fields, to steal the farmers' hens. But suddenly they hear hunters and big dogs. Then the wolf said to the much frightened little fox, "You are able to climb the tree. I will flee into the cave." And so when the poor little fox wanted to climb the tree and could not, the wolf ran quickly into the cave and hid in the leaves. Meanwhile, the hunters had come to the tree and were now killing the little fox with arrows. Then the wolf, when he had heard it, suddenly rushed out of the cave and frightened very much the hunters, who fled quickly with their dogs through the forest. Thus, the wolf helped the tired little fox. II. A. Puerōs in agrīs prope spēluncam conveniāmus; nam ad arborem altam iērunt ut latebrās vulpēculārum invenīrent. 2. Agricolae cum id audīvissent, sex līberōs, quibus nauta corvōs dederat, vocavērunt. 3. Crās in vallem ībō ut vēnātōrēs conveniam, quī multa mīlia passuum iter fēcērunt per silvās ut equōs emerent. 4. Ego avīs capere nōluī. Puerī autem quī nōbiscum in hortum vēnerant arborēs escēndērunt saxaque in nīdōs iēcērunt. B. "Ad lītus fugiāmus," inquit Mārcus cēterīs līberīs. "Sorōrēs vestrae in tabernāculō sunt, neque nōs audīre possunt." 2. "Vēnātōrem, quī in silvīs habitat, mox conveniēmus," inquit magister. "Saepe in umbrā sedet ut lupōs occīdat, quī ē spēluncīs veniunt ut līberōs agricolārum rapiant. Ōlim parvam ursam ita capere potuit, quam in oppidum dūxit. Ibi trēs nautae ursam ēmērunt eamque ad nāvem dūxērunt." I. A. Do not break the poor dog’s head, boys. Once, when I had fallen into the water, he helped me. 2. Carry the water into the garden quickly, Quintus; for the fire has now fallen into the leaves. 3. Sit for two hours in the shade near the tent. Then I will come to bring you home. 4. Marcus then placed the birds' nests, which had lain a long time on the ground, on the branches. B. Once a monkey was living in a high tree. Under the tree was a cave in which many little foxes often brought grapes and hens. The monkey wanted to steal the grapes; but he was afraid of the little foxes. And so he said to the raven, "You go into the cave and steal the little foxes' grapes." But the raven, who preferred to sit safe in the tree, replied, "I will call the wolf so that he will steal the grapes and the hens." Then the monkey, angry, threw a branch onto the raven’s head who, wretched, fell from the tree dead, into the cave. When they had heard this, the little foxes, much afraid, fled quickly from the cave into safe hiding places. Meanwhile, the bad monkey hurried, happy, into the cave and stole the grapes. II. A. Secūrēs, quās in tabernāculum iēcī, capite, puerī, et in agrōs properāte ut ursam occīdātis. 2. Nōlīte ad lītus īre, puellae. Ad vīllam veniam vōsque ibi conveniam. 3. Agricolam mihi mitte, Mārce. Corvum capere volumus, neque caveam ejus invenīre possumus. 4. Lupus, cum canēs audivisset, rīvum trānsiit quoque; ibi autem agricola eum secūrī occīdit. B. 1. "Nōlīte nōs terrēre," inquit Iūlia puerīs; "paterās enim ferimus, neque eās frangere volumus." 2. Nautam mortuum cum in silvīs vīdīmus," inquit Mārcus, "ad vīllam cucurrimus; puellae enim perterritae erant. Ibi autem vēnātōrēs, quōs herī prope rīvum vīdistī, convēnimus. 3. Sororēs nostrae ōva ferent," inquit Claudia, "et agricola in agrum iit ut fīliōs vocāret, ut cēterās corbulās ferrent." I. A. 1. The hunter killed the bears with an axe when they had fought long and fiercely. 2. Let’s hurry to school, to meet Marcus in the street. 3. When you had seen the dead hunter, why did you not run to the shore to call the brave sailors? 4. Hurry bravely into the garden, girls, and frighten the wolf; for soon the farmers will come from the fields with their dogs. B. A farmer, who had many fields and beautiful horses, lived near the big forest with his three sturdy sons. Once, when he was tired and going into the fields, he said to the boys: "Come with me and lead the horses to water." But the boys preferred to lay in the shade on the ground, and they did not want to help their father. And so, when the farmer had now gone from the garden, a raven, who had seen the lazy sons under the trees, called a bear from the forest, who hurried happy from her den, to seize the boys. These wretched ones, when they had seen the bear, were much afraid and could not flee: and the father soon found his sons dead under the trees. Thus, the bad boys were punished. II. A. 1. Lupī ē silvīs fūrtim venient ut sīmim vestrm edant, puerī. 2. Nōlīte pugnāre, nautae. Agricolae, quōs Mārcus vocāvit, ē vallē veniunt; canēs eōrum audīre possum. 3. Puellae in āreā erant, neque lupum vīdērunt. 4. Puerī, quōrum patrēs herī convēnistī, mox ad lītus ībunt ut piscīs capiant. B. 1. "Nautae fortēs quōs frāter meus adiūvit," inquit Quīntus, "ad silvās iērunt ut lupum invenīrent." 2. "Mārcus coeperat nōlle īre," inquit Claudia; "cum autem mare audiverat, ad cymbam celeriter cucurrit quam nauta sorōribus meīs dederat." 3. "Ad vīllam currite, līberī," inquit agricola. "Ursam in silvīs hodiē vīdī neque eam occīdere potuī." 4. "Nautās ēbriōs nōlīte timēre, puerī," inquit magister. "Canēs, quī fortiter ex agrō nunc veniunt, terrēre nōn possunt." I. A. 1. But the general led the brave army from the forest to the shore, and there he made a fierce attack against the bad sailors. 2. You also, farmers, do not fear, but run bravely to the farmhouse; meanwhile, we will call the sailors and send (them) into the valley. 3. Near the island the waves are high and the sailors are afraid of rocks there. 4. The farmers' daughters placed the birds' nests on the ground and burned them; meanwhile the boys threw the raven’s beautiful cage into the sea. B. In a farmhouse there lived a boy and a girl, whose mother had died long ago. Their father often went through the forest into town; meanwhile, the children played near the farmhouse. Once, when the girl was in the yard, her bad brother cut off her doll’s head. And so the girl, exceedingly angry, hurried into the forest, and her brother could not find her. Soon came from the forest the farmer’s son, who had seen a big wolf there. Then the brother, much afraid, quickly ran into the forest with a sturdy dog, to find his sister. There the tired girl was lying on the ground and the wolf was preparing to eat her. But the brave dog, when he saw this, bravely attacked the wolf. Thus, the boy broke the wolf’s head with an axe when it was fiercely fighting with the dog. II. A. 1. Agricolae quōs imperātor vocaverat, cum ad lītus vēnissent, ad īnsulam trānsīre voluērunt; sed nōn potuērunt, quia fluctūs erant magnī. 2. Caudās piscium abscīdāmus eāsque in aquam iaciāmus; cēterī piscēs eās edent. 3. Coquus cēnam parat. Nunc in umbrā lūdāmus. Puerum obēsum, quem hodiē in lītore convēnimus, vocābō. B. 1. "Imperātor nāvem ignī cōnsūmere parābat," inquit nauta. "Nōs autem id facere nōluimus; itaque agricolās mīsit ut cēterōs nautās vocārent." 2. Līberī cum in lītore lūderent," inquit Iūlia, "fluctūs cymbam eōrum cōnsūmpsērunt." 3. "Ursa autem," inquit Mārcus, "impetum acrem in canēs fēcit; trēs enim ursae parvae in spēluncā erant." 4. "Cūr caput pūpae meae abscīdistī, Mārce?" inquit Claudia. "In silvās ībō ibique ursae mē edent." "Nōlī in silvās currere," inquit Quīntus. "Cēterās pūpās nōn occīdam." I. A. 1. The enemy’s general had now waged war with us for eight years, and our towns had not been captured. 2. When my sisters had gone into the forest, suddenly they fell into the bears' cave and thus they were killed. 2. When we had travelled six miles, we came to a suitable spot; and soon we had hidden under the trees to catch ravens. B. Many small boys, whose fathers were then bravely waging war with the ennemy, went with the teacher from the town into the fields to play there. They had often done so; but once, when they had gone many miles through the fields, suddenly the bad teacher led the boys, much afraid, to the enemy’s army and gave them to the general. However, he was unwilling to accept the boys who had been led to him thus. And so he sent back the teacher into the town and the boys home. There, when the teacher had been punished, peace was made with the enemy’s good general. II. A. 1. Nōlī cum hoste pācem facere. 2. Ē collibus ad lītus remissī sumus neque patrēs (nostrōs) mātrēsque, quī in valle habitant, adiuvāre possumus. 3. Bellum cum quīnque annōs gestum esset, hostium imperātōrēs multa mīlia passuum per silvam fūrtim iter fēcērunt ut oppidum nostrum ignī cōnsūmerent. 4. Pōculane tua fracta sunt, coque? Nam cum rīvum trānsīrem, corbula subitō in aquam cecidit. B. 1. "Sīmia vulpēculam in caveam accipere nōlēbat," inquit nauta; "itaque ācriter et diū pugnavērunt." 2. "Ōlim," inquit magister, "magna nāvis fluctibus ibi fracta est. In lītore erant agricolae validī quī nautās miserōs adiuvāre volēbant neque poterant." 3. "Columbae in quās corvus ācrem impetum fēcit," inquit agricola, "occīsae sunt; nunc humī iacent prope vīllam." "Eās ad silvās ferāmus," inquit Mārcus," eāsque iaciāmus in ursārum spēluncam." I. A. 1. The enemy was now killing the boys and girls; we were doing the same (thing). 2. The general’s own son was killed in the fields; then the father immediately made peace with us. 3. The head of the brave soldier was cut off, and sent back into town. 4. Do not run away, Quintus, but bravely seize the little bears; for we will frighten the other bears. B. "Once," said my grandfather, "a hunter came from the forest into town to buy three axes. But when he was going home, a drunken soldier, who was sitting under a tall tree, suddenly made a fierce attack against him, and wanted to steal his axes. Then, the hunter, (who was) very angry, fought fiercely two hours with the soldier, but he could not kill him. Meanwhile, however, the general himself had come into the forest; who at once, when he had seen the drunken soldier, helped the hunter and sent back the soldier into town to be punished." II. A. 1. Ipsum imperātōrem statim remittāmus; pāx enim cum hostibus iam facta est. 2. Fīliī imperātōris acceptī sunt, fīliae autem eius ad nāvem remissae sunt. 3. Cymba in saxa fluctibus iacta erat. Ipsī nautae dēfessī eam ad flūmen ferent. 4. Bellum multōs annōs gestum erat; hostēs autem iam parabant pācem facere. B. 1. "Eōsdem puerōs ad me fer, Quīnte," inquit mīles; "eōs patribus eōrum fortibus remittere volō." 2. "Quid tum factum est," inquit Quīntus, "cum exercitus impetum ācrem in oppidum fēcisset, neque portam frangere potuisset?" 3. "Agricolae caudās equōrum abscīdēbant," inquit Claudia. "Tum equī laetī nōn erant." 4. Cum prope flūmen lūderemus," inquit Iūlia, "eundem nautam ēbrium audivimus quī puellās herī terruit; itaque statim ad vīllam cucurrimus." I. A. For the soldiers, who had gone to the river, have suddenly been captured there by the enemy. 2. Were you preparing to send the little foxes back into the forest? Marcus himself will place them in a basket and carry them into the forest. 3. Why had war been waged by our soldiers six years against the courageous enemy? 4. The same general, because he could not make peace with us, immediately crossed the river in order that he might be helped by the other ennemies. B. Three boys lived in a farmhouse near a big river, and there they often caught beautiful fish. But once, when baskets were placed on the shore with the fish, suddenly a small bear rushed out of the forest, who frightened the boys and started to steal the fish. But the boys' father himself was now hurring from the fields to kill the bear who, much afraid, climbed a tree and was soon sitting on a large branch. But immediately the farmer also climbed up and was preparing to cut off the branch. And so the bear, when she wanted to cross into the other branches, fell to the ground on (her) head and was killed by the dogs. Then three soldiers, who meanwhile had been hiding in the shade, now hurried bravely from (their) hiding place and cut off the bear’s head, which they soon carried into the camp and gave to the general. II. A. 1. Nīdōs ad vīllam remittāmus, ut parvīs puellīs statim dentur. 2. Mīlitēs cum ab imperātōre ad castra vocābāntur, hostēs celeriter flūmen cum magnō exercitū trānsiit nāvēsque nostrās ignī cōnsūmpsērunt. 3. Nōlīte in pupārum mensā sedēre, puerī; Quīntus eam herī frēgit. 4. Cum domum ā silvīs properāvissemus ut lupus, quem cēperāmus, statim in caveam collocāretur, agricola eum accipere nōluit; neque lupum ad silvās remittere potuimus, quia nox iam erat. B. "Statim ad castra properemus," inquiunt eīdem mīlitēs; "hostēs enim flūmen mox trānsībunt neque noctem timēmus." 2. "Cum ācer impetus ab hostibus in exercitum nostrum factus esset," inquit avia nostra, "cēterī mīlitēs in silvās fūgērunt; avus autem vester, quī imperātor erat, ipse multa mīlia passuum per noctem ad parva castra iter fēcit ut nautās, quī ē cēterīs īnsulīs ad lītus missī erant, monēret." I. A. 1. The same soldiers will go to the camp early to be helped by the general himself. 2. Then the brave general, with (his) small army, immediately crossed a certain river, and travelled through the night into the enemy’s fields. 3. Let’s go into the forest to find the birds' nests. Call the sturdy boys, Quintus. 4. The black horses, when they had been led by a certain soldier to the river, ran quickly into the water. B. In a certain school a few boys lived with a teacher. Once, when it was now night and the master was lying in bed, the boys stealthily went from the school into the fields and stole many of the farmers' apples. Then, when they had crossed the stream to a small island, they were lying on the ground near a fire which they had made from branches, to eat the apples. But suddenly there were many black clouds in the sky and the boys could not now see the moon; they were therefore much afraid (and) began to run home through the night. Thus two (boys), who were fat, fell into the stream, and were found dead in the morning. But the others were sent by the teacher to the farmers, whose apples they had stolen, to be punished. II. A. 1. Puellae cum in āream īssent ut puerōs vocārent nūbēs ātrās in caelō vīdērunt. 2. Quīdam igitur mīlitēs ad vīllam properāvērunt equōsque, quī ab hostibus captī erant, rapuērunt. 3. Cum ipse agricola ā nautā vocārētur, fīliī eius equōs ad castra mittere parābant. 4. Hostēs idem iam fēcerant; itaque cum eīs pācem statim facere voluimus. B. 1. "Canēs cum in āreā prope vīllam lūderent," inquit Mārcus, "lupus fūrtim in hortum venit impetumque ācrem in parvam ursam fēcit." 2. "In aquam fortiter currāmus," inquit Quīntus; "cymba enim fluctibus complēta est et puellae perterritae sunt." 3. "Māne," inquit nauta, "quōsdam vēnātōrēs mittēmus ad idem locum ut cēterōs imperātōrēs conveniant." 4. "Imperātor noster," inquit avus meus, "fortēs nautās et agricolās accipere nōluerat. Itaque fīlius cuiusdam agricolae per noctem properāvit ad hostium castra mīlitēsque ad lītus dūxit ut nāvēs nostrās caperent." I. A. 1. For I will not be frightened by the same boys. 2. The baskets were being filled with berries. 3. Do not give arrows to the boys; for we do not want them to go far into the forest. 4. Therefore, the soldiers ordered the tired sailors to throw the branches into the fire, so that there might be a big light on the shore. 5. The same farmers' dogs bravely attacked the soldiers when they were travelling through the valley. B. "Once," said my grandmother, "a boy and a small girl went stealthily from the garden into the forest to see the stream and the flowers. But there they found a big cave into which they happily ran, to play in the shade; for the bears were not feared by them. When they had played there a long time, the boy suddenly fled far into the cave, and the girl, who wanted to catch him, also hurried through the cave. They ran a long time; but now they could not see the way, because it was dark night in the cave. Therefore, they sat much afraid on the ground. But soon, the girl saw a small light far away; and when they had travelled three miles to it, suddenly they came from the cave to the shore." II. A. 1. Imperātor quōsdam mīlitēs corbulās in agrōs ferre volēbat, ut mālīs ab agricolīs complērentur. 2. Ipsum igitur vēnātōrem ad castra statim mittāmus. Hostēs enim flūmen trānsiērunt et impetum māne facient. 3. Ōlim, cum nox ātra esset, nautae quīdam ex oppidō fūgērunt et ad flūmen cucurrērunt ut hostēs monērentur. 4. Imperātor eōsdem mīlitēs flūmen trānsīre castraque nostra capere iussit. B. 1. "Hostēs tum ācriter nōbīscum pugnābant," inquit mīles quīdam; "imperātor autem noster impetum in castra quoque statim facere nōs iussit." 2. "Cum cymbae piscibus complērentur," inquit vēnātor, "agricolae quīdam equōs nautārum rapuērunt, quī longē in agrōs ductī erant." 3. "Multī mīlitēs ab hostibus occīsī erant," inquit pater meus. "Sed iam nox ātra erat; itaque cēterī ē silvā fūgērunt nāvīque ad īnsulam vectī sunt." I. A. 1. Let us hurry to the camp together with these brave soldiers; for the soldiers there will lead us to the general himself. 2. When we had heard the enemy’s horses and had seen the light on the shore, then the general ordered the army to quickly travel through the forest. 3. Look at the white clouds in the sky, girls. Can you see the moon also? 4. When this war had been waged sixteen years, the ennemy crossed the sea with ships and made a fierce attack on our towns. B. "In a certain town," said your mother, "a farmer lived near the forest together with his two small sons. Once, when a war had been waged a long time against the Indians and peace had now been made, this farmer’s sons were playing happily through the fields. But suddenly three bad Indians rushed out of the forest and captured the boys, who, much afraid, had not been able to run away; then immediately they led the boys, together with the horses they had stolen from the fields, far into the forest. Their father, exceedingly angry, ran at once into the forest and could not find his sons. But when they had lived with the Indians many days, they were found by certain soldiers, who killed the Indians and sent the boys back to their father." II. A. 1. Eī canēs ūnā cum corvō dabuntur puerīs ā quibus lupus occīsus est. 2. Imperātor igitur ipse cum magnō exercitū sēdecim mīlia passuum per agrōs iter fēcit. 3. Indī statim impetum in trēs vīllās fēcērunt ūnumque agricolae equum cēpērunt. 4. Māne imperātor eōs vēnātōrēs fortēs flūmen trānsīre cum eīsdem mīlitibus iubēbit, ut tabernācula hostium ignī cōnsūmant. B. 1. "Indōs duodecim in silvam remittāmus," inquit mīles; "cēterōs in fluctūs iaciēmus." 2. "Ūnā cum patre frātribusque," inquit Claudia, "Mārcus in agrōs ā mīlitibus herī vocātus est; hostēs enim flūmen tum trānsībant." 3. "Corbulās duodecim accēpī," inquit nauta. "Ubi sunt cēterae?" 4. Tum agricola fīliīs "Cūr," inquit, "capita hōrum canum fortium abscīdistis? Mox equōs quoque meōs occīdetis." 5. "Hāc rē perterritī," inquit magister, "nautae ad flūmen fūgērunt. Crās mīlitēs idem facient." I. A. 1. Who wanted the beautiful birds to be sent back into the forest? 2. For the Indians, disturbed by this attack, placed all the grain in the dark cave. 3. The hunters' wives together with twenty children met the generals themselves in the fields of a certain farmer. 4. The fat soldier, when the children were being led into the forest by the Indians, was hiding in the farmhouse. Do not frighten him. B. In a certain valley, there was a big river in which there were many small islands. There, certain brave farmers lived together with their wives and children. But Indians would often come stealthily to the bank of the river and hurry to the islands in small boats, to attack the farmers' farmhouses. Once, when all the horses had thus been killed in the fields and the grain burned, sixteen children were also captured by the Indians and led far away into the forest. Then, the sturdy farmers, greatly excited, hurried to the bank; and when they had travelled thirteen miles through the night, suddenly they made a fierce attack against the Indians' camp and burned it. And so the enemy, much frightened, fled far away through the valleys, but the dhildren were led home by their fathers. II. A. 1. Eī Indī omnēs in ūnum locum vēnērunt et multōs diēs uxōres līberōsque agricolārum terruērunt. 2. Cui equus āter datus est? Ā quō in agrum ductus est? Cuius frūmentum edit? 3. Mīlitēs cum frūmentum, quod agricolae ad rīpam flūminis ferēbant, vīderent, statim nāvī ad īnsulam ferrī voluērunt. 4. Imperātor quōsdam vēnātōrēs per silvās ad flūmen iter facere iubet; castra enim ā hostibus ibi prope oppidum collocāta sunt. B. "Ubi est lūx lūnae, Quīnte?" inquit Mārcus. "Nox ātra est neque viam invenīre possum." 2. "Cum gallīnae ā vulpēculā occīderentur," inquit Quīntus, "omnēs celeriter cucurrimus ut agricolam vocārēmus." 3. "Hīs rēbus perterrita," inquit pater meus, "fortis uxor vēnātōris eundem mīlitem mīsit ut imperātōrem monēret, quī in silvā cum parvō exercitū iter faciēbat ut quōsdam Indōs malōs caperet." 4. "Indī saepe ē silvā ērumpēbant et equōs nostrōs occīdēbant," inquit avus tuus. "Tum ipsī ad castra currēbāmus et mīlitēs vocābāmus." I. A. 1. Are you saying that you see horses in the fields? The sailors think that all the horses are in the valley. 2. We thought that we could cross to the islands; but the force of the river was great. 3. The general had learned that he could not fight the enemy there. 4. When sturdy boats were being broken by the force of the storm, the wretched sailors threw all the grain into the sea. B. A certain farmer had lived together with his wife and children for a long time near a beautiful river. But once four soldiers suddenly ran to the farmhouse, (and they) said that the Indians were coming quickly through the forest. Then the farmer, disturbed, ordered his wife to place the children in a boat; but he himself hurried to the fields to warn the other farmers. Meanwhile, the Indians had come from the forest; when they had burned the farmhouse and could not find the farmer, they ran to the bank. But the mother, much afraid, had now crossed to a certain island and was hiding safe in a cave with the children. But when the Indians were also preparing to cross to this island, suddenly a fierce attack was made by the brave farmers. Many enemies were captured by them, and the others fled quickly into the forest. II. A. 1. Quis putat duodēvīgintī nautās in cymbā esse? Quem mīsistī ut eōs convenīret? 2. Cōgnōveram puerōs piscīs in mare iacere. 3. Vīllae vī tempestātis fractae erant; itaque imperātor mīlitēs dēfessōs in tabernāculīs, quae in hostium castrīs invēnerat, collocāvit. 4. Ūnī puerō duābusque puellīs librōs darī voluī. Cui eōs dedistī? B. 1. Mārcus dīxit sē omnēs corbulās frūmentō complēre. 2. Multōs diēs cum eō nautā fortī per collēs vallēsque iter fēcimus. 3. Eīs rēbus perterritī, līberī iam cōgnōvērunt eōsdem Indōs equōs occīdere. 4. Agricolae cymbam rapuērunt ut uxōrēs līberīque ad locum tūtum idōneumque mitterentur. 5. "Lūcemne in caelō vidēs, mī fīlī? inquit agricola. "Magnam stellam mē vidēre putō," inquit puer; nūbēs autem omne caelum complent." I. A. 1. Let’s call the boys with a loud voice, so that the baskets may be carried by them to the camp. 2. When they had learned this, the soldiers quickly returned to guard the general’s wife and children. 3. The sheep, much afraid from the force of the river, refused to cross to the island. 4. Disturbed by these things, the farmers said they had no sheep; but a little later they gave many sheep together with chickens to the enemy. B. Certain farmers, who had many sheep, were ordering a lazy boy to go into the fields to watch them. They said to him, "Perhaps a wolf will come from the forest; call us then, for we will run at once from the gardens to frighten the wolf and help you." The boy watched the sheep a long time and he saw no wolf. But once, to frighten the farmers, he suddenly said with a loud voice, "Wolves, wolves!" Disturbed by this cry, the farmers quickly ran into the fields. But when they saw no wolf, and learned that the boy was playing, they (were) very angry (and) returned into the gardens. But soon after a big wolf came from the forest. Then the boy, much afraid, said with a loud voice, "A wolf, a wolf! run quickly farmers!" But they thought that the boy was playing and did not want to hurry into the fields. Therefore, this poor boy was killed by the wolf. II. A. Paulō post, fortasse, paucī piscēs in oppidum ā nautīs ferentur; nūllōs autem nautās putō in navī nunc esse (nōn autem putō ūllōs nautās in navī nunc esse). 2. Quod cum imperātor vīdisset, sēdecim mīlitēs fortēs duōs diēs per collēs vallēsque ad rīpam magnī flūminis iter facere iussit. 3. Quem custōdiēbās? Cuius vōx in agrīs audīta est? 4. Cūr domum ā lītore redīsti? Putāvistīne Indōs frūmentum tuum ignī cōnsūmere? B. 1. "Ipse cum eāsdem ovēs custōdīrem," inquit agricola, "lupus validus ē spēluncā vēnit. Nox enim ātra erat nūbēsque multae in caelō erant." 2. "Māne," inquit Iūlia, "avium vōcēs in arboribus audiēmus." "Nūllōs nīdōs videō," inquit Mārcella. "Putāsne avīs ibi esse, Quīnte?" 3. "Cymba cum in mare ferretur," inquit magister, "fluctūs magnī corbulās, quās nautae in lītore collocavērant, aquā complēre coepērunt." I. A. 1. The enemy’s king, when he that grain was being seized on all sides by our general, sent brave soldiers to guard the farmhouses. 2. Perhaps the wolves will not be able to sustain the dogs' attack; for the hunter said that wolves fear dogs very much. 3. When the Indians were travelling stealthily through the fields, no dog’s voice was heard by the farmers. 4. Who thinks that we can sustain the enemy’s attack for ten days? B. "Once," said our grandfather, "a few farmers travelled quickly into the forest and burned the tents of certain Indians, who had stolen sheep and horses from fields on all sides; then they returned home happy. But shortly after, many Indians hurried by night from the forest and suddenly made a fierce attack against a certain farmer’s farmhouse. The farmer, while his sons were fighting bravely, was placing his wife and children in a safe hiding place. Then, when he saw that the Indians' attack could not be endured, he fled together with his sons from the farmhouse. The Indians could not find the mother and the other children. But they captured one small boy, who had hidden in the cradle; therefore, they led him into the forest and gave him to the chief of all the tribes." II. A. 1. Piscēs cum ē cymbā in harēnam iacerentur, nauta dēfessus puerōs obēsōs corbulās ad locum tūtum ferre iussit, quae vī fluctuum frangēbantur. 2. Quibus rēbus vehementer commōtī, rēgēs eārum gentium omnēs agricolās, quī in valle habitābant, occīdere voluērunt. 3. Mīlites undique ignem in tabernacula iēcērunt, neque autem ūllōs Indōs invenīre potuērunt (nūllōs autem Indōs invenīre potuērunt). B. 1. Quod cum nauta validus audīvit, dīxit octō secūrēs in cymbā esse sēque pugnāre velle. 2. "Diū impetum fortiter sustinuimus," inquit mīles; "putābāmus enim imperātōrem ā lītore cum omnibus nautīs properāre." 3. "Ovīs quoque in āream dūcāmus," inquit Quīntus. "Ursās, quās vēnātor in silvīs herī vīdit, timeō." 4. "Cum longē iter fēcissēmus noctū," inquit agricola fortis, "subitō magnam lūcem vīdimus et putāvimus nautās vīllās ignī cōnsūmere." I. A. 1. When the bear had been killed, the sailor hurried through the forest and met a certain hunter in the road. 2. When this was being done, the bad boys were preparing to cut off the monkey’s tail. 3. This farmer will perhaps become the general of all the armies, because without him, yesterday, the enemy’s attack could not have been endured. 4. When war had been waged seven years, all the horsemen who had at first fought bravely suddenly crossed to the enemy’s army. B. Once a certain teacher wanted to marry a fat farmer’s daughter, who had many fields and horses. But when the girl had said that she refused, the sad teacher was returning home on horseback by night. The moon’s light was small and suddenly, from the shadows of the trees, rushed forth a big black horseman. The teacher at first thought that the horseman was without a head; then, much disturbed, he saw that he was carrying a head in his hand. And so, much afraid, he began to flee. But the horseman also ran, and suddenly he threw the head with great force onto the teacher’s head; (the poor man) fell almost dead to the ground, and the farmers were not able to find him in the morning. They had heard the voice of the teacher in the farmhouses, but they had refused to help him, because all feared very much the black horseman. II. A. 1. Is nauta rēx fierī vult. Nōlī eum adiuvāre. 2. Sine equitibus, ovīs unīus agricolae custōdīre nōn possumus. 3. Cymbā magnō fluctū paene fractā (cum cymba magnō fluctū paene fracta esset), nautae prīmō putāvērunt nōs ad nāvem vehī nōn posse. 4. Indī undique equōs rapiēbant; tum, agricolīs vocātīs, celeriter in silvam fugēbant. B. 1. "Fīlius nautae maestus erat," inquit Mārcus, "quia fīliam imperātōris in mātrimōnium dūcere volēbat, cōgnōveratque patrem eius nōn velle." 2. "Eundem puerum remittēbāmus ut parvum lupum caperet, inquit agricola. "Sed subitō ē silvā vēnātor vēnit equō vectus, quī parvum lupum manibus cēperat mātremque eius sagittīs occīderat." 3. Aquā in navem vectā, ipsī nautae frūmentum ēmērunt statimque flūmen trānsīre paravērunt; timēbant enim vim Indōrum, quī saepe ad eum locum noctū veniunt ut līberōs agricolārum capiant et equōs ovīsque rapiant. I. A. 1. Julia is beautiful; but I think Claudia is more beautiful. 2. When a very fierce attack was being made against the enemy, the general himself killed two sailors with his sword on horseback. 3. For I almost killed a very big wolf with my hand itself (i.e. my own hand). 4. Our brothers will marry very beautiful girls. 5. I will not be able to arrive in the enemy’s camp without my best sword. B. "Once," said my grandmother, "Indians crossed our river in very many boats, and when they had killed many farmers, they began to burn farmhouses on all sides. But suddenly three hunters, who had come stealthily from the forest, killed a few Indians who were guarding the boats, and broke almost all the boats with rocks. These things having been done, when they saw the other Indians hurrying to the bank, the hunters took a certain little boat and quickly crossed to a very small island. Then the Indians, who could not return home, were very disturbed; they saw our horsemen running to the river, who had travelled quickly through the forest to help the farmers. And so the enemy, much afraid, threw themselves into the water. A few arrived at on the islands and were killed by the hunters; but most were captured by the horsemen and led into the camp to the general. II. A. 1. Maiōrēs gladiōs rapiāmus; interim puerī minōrēs in mare iacient. 2. Cum rēgēs gentium meliōrum pervēnissent, nautae impetum equitum hostium sustinēre nōn potuērunt. 3. Paulō post, vōx miserī vēnātōris in silvīs audīta est. Tum omnēs in altissimam arborem ēscendimus; putābāmus enim eum ab ursīs occīdī. 4. Nōn audīvī ūllōs Indōs in spēluncīs habitāre. B. 1. "Nautae dēfessī, quī diū vim maximae tempestātis sustinuerant," inquit magister, "iam volēbant ūnā cum agricolīs ad īnsulam trānsīre." 2. Tum nauta puerīs, "Putō," inquit, "Indōs idem facere; saepe enim iter faciunt multōs diēs equō vectī sine frūmentō et aquā." 3. "Quō cōgnitō," inquit mīles, "imperātor noster nōs statim iussit ē castrīs ad lītus iter facere impetumque ācerrimum noctū in hostium nāvēs facere." I. A. 1. Thus, bears and wolves are most easily found in the woods. 2. The horseman, much afraid at first, almost fell into the fire; but then he bravely attacked the sturdy hunter. 3. The children’s baskets had been filled with grain by our own hands. 4. Without a bigger army, the general will not be able to travel further. 5. Sad farmers will be found on all sides, whose children and horses were stolen by the Indians. B. "In a certain farmhouse," said the sailor, "there lived a little girl together with (her) mother and three sisters. Once, when all the farmers had gone very far into the fields, suddenly very many Indians rushed forth from the hiding place, and made a most fierce attack against the farmhouses. The mother and the other girls easily fled from the farmhouse to a small fort, which had been placed not far from the bank of a river; but this girl could not find (her) doll and did not flee with the others. Therefore, when she was captured by the enemy, she was led far into the forest and lived there three years with the Indians; but then she stealthily stole a very good horse and, carried quickly through the night, she arrived home in the morning. (Her) mother, who thought for a long time that the girl was dead, happily called (her) other daughters (who meanwhile had been married), to hear all (the things) that (their) sister had seen and done when she lived among the Indians." II. A. 1. Quod cum apud Indōs fieret, agricolae castra haud procul in silvīs collocābant. 2. Id castellum facilius capiētur; mīlitēs enim paucī sunt neque impetum Indōrum diū sustinēre poterunt. 3. Vōcēs pessimōrum rēgum eārum gentium ā vōbīs omnibus libenter audientur. 4. Quem uxor agricolae noctū mīsit ut mīlitēs, quī castellum custōdiēbant, monēret? B. 1. "Imperātorne dīxit sē Indōs timēre?" inquit vēnātor. "Dīxit sē ipsum (eōs) nōn timēre," inquit Mārcus, "nūllum autem exercitum impetum omnium gentium sustinēre posse." 2. "Ācrius pugnāte," inquit imperātor; "Cōgnōvī plūrimōs Indōs equīs vectōs per silvās properāre. Sine eīs hostēs impetum nostrum sustinēre nōn possunt." 3. "Mīlitēs nostrī pigerrimī sunt," inquit pater meus; "saepe enim in silvā latent neque aquam ad castra ferre volunt." I. A. 1. Then I, much afraid, saw very bad Indians coming very quickly through the fields. 2. When they heard (his) voice, the farmers, angry, made a fiercer attack against the fat man. 3. For the enemy, when they had heard our horsemen hurrying very bravely through the forest, suddenly fled. 4. Better swords were given to the soldiers going out of the city. 5. The general, when he had learned that the Indians were placing (their) camp not far away, no longer wanted to make peace with them. B. 1. Once, the Indians who lived near the small fort were preparing to kill the colonists. And so many farmers, when they learned this, hurried with their wives and children to a certain city. But the rest, who are braver, refused for a long time to flee (their) farmhouses; but finally, when Indians were now killing colonists on all sides and burning farmhouses, they all began to travel, sad, to the same city. On this journey, a certain woman, whose husband had lost (his) sword, was captured by the Indians. When they had led her to the chief, the enemy very quickly returned into the fields to steal the also sheep and horses. Meanwhile, the farmer, (his) wife having been captured, called the colonists from the city at night; they fought the Indians very fiercely and killed the king himself. Thus, the woman finally arrived happily in the city with (her) husband. II. A. 1. Cum colōnī equīs vectī ad flūmen pervēnissent, libentissimē gladiōs accēpērunt. 2. Vōcēs vēnātōrum per silvās euntium facillimē audīrī poterant. 3. Apud Indōs paene omnēs līberōs, quī ab eīs oppidīs amissī sunt, inveniēmus. 4. Quō factō, mulierēs dēfessae puerum, quem virī ex urbe dūxerant, sub arbore sedentem invēnērunt. 5. Prīmō rēx omnem exercitum ad castra remittere volēbat; postrēmō autem equitēs impetum ācriōrem in hostēs facere iussit. B. 1. "Sine līberīs nōn redībō," inquit vēnātor mātrī maestae. "Indī multa mīlia passuum per vallem iter fēcērunt, eōs autem mox capiēmus." 2. "Nautam ēbrium cum vīdissēmus sub subselliīs latentem," inquit Mārcus, "mīlitēs ē castellō statim vocāvīmus." 3. "Hostēs undique Indōs in agrōs mittunt," inquit vēnātor, "ut equī nostrī omnēs occīdantur." 4. Imperātor noster, cum uxōrēs līberōsque colōnum fortium ad maius castellum mīsisset," inquit mulier, "trēs diēs per collēs iter fēcit subitōque impetum ācrem in urbem maximam hostium fēcit." I. A. 1. The gods are helping us; for the enemy, much afraid, are crossing the river and our homes will no longer be burned by them. 2. The third company, together with many horsemen, rushed out of the camp very bravely, and when they had quickly put the enemy to flight, easily took the town. 3. When this was heard, the woman, very disturbed, gave to (her) son (his) father’s sword. 4. The colonists, brought by boats, crossed to the island at night and there they caught three Indians whom they found hiding in the grass. B. "When the war with the Indians had been waged a long time," said my grandmother, "and all the grain had been stolen from the fields, the poor colonists' horses were also often captured by the enemy. But the colonists did not want peace to be made, and willingly travelled through the valleys and hills with soldiers to burn the Indians' tents and camp. Once, when very many farmers, together with a few horsemen, were hurrying through the forest to the river, on whose bank the Indians had placed a small camp, suddenly the enemy rushed out of their hiding place, and killed six colonists and two horsemen with arrows. Disturbed by this, the horsemen attacked very bravely and quickly put the enemy to flight. But the Indians easily arrived at the camp and our (men) were not able to capture them." II. A. 1. Quae cum fierent, imperātor celeriter per vallem iter fēcit nē sexta legiō ab hostibus caperentur. 2. Postrēmō Indī in fugam datī sunt, eōrumque mulierēs et līberī ad minōrem urbem properāvērunt. 3. Mulierēs libentissimē quibusdam hominibus, quī gladiōs āmīserant, sagittās dedērunt. 4. Cum cōgnōvissent octō līberōs colōnōrum apud Indōs habitāre, vēnātōrēs fortēs equīs vectī duodēvīgintī mīlia passuum per silvam ad hostium castra iter fēcērunt. Ita quattuor līberī ā nostrīs captī sunt et ad oppidum remissī, neque autem cēterī invenīrī potuērunt. B. 1. "Caput ursae cum secūrī abscīdissēmus," inquit Quīntus puellīs, "id manū meā facile ad flūmen tulī. Ibi nautam piscīs capientem vīdimus. Ad quaedam saxa magna trānsīre volēbat; itaque eum in cymbam nostram cēpimus eumque vēximus nōbīscum ad īnsulam. Tum domum properāvimus." 2. "Ubi est canis vester, puerī?" inquit vēnātor. "Putō lupum in agrīs esse neque canem vestrum hodiē vīdī." 3. "Sine equitibus," inquit imperātor, "hostēs nostrōs in fugam dare nōn poterunt. Mīsī igitur legiōnem octāvam in agrōs nē equī agricolārum ab Indīs raperentur." 4. "Mīles quī fīliam rēgis herī in mātrimōnium dūxit putābat pācem cum Indīs ita facillimē fierī posse." I. A. 1. When these things were known, the general immediately set out with very many horsemen. 2. Marcus, when he was lingering near the general’s home, saw the ninth regiment hurrying from the boats through the waves to the sand. 3. The hunter who had promised a little bear to the children met a certain sailor in the forest yesterday who had seen three little bears in a cave. 4. When this was known, the mothers no longer allowed the boys to play in the fields. 5. When the voice of the general was heard, all our men crossed the stream very bravely to attack the enemy’s camp. B. 1. When we had travelled many days and had not been able to find the enemy," said the brave soldier, "finally our general met certain Indians himself who said that the enemy, much afraid, were hiding in the forest. When this was heard, we placed (our) camp not far away and hunters were immediately sent into the forest to find the enemy’s hiding place. When this was done, the enemy, who thought that our whole army was now in the forest, quickly rushed out of (their) hiding place and very easily put the hunters to flight; but when they were running on all sides from the forest into the fields to kill the hunters there, suddenly our general ordered the horsemen to make a very fierce attack on them. Thus, many enemies were killed by our men and the others were captured by the Indians. Then the general, when many cities had been burned, returned home happy with (his) army." II. A. 1. Hostēs fortasse ā deīs adiūtī sunt; castra enim eōrum fortissimē adortī sumus neque eōs in fugam dare potuimus. 2. In domibus optimōrum hominum pāx erat. 3. Hostēs lūce lūnae commōtī sunt, neque ab urbe profectī sunt. 4. Imperātor nōlēbat patī septimam legiōnem in silvā morāri. 5. Avīs puellīs polliceāmur. 6. Nōlīte puerīs secūrēs dare. B. 1. "Quae cum audīta essent (quibus audītīs), mulierēs libenter in vīllam properāvērunt," inquit vēnātor; "vī enim tempestātis perterritae erant." 2. "Postrēmō ad locum idōneum pervēnimus," inquit eques. "Tum colōnī dīxērunt sē ipsōs velle in Indōrum castra īre; nūlla enim luna erat et nūbēs ātrae in caelō erant." 3. "Gentēs eōrum rēgum impetum nostrōrum nōn sustinēbunt," inquit nauta; "vēnātōrēs enim per silvās properābunt noctū ut nōs adiuvent." I. A. 1. The sailors are not willing to eat these berries. Let’s give them those eggs so that they will not want to steal the hens themselves. 2. Afterwards, therefore, the hunters forced us to hide in a cave. 3. For the fat boy first tried to flee; but finally he lay on the ground willingly. 4. My mother and father are at home; in that city are my brothers and sisters. 5. We were trying to arrive quickly at the shore; but we were often forced to linger, lest the children be lost in the forest. But in the morning we arrived tired at the sea. B. 1. "Once," said our grandfather, "when a very wretched war had been waged for a long time, and the farmers' children were being captured by Indians on all sides, suddenly the enemy were heard early near a certain town; they immediately attacked the colonists' homes fiercely, and began to throw fires. When the voices of the Indians were heard, the woman, much afraid, fled with (their) children into a very big house which they thought the enemy were not able to capture; meanwhile in the streets their sturdy husbands were fighting the Indians very bravely. But soon on all sides the colonists' homes were being burned and the ennemy’s attack could not be sustained any longer. And so, when the colonists were now almost all lying dead on the ground, the enemy stole everything they could easily find and, happy, they returned into the forests together with the children whose mothers they had killed." II. A. 1. Hunc lupum capere nunc cōnēmur. Posteā vēnātor ursās facile occīdet. 2. Quid te diūtius morārī cōgit, mī fīlī? Cūr domī latēs neque proficīscī ad nāvem parās? 3. Pater meus puerōs īre nōn passus est. 4. Quārta legiō tria mīlia passuum iter fēcit statimque Indōs adorta est. B. 1. "Hīc idem vēnātor rēgem illīus gentis quoque crās occīdet," inquit nauta. "Ipse id pollicitus est." 2. "Illī puerī malī cōnantur cōgere canem minōrem in aquam currere," inquit Iūlia. "Paulō post poenās dabunt." 3. "Altiōrem arborem videō," inquit Quīntus. "In eam ēscendāmus rāmōsque in capita illōrum mīlitum pigrōrum, quōs in umbrā iacentēs haud procul vidētis, iaciāmus." 4. "Cum vēnātōrēs equīs vectōs per agrum currentēs herī audīvissēmus," inquit agricola, "putāvimus hostium equitēs parāre oppidum nostrum adorīrī." I. A. 1. Do you see anything in the forest? We see either a bear or a wolf in the field. 2. I did not fear those Indians. For these (ones) had never tried to kill colonists. 3. The general, when he had learned that some women had been forced by the Indians to throw (their) children into the fires, immediately set out to the enemy’s town with the horsemen and ordered the whole army to follow. 4. This chief will be made general of all the armies. But that chief will lead the horsemen. B. "A certain farmer," said the sailor, "had gone once far into the fields together with the other settlers, and was now leading the horses into a safe place lest they be stolen by the Indians. But when the settlers were tarrying on the journey, suddenly the enemy made a very fierce attack on their farmhouses. Then that man, when he had heard the voices of the Indians, ordered the other settlers to follow, and he himself hurried home very quickly. But meanwhile the enemy, who had thrown fires into some homes, were killing on all sides women and children. And so the farmer, when finally he had come home, found (his) wife and daughter lying dead on the ground; for (his) wife had been killed by an arrow, but (his) daughter’s head had been broken by a stone. When these things were known, the settlers suddenly came together from the cities to one place and quickly set out with many horsemen into the forest. Thus, when they had travelled many days, suddenly they attacked by night the Indians' town; and soon those enemies were all either captured or killed by our (men)." II. A. 1. In tabernācula venīte, puerī. Nōs māla meliōra ēmimus. 2. Canēs sequāmur; putō enim parvōs lupōs in spēluncā esse. 3. Coquus dīxit sē numquam patī sīmiam in umerō sedēre. 4. Hī mīlitēs ovīs custōdient neque in rīpā flūminis morābuntur. 5. Mārcus nōbīscum ad rīvam iit et piscem maximum paene cēpī. B. 1. "Aliquem canem aut corvum emāmus," inquit Mārcus. "Ego columbās mālō," inquit Claudia; "nam līberōs numquam terrent." 2. "Posteā quīntam legiōnem vidēbimus," inquit vēnātor. "Imperātor enim eam nōn patiētur rīvum sine cymbīs trānsīre." 3. "Aliquemne per vallem euntem vīdistī?" inquit imperātor. "Nūllōs Indōs vīdī," inquit colōnus dēfessus; "multī autem equī sub arboribus erant." 4. "Saepe cum hostibus ācriter pugnāvī," inquit mīles fortis puerīs; "iam autem libenter domī sedeō." I. A. 1. At the same time, the king of all those nations set out to seek peace. 2. Peace must be sought; for the enemy have already heard about this battle. 3. The soldiers said that they thought that peace should be sought. 3. We shall never follow you, very bad general. 4. Let us either attack the enemy, or hurry to the shore. B. "Our house," said the colonist, "was located on the bank of a very great river, and I often played together with (my) brother and sisters near the water. Once we saw three Indians sitting in a small boat, who were catching many fish from the river. But soon after, when we were playing, happy, in the sand, the Indians, having left their fish, came stealthily to the bank and suddenly seized (our) brother. Much afraid by this thing, we called (our) father with a loud voice. But when he had run from the fields, greatly disturbed, to the river, the Indians had now come to a certain small island with (our) brother. And so, when the soldiers had also been called, all the farmers, carried by many boats, quickly crossed to the same island. But meanwhile the Indians had fled into a larger island, in which there was a dark forest and many caves; and so we never saw (our) brother afterwards." II. A. 1. Duodēvīcēsima legiō adiuvanda est; nam impetus ācerrimus in eam ab hostibus fit. 2. In pugnā quam ibi vīdīmus, mīlitēs fortissimī ā nostrīs occīsī sunt et cēterī facile in fugam datī sunt. 3. Rēx dīxit vēnātōrēs in silvās statim mittendōs esse, nē hostēs ē castrīs in silvās fūrtim fugere possent. 4. Putāsne haec saxa ad lītus vehenda esse et in mare iacienda esse? Ubi mulierēs ea invēnērunt? B. "Posteā," inquit agricola, "domī in umbrā sedēbāmus. Līberī autem, quī ōva petēbant, nōs mox vocāvērunt ut corbulās, quās complēverant, vidērēmus." 2. "Simul," inquit mīles puerīs, "hostēs ad flūmen properābant. Sed dē hāc pugnā mox in lūdō audiētis." 3. "Aliquem vīdī equum ex agrō rapientem," inquit agricola. "Currite, puerī; omnes eum capere cōnēmur." 4. "Putabāmus hōs Indōs statim capiendōs esse," inquit imperātor; "cēterae enim gentēs iam ex maiōribus urbibus proficīscēbantur ut eōs adiuvārent."
Skip to main content Home/ HIST 390-001 The Digital Past Fall 2013/ Group items tagged html hist390 Rss Feed Group items tagged Brandon Boucher Making The Web Faster With SPDY - 0 views SPDY (pronounced " SPeeDY ") is a new technology that aims to decrease page load times by fixing a number of flaws present in HTTP 1.1. It's not a replacement for HTTP but instead adds a number of features that help to make web transactions faster. Lauren McDonald Tutorials on HTML, CSS, PHP, & Java Script - 1 views This website provides tutorials on HTML, CSS, PHP, and Java Script. Under each category you can learn a history and introduction into HTML or CSS and then learn how to create your own website using the step by step instructions. Not a bad site, Lauren, though I still think is better. Heaven knows there are tons of tutorials all over the Internet. Tons of books, too, of course. HTML Tutorial: What is HTML? - 0 views A YouTube video that gives you some basic information on what HTML is. 1 - 3 of 3 Showing 20 items per page
Basic Package Attributes Short Description CDPOP is a landscape genetics tool for simulating the emergence of spatial genetic structure in populations resulting from specified landscape processes governing organism movement behavior. Long Description CDPOP (Cost Distance POPulations) is an individual-based simulator of gene flow in complex landscapes to explain observed population responses and provide a foundation for landscape genetics. It models genetic exchange among spatially located individuals as a function of individual-based movement through mating and dispersal, incorporating population dynamics and the all factors that affect the frequency of an allele in a population (mutation, gene flow, genetic drift, and selection). User’s initially specify individual locations, environmental conditions governing gene flow, spatially-explicit fitness landscapes governing selection, and various genic configurations, and CDPOP models divergence through time as function of individual-based movement, breeding and dispersal as functions of the given landscape surfaces. Version 1.0 or later Project Started 2010 Last Release 1 year, 11 months ago Citations Landguth EL, Cushman SA, cdpop: A spatially explicit cost distance population genetics program., Mol Ecol Resour, Jan. 1, 2010 [Abstract, cited in PMC ] GSR CertificationAccessibility Author verificationThe basic description provided was derived from a website or publications by the GSR team and has not yet been verified by the simulation author. To modify this entry or add more information, propose changes to this simulator. Propose changes to this simulator
Step 1 - Evidence Task 1 - micro and macroeconomics Task 2 - Task 3 - banking and investment questions Research how much interest is charged on a credit card with one of the big 4 banks. Research what interest is paid on their savings accounts. What is the difference between these two rates? Step 2 - supply and demand graphs There has been a decrease in supply because the coffee crops have been destroyed by a blight. This changes the supply graph and the prices increase, because there is a small supply. There has been a decrease in demand because it has been shown that coffee gives laboratory rats cancer. Because of this study less people want to purchase this product and the company may lower their prices to increase the amount of buyers. Step 3 - riskS and positives The end Made with Adobe Slate Make your words and images move. Get Slate Report Abuse
Germania: Visions of Grandeur \| Germany\| News and in-depth reporting from Berlin and beyond \| DW \| 25.05.2005 1. Inhalt 2. Navigation 3. Weitere Inhalte 4. Metanavigation 5. Suche 6. Choose from 30 Languages Germania: Visions of Grandeur Had Hitler won the war, his plan was to transform Berlin into Germania -- the city he planned with architect Albert Speer. A film, a tour and the twists of time have conspired to create new interest in his evil vision. Speer's "Great Hall" would have dwarfed the Brandenburg Gate Berlin bears many historical scars, but only a few point to the maniacal vision of its future harbored by Adolf Hitler and his chief architect, Albert Speer: A few spots where roads were widened in preparation for the central axis of Germania; a few traffic tunnels that have since been filled in; some streetlamps designed by Speer which survived the war intact. The rest is all ideas -- miniature models, sketches, blueprints. Germania, with its imposing concrete monstrosities, its monuments to a victory that never came, was swallowed in the rubble and ash that covered Berlin in 1945. There are only a few examples of Nazi architecture left standing today to give visitors a sense of what Hitler's ideology of hate and domination looked like when rendered in concrete and stone. Finanzamt in Berlin Berlin's Finance Ministry One of them is the building currently housing the Ministry of Finance (photo). It's no accident then, that this is the starting point for a new city walk entitled "Capital of the Reich, Germania -- Destructive Visions" offered by tour operator Stattreisen Berlin. Guide Hartmut Kappel immediately addresses one of the questions foremost in the minds of the 20 people who gathered on a Sunday afternoon in search of Germania: How do you conduct a tour where you can't really show people anything? The walk led the group through central Berlin, along the axis where Hitler planned to build his mammoth new "Chancellery of the Reich," as well as a huge victory arch designed to dwarf the Arc de Triomphe in Paris, and Germania's crowning glory, the Große Halle, or "Great Hall." The structure was intended to accommodate a million people, and was capped with an impractically large dome that would have been over 200 meters (700 feet) high and 250 meters (800 feet) in diameter. As if to underscore the insanity of the plans, Kappel took the tour participants past an unassuming parking lot in front of a late-GDR era apartment complex. The area beneath the parking lot, he explained, was the site Hitler's bunker -- the place where his vainglorious imaginings of the Thousand Year Reich and the new "World Capital Germania" took their final, undignified end. Hartmut Kappel Hartmut Kappel leads the Germania tour past the site of Hitler's bunker "I don't sensationalize this aspect of the tour," said Kappel. "It's a conscious decision, because the personal tragedies that unfolded don't have to do with the topic, which is: Why did the Third Reich exist, and how was it possible?" Film caused new interest Still, Kappel acknowledged that there is a persistent fascination about all things connected with the Third Reich, and of late, a resurgent interest in the relationship between Hitler and Germania's architect, Albert Speer. The interest can partly be explained by the showing on German public broadcaster ARD of a new three-part movie, "Speer and He," examining that relationship. Kappel said that Stattreisen planned its Germania tour to coincide with the media coverage of the film. Er und Ich Tobias Moretti as Adolf Hitler (l) und Sebastian Koch as Albert Speer in "Speer und Er" "Speer and He" takes a critical look at Speer's role in the darkest chapter of German history. How much did he know about Hitler's plans to rid Europe of Jews, and to what extent did he manipulate his legacy after the war? Though he expressed remorse during the Nuremberg trials, Speer always maintained that he knew nothing about the Nazis' crimes against the Jews. He was one of a handful of leading Nazis (including Rudolf Hess) to escape execution following the trials, serving a 20-year prison sentence instead. The director of "Speer and He," Heinrich Breloer, makes it clear that Speer was more deeply implicated than he claimed. The film concentrates on Speer's plans to evict thousands of Jews from their Berlin homes to clear building space needed to realize Germania. "He was more than just a cog in the works," said Breloer. "He was not only entangled in the works, he was the terror itself." Academy of Art comes back home Part of Speer's defense was that he cooperated with the Nazis in order to fulfil his dream of becoming a great architect. He pursued this dream in the building that, until 1937, housed Berlin's Academy of Art. Speer and his staff took over the space on Pariser Platz that was once the heart of Germany's intellectual, artistic community, and it was there that he developed and exhibited the models for Germania. Die Halle des Volkes The view through Hitler's planned victory arch would have centered on the "Great Hall." On this same location this past weekend, German dignitaries gathered to set right a mistake of the past, officially opening the new Academy of Art as a place where artists can be as political as they like without fearing the kind of censure the Nazis routinely imposed on "dissidents." DW recommends WWW links
Flutes part from Festmarsch Wo05 (CB) Louis Spohr (1825) 5 minutes Classical music Louis Spohr (5th April 1784 - 22nd October 1859), born Ludwig Spohr, was a German composer, violinist and conductor. Festmarsch was written for the marriage of the Kassel electoral prince’s daughter, Princess Marie to Duke Bernhard of Saxe-Meingen on 23rd March 1825. Spohr says the march was played as the newly married couple moved in procession from the banqueting hall to the White Saloon, to be immediately encored. Spohr was required to incorporate and old German dance tune, the Grossvateranz (Grandfather’s dance), that was particularly associated with the marriage. After a rousing opening of the march on full orchestra, the strings continue the march rhythm, but the woodwind introduce the ’grandfather’ tune in triple metric and then adds a cheeky little four bar pendant. Which method of viewing music should I use? Static preview The static preview shows a basic image of the first page. Interactive preview Printing after purchase Licensing for this music Sharing the file you download When you buy the score - make multiple copies When you buy parts - make multiple copies
The North Korean defector had sped across the demilitarized zone in a stolen jeep, then crawled south as the men who had been his comrades moments ago shot at him with handguns and AK-47 rifles. South Korean soldiers found the defector under a pile of leaves, bleeding from at least five gunshot wounds. He was brought to doctors, who expected to find the soldier in bad shape. But what they also found when they opened him up gave the world a glimpse into just how bad things are in North Korea. Doctors repairing the unidentified soldier’s digestive tract found dozens of parasites in his intestines. One of the suspected roundworms was nearly a foot long. “I spent more than 20 years of experience as a surgeon, but I have not found parasites this big in the intestines of South Koreans,” Lee Cook-jong, who leads the team treating the soldier, told the Associated Press. Authorities have not released the name or rank of the defecting soldier. He has spent his first days in South Korea unconscious, sedated and relying on a breathing machine to stay alive. But the worms pulled from his intestines tell a story of the humanitarian and health crisis gripping North Korea even as it expends significant resources in its effort to become a global nuclear power. According to, North Korea spends 22 percent of its gross domestic product on the military. Other public spending priorities have suffered, as North Korean leader Kim Jong Un has built and tested his nuclear arsenal while also trading radioactive barbs with Western leaders. A Newsweek headline put it more succinctly — and brutally: “North Korea’s Kim Jong Un is starving his people to pay for nuclear weapons.” According to a report by the United Nations, 2 in 5 people in North Korea are undernourished. Seventy percent of people require food assistance to survive, including 1.3 million children below the age of 5. And the food they have access to can sicken or kill them. According to the New York Times, many North Korean defectors to the South have shown up infected with parasites. That’s partially because North Korea lacks chemical fertilizer, and many farmers rely on human excrement to fertilize fields. As a fertilizer, “night soil” is free and abundant — and even made a cameo appearance in “The Martian.” But it’s notorious for transmitting parasites like the ones inside the North Korean defector’s stomach. In a 2014 study, South Korean doctors checked a sample of 17 female defectors from North Korea and found seven of them infected with parasitic worms, according to the BBC. They also had higher rates of other diseases, including hepatitis B and tuberculosis. Finding worms inside a soldier who once guarded one of the most scrutinized borders in the world is especially telling, a sign that North Korea’s food woes affect military members, who typically have a higher ranking on the food-rationing list. There are even reports that North Korean soldiers have been ordered to steal corn from farmers to stave off hunger. The soldier’s vital signs were stabilizing this weekend, the AP reported, but it was still unclear whether he would recover or wake up. Until then, the parasites taken from his body were the only things telling a story, as Peter Preiser of Singapore’s Nanyang Technological University told the BBC. “What they all do is take nutrients away from your body,” the professor told the BBC. “So [even] if most of them might go unnoticed, they all indicate a poor health status. To put it simply: People who have parasites are not healthy.” Read more: A gunshot destroyed her face. A rare surgery just gave her a new one. Why your adorable pet turtle may make your child sick He thought he just had blisters from a hike. He had flesh-eating bacteria and nearly died. ‘Like something out of a horror movie’: Flesh-eating bacteria infection kills man in four days
Make your own free website on A total of six RAAF ppilots were attached to the US 7th Air Force to fly the renowned McDonell Douglas F4 Phantom jet fighter on combat duty in Vietnam. All of these men were highly experienced fighter pilots, but lacked combat experience. Dsepite this lack of experience, the pilots were warmly welcomed by the USAF Rolling Thunder - America's sustained bombing campaign of North Vietnam had been under way since march 1965 and reconnaisance jets were needed to gather information on possible targets and to check on the success of attacks already made. The USAF deployed brand new RF-4Cs to both Vietnam and Thailand. A major problem confronting the early crews in Vietnam was the unreliability of maps, most of which were produced by the french in the 1940's. An incorrect map almost led to the premature demise of an Australian and his navigator on a night flight into Laos. During this mission the Australian remarked to his 'back seater' that he was getting a 'fly up' command from his instruments despite the fact that maps made no allowance for hills in the area. Heeding his instruments, the Australian put the jet into a steep climb and narrowly avoided slamming into a 2500 ft mountain peak. Another Australian arrived at the unit and was assigned a temporary navigator who saw him through his first 10 missions. This fellow had been shot down about 2 months previously and his pilot was a POW. Surprisingly, the navigator had parachuted onto one side of a hill and the pilot onto the other. The navigator was rescued in very short time but the pilot was captured. After flying the 10 missions with this navigator, the Australian was then teamed up with th3e navigator he had trained with in South caroliner. Their Phantom was christened Carolina Kangaroo, which symbolised the two friends affinity with their homelands. In addition, the words "have camera, will travel" were painted on the side of their aircraft. In October 1968 president Johnson suspended the rolling thunder campaign. Its purpose had been to force the communists to begin peace talks. In this the camoaign failed totally. North Vietnam simply did not have enough targets of sufficient value to justify the massive American air effort made to destroy them. Additionally, the North Vietnamese (with Russian and Chinese assistance) created an awsome air defence system of missiles, guns and fighters (mig - 17, 19 and 21 aircraft) which in turn caused the USAF heavy losses. However, despite the end of Rolling Thunder, occasional strikes were made into the north as well as Cambodia and Laos. The Australians were part to the 12th Tactical Fighter Wing (12th TFW) at Cam Ranh bay. In February 1970, the 12th TFW relocated to Phu Cat, near the city of Qui Nhon. Essentially the task of the 12th TFW was to provide close air support of US, Vietnamese, Korean, Thai and Australian troops operating in South Vietnam. They occasionally came across a friendly Australian FAC. On some occasions the wing operated into the 'panhandle' and the passes of Laos. When President Nixon ordered the invasion of Cambodia in mid 1970 we also flew missions up to the Mekong river in that country. They frequently flew into the Ashua Valley and around the DMZ which were some of the most heavily defended areas of South Vietnam. The NVA used the Ashua Valley as a main road to resupply forces in South Vietnam. They also flew night missions to provide air defence for B52 aircraft making raids into Laos. The six Australian RAAF Phantom pilots returned to Australia with a wealth of combat experience, all of them have attained senior appointments in the service and all were decorated by either the Australian or American governments, some by both.
Contractor Safety Share Sharing safety information Shocked to Find Wire Ran Wrong An apprentice was making connections inside a junction box for a 277v lighting circuit. The journeyman electrician that he was working with was also making connections on the same circuits, on the other side of the elevator. The apprentice began work on the box assuming that all circuits inside the box were de-energized because it was “downstream” of the junction box that was the home run back to the panel, the panel that the journeyman electrician was working on. He did not verify any of the wires with a voltmeter or proximity tester prior to proceeding with stripping insulation from the wires and connecting them utilizing wire nuts. One of the wires that Apprentice was stripping was energized and shocked him when he cut into the insulation. A witness was working ~20’ away from the apprentice and heard the apprentice get shocked. He approached the apprentice and confirmed that he was okay, secured the hot circuit that had been cut, and notified the company foreman. After some investigation it was determined that there was wires for two other circuits that had been incorrectly pulled into the junction box and not capped off. These circuits had been energized previously when all light fixtures connected to these circuits were wired and the additional wires that were pulled into the junction box had not yet been identified. 1. If tasks require the craftsmen to check for unknown hazards prior work, ensure that the craftsmen are provided with complete procedure or checklists to increase memory and remove assumptions. 2. Provide a project/shift logbook for each production crew so that various issues concerning the project can be communicated as needed between work crews. 3. Consider how to include the project coordinators, craftsmen and painters in the discussion to protect wiring from paint. Comments are closed
Change In Technology Essay Technology Changes Essay Lately there has been much controversy as to whether technology has changed society’s way of life.America has become extremely dependent on technology.Although technology benefited our lives with such things as being able to shop online,providing advance education methods,and health advancements,it has also hurt us by products being made by machines,some people can’t live without technology,and children are not socializing they should with others. According to Derek under General,searching for products is easier online.You can more easily access items,and while something may have ran out of stock at a particular stores,you can still see it online.(My New Choice,1). Jane Sheeba says, not just shopping, but with listening to music, playing game,watch movies, reading books-everything is done either in front of a computer or by holding some device or a gadget in our hands. (Technologies Advancement:How Technology has changed our lives (In A Bad Way), 2). Another huge plus of shopping online is not having to battle the hordes; crowds can be a real nuisance when you are out shopping, they slow you down and prevent you accessing the good deals.The reason that shopping online is cheaper is because it cuts out the overhead of running a store:rent, electricity,utility bills, paychecks for employees, and maintenance cost. (How shopping online has changed the way we shop, 1) “That means you can buy things online on sites for much lower prices like Amazon,Overstock,Ebay and other retail stores.That also means items that you can't find in stores can be found online.” Although our technology has been advancing, students have been increase their learning experience. Instead of opposing this change in our children's learning style, schools are embracing technological advances as a way to empower children in educational environments. Writing Project, found that roughly 75 percent of nearly 2,500 teachers agreed that the Internet and search engines have a "mostly positive" impact of student research skills.(Children and Technology:The good, the bad, and the ugly, 1) Another way that educators are using new technology is by taking advantage of the Internet.Henry Jay Becker,conducted a massive study of teacher habits focusing most specifically on how they are using the internet. He found that teachers are using email and texting as a means of communicating with students and parents they’re using social media as well.Technological changes isn’t limited to just children,of course,college educators and students are being impact as well.Universities now offer degrees online and student/instructor interaction via the internet are now the norm.(How Technology is changing education,1). Todays education has been helping students better understand the way they learn in a classroom. The most important benefit of technology is that it has changed it has affected a person's health in a positive way.According to Tyrown Brown,our lives will never be the same again after the... Loading: Checking Spelling Read more Cellular Technology Changes Essay 883 words - 4 pages Imagine for a moment, the year is 1980. You are sitting beside a lake sketching the landscape and someone delivers a message to you that your mother has called and wanted to know if you needed any extra food dishes for the family dinner that is planned for this evening. Now consider the possibilities of dropping your work to run in and return the call in your attempt to catch her before she departs for the store to get items she doesn't need.... How Technology Changes Education Essay 2040 words - 8 pages Technology in the classroom can be a good thing for many students. For example, it gives students easy access to information, but it isn’t always the best thing. Technology helps raise the illiteracy rate higher as it is used in school. In 2009, about 97 percent of classrooms had at least one computer in the classroom everyday, although approximately 54 percent could bring their own computers to their class. There was internet access available... How can the ready availability of information via information technology change education and should and can these changes take place? 2196 words - 9 pages IntroductionIn a society, cumulatively shifting towards an information and technologically based society, the opportunities and implications that this move may have for the social and economic infrastructures, are of profound importance. This societal transformation from an industrial era to that of an "information age" is certain to impact and dominate those areas of society, influenced by the services provided by information and... Changes in Technology Since Sept 11. 2837 words - 11 pages September 11, 2001 was a devastating day for the United States. As many of us awoke, expecting to continue with our daily routine, the terrorist shattered our hopes for repetitiveness with attacks that struck the World Trade Center and the Pentagon. The threat of terrorism is one that has always been a possibility, but our sedimentary lifestyles resulted in a state of bliss in the United States. As a result of the devastating September 11th "The Singularity is Near": Technology and the changes to the Human Condition. 1528 words - 6 pages Ray Kurzweil looks at the future in his new book " The Singularity is Near" as a culmination of three related fields of innovation. Genetics, nano-technology, and robotics. (Kurzweil, 205) The human genome is only about 800 million uncompressed bytes which really isn't all that much... Technology in the Classroom Stimulates Learning Teachers and Technology 1391 words - 6 pages Several scholars indicated that K–12 teachers are not skilled, and lack confidence needed to infuse technology effectively into the curriculum (Francis & Mishra, 2008; Harrison, & Wamakote, 2010; Teo, 2009; Weston & Bain, 2010). Teaching with technology is complex and the challenge of newer technologies (Koehler & Mishra, 2009; Ozek, Kesli, & Kocoglu, 2009; Weston & Bain, 2010; Hennessy). A number of K–12 schools across the US are under... A Look at Peace, technology and the Role of Ordinary People 966 words - 4 pages Technology does not have a simple positive or negative effect on individuals in society. "Peace, Technology, and the Role of Ordinary People", is one person's eccentric view of the negative connotations associated with technology. Military technology provides us with the global power to protect citizens in the event of war. The money invested in technology is equivalent to what is used to pay workers' salaries. Economic changes in society are... Wireless Computing 1370 words - 5 pages In an attempt to improve the integration of wireless computing, educators and policymakers are reevaluating ways to incorporate technology tools into the grade level performance standards without separating the two educational standards (Collins & Halverson, 2009; Weston & Bain, 2010). Presently, students and teachers at the rural school district under review have the ability to transmit information through wireless technological resources. ... Technology Education in Secondary Schools in the 21st Century 3299 words - 13 pages Technology plays an increasing significant role in our lives and it is important that students understand how it influences their lives and that of society and their own participation in it. Mitcham (as cited in Jones & Moreland, 2003) states First, technology is a major and, some would argue, a determining feature of the world we inhabit. In consequence, young people, as future citizens need to understand how it shapes the world and how... The Case for Technology 1849 words - 7 pages Technology permeates our society. In work settings, employees are expected to use computers for such tasks as communication, information management, problem-solving, and information seeking. Because technology is such an integral part of modern life, it behooves educators to prepare learners to use it effectively. Technology also has a role in the instructional process for it can serve as a means of supporting and enhancing instruction.... How has technology changed our lives? Research, identify and discuss technology’s influence on society, as well as at least three ways it has changed the way companies do business. This is a technology essay example. Need a custom technology essay writing? Click on order now to request for a custom essay on impact of technology in our lives. Technology has created a revolution in every aspect of human life. The impact of technology in our lives can be seen in education, infrastructure development, health and medicine, manufacturing, exploration research, communication, security, infrastructure and transport and logistics. Technologies such as the Internet are key to business, in communication, data management, and storage. Any field that has failed to utilize technology is obsolete and outdated. People, institutions and even companies are looking at technology for change and transformation. (Order a custom Technology Paper) The society has recognized the power and efficiency offered by technology and the benefits of technology incorporation. The paper will discuss the impact of technology on the society with a bias in the business environment. Technology has enabled the society to improve resources efficiency and minimize wastage improving the overall quality of life. Discussion- How Has Technology Changed the World Technology has a positive and negative social impact. A major benefit of technology is the creation of employment and efficiency in diverse fields saving on costs. Technology has also presented threats such as cyber threats and to the health and environment. Related Keywords On This Topic: Technology’s influence on the society; how technology has changed our lives essay; how has technology changed our lives essay; how has technology improved our lives; how technology improves our lives; essay writing on technology; how has technology changed our life; how technology has changed education Social Communication- How Computers Have Changed our Lives: Technology and Social Change Essay Paper: The internet is the most decisive and influential aspect of technology. The internet connects billions of people globally facilitating the exchange of data and information. Technology has a social and business advantage mainly by increasing efficiency in time and resources management. The internet has revolutionized communication both individual and public. Technology changing the way we communicate each day. Social apps such as Skype, WhatsApp, Twitter and Facebook have linked internet users globally (Croteau and Hoynes, 2013). Health- Impact of medical technology on healthcare today Technology has impacted heath data management, research and health information distribution. Technology lowers the cost and access of healthcare, example data is stored online, and patients do not need to make physical to physicians. Technology also impacts on quality of healthcare by supporting the development of technologies such as imaging (Manuel and Wallis, 2014). Related Topics on impact of technology on health that needs to be explored includes: importance of technology in healthcare, how does technology help the medical field, benefits of technology in healthcare, technology advances medical field, disadvantages of technology in healthcare, and negative effects of medical technology. If you need a custom paper on related topics, click on order now to hire a writer. Positive and Negative Impacts of Transportation Technology The impact of science and technology on transportation are far reaching. The modern logistics infrastructure such as trains, vehicles, airplanes and ships showcase the importance of technical innovations. Transport infrastructure is key to economic systems by facilitating trade and social advancement through movement of people (Croteau and Hoynes, 2013). The business communities can feel advantages or positive impacts of technology in transportation all around the world. There are also negative effects of transportation technology which we will address in the coming blogs. Research- How Technology has Changed Education Modern technologies have facilitated research, discovery and innovation in areas such as biological, physical and environmental science. Every key innovation and discovery are supported by technology. Example, using technology scientist can easily develop diseases and its cure. Such a process used to a longer duration two decades ago. Market researchers can compile data from across the market using technology tools and make future decisions (Manuel and Wallis, 2014). How Technology has Changed Entertainment- how technology is changing entertainment? Impact of entertainment technology on society has been felt by both the young and the old in the 21st century. Entertainment such as sports, video games, films, and music are facilitated by technology. People rely on technological innovations in entertainment industry such as the television, upcoming technology and entertainment magazines, the internet and the radio for entertainment more than before. Video games also represent technological advancements in computer programming. The entertainment sector generates the highest global revenue and is mainly facilitated by technology (Croteau and Hoynes, 2013). Order a custom technology and entertainment essay from our experts. Impact of Science and Technology on Human Rights: Technology has created a platform for social groups and human activists to campaign and influence political reforms. The internet is the most powerful tool used by social groups for mass communication. Example, the Arab springs revolution is was facilitated using technology (Manuel and Wallis, 2014). Each day, there is a growing connection between information technology and human rights, technology and human rights violations..etc Technological advancements such as robots, motors, and logic controllers have facilitated industrial developments. Industrialization is a general term for all goods manufactured in industries. The goods include foods, cars, computers, phones, and even clothes. Mass production is possible through automated systems. Technology Impact on Business Environment and Company Operations Technology has revolutionized the way business is done. All business operations including marketing, communication, data management, customer relations, sourcing and processing benefit from technology. Technology has changed business internal and external communication, cost management, and data management. Business internal and external communication Technology has facilitated business communication both internal and external to the consumers. Using emails and direct communication platforms company employees can share information without the need for physical movement. Technology, therefore, saves time and costs associated with movements needed in business operations. Using technology companies have been able to create better and loyal relations with consumers. Technology provides a platform for companies to make queries, purchases and complain. Organizations can also give feedback on customer queries which improves business performance and loyalty (Robert, 2012). Cost Management Small and large business utilize technology to reduce operational costs while doing business. However, by automating office functions including data management, accounting, sourcing, processing, payroll and customer communication business have been able to cut costs. Technology, therefore, cuts on operational costs which improve the overall performance and profitability. Data Management Enterprises today have an overwhelming amount of data. The growth of the Big Data phenomenon has mandated companies to adopt technologies to convert unstructured data to structured and useful data. The data is used to create market patterns and analyze them to make strategic plans (Villars, 2011). Cloud computing has also enabled companies to move away from traditional and lofty in-house and systems expensive to maintain and purchase. The cloud enables companies to link entire operations to virtue systems and cut the maintenance and continuous upgrade costs (Marston, 2011). In conclusion, it is no longer a question how has technology changed our lives, technology has overwhelming benefits to the society and business. Technology facilitates social communication and also beneficial infrastructures such as industries, health systems, logistic systems and research. Businesses benefit from technology by achieving efficiency of operations such as communication, data management, and cost management. Here are other topics which have been covered in this sample. Do not hesitate to contact our experts if you need help in writing your Technology and social change paper, Technology and social change essay, or even a term paper on Relationship between technology and social change. We will be glad to offer you assistance. • How are technology and social change related • Social changes due to technology • Technology and social change article • Effects of social change in society • Technology and social change and discusses how they are related Do you have to take an online technology class? You don’t have to worry about it, ask our experts- take my online classes for me by placing an order now. Manuel, C., Wallis, A. (2014, Sep 8). The impact of the internet on the society. A global perspective. MIT Technology Review. Marston, S., Li, Z., Bandyopadhyay, S., Zhang, J., & Ghalsasi, A. (2011). Cloud computing— The business perspective. Decision Support Systems, 51(1), 176-189. Roberts, N., & Grover, V. (2012). Leveraging information technology infrastructure to facilitate a firm’s customer agility and competitive activity: An empirical investigation. Journal of Management Information Systems, 28(4), 231-270. Villars, R. L., Olofson, C. W., & Eastwood, M. (2011). Big data: What it is and why you should care. impact of technology on our lives, how does technology impact our lives, how has technology impacted our lives White Paper, IDC. Order your paper at - Let our academic writing experts help you write a custom paper on a topic of your choice now within the shortest time possible. We are the most affordable writing service online- Click on the order now button for an instant quote. We guarantee 100% authenticity of all papers written by us. Boost your grades with our expert writing services. 0 Replies to “Change In Technology Essay”
Cant Plan Fowlshatch cant map master A Cant is an area of woodland that can be identified and managed to create a productive woodland. At Fowlshatch Copse, we have created 3 Cants each of hich is divided furhter into a, b and c sub-cants. The idea is that each area is managable enough for a particular task. More detailed plans can be found in the woodland plan. Cant 1 is the southernmost cant in the woodland and covers the area adjacent to Prestwick lane, down into the dip created by the drainage ditch, and back up to roughly the top of the slope at the edge of Cant 2. Cant 1a is the southwest and cant 1b the northeast sections, with cant 1c running along the lane baoundary, roughly marked by an ancient wide dip and mound earthwork. We are creating a dead-hedge on the top of the mound to emphasise this interesting feature. Cant 2 is the middle section of the woodland, planted with conifers. It is a level area with undulations possibly caised by ironstone mining in the distant past. Cant 2a is at the western edge, Cant 2b is the central section, and cant 2c is the eastern area. The northern edge of this cant is the top of the steep slope that runs down to the river onthe northern boundary. Cant 3 is the northern section of the woodland. It is bounded by the top of the slope to the south, and the river to the north. It is split into 3a, wet, damp ground near the river, cant 3b, dry ground on the slope, and a corner area to the north east of the plot, cant 3c. We use these references in the task plan Add a Comment
Monday, December 9, 2013 What is ART worth? What is ART worth? What is anything worth for that matter? From an economic perspective, it is a question of supply and demand. Any object is worth what someone will pay for it. So, what are you willing to pay for a piece of art? Think about da Vinci’s “Mona Lisa,” local artists’ pieces, and even your OWN art work. How do assign value to these? What are they worth? From an artist’s perspective, a painting may be as valuable as his ear (Van Gogh) or even as much as life itself. An artist never feels like he is finished with a piece of art. As Leonardo da Vinci said, "art is never completed, only abandoned." In a sense, a painter leaves a part of himself in every piece. A vision. A creation. An interpretation. Every line is valuable. Every color represents a temperature that sparks the fire. Every mark means something. Even the marks that do not make the canvas but that were brought to the front of mind occasionally; the ones that were thought to be paired with another; THE mark that made the entire piece; or even those that were stifled or instantly regretted and covered, all of these create the piece. As such, a painting is a rare glimpse into an artist’s mind. Without this expression of thought, life might be unimaginable. Some artists use the most traditional of tools, while others find art even in their instruments. We know of local artists that turn garbage into art. Thomas Crouch found construction blue prints in the trash, turned them into the canvas, and created fascinating images of crows. "Congregation" by Thomas Crouch ( Others create art on tin. Some take minutes to create. Some take days or even years. How much of the artist are you getting in each piece? What parts do you enjoy? Respect? Admire? Envy? Crave to experience? Art can "move" one person and be considered good art. A toddler’s art is priceless to his mother. It can move lots of people and be considered great. The meaning and value, however, will be different for every viewer. The next time you consider the value of art, remember that you are getting a glimpse at the artist himself, and think about the meaning you draw from it. If a piece moves you, it has value. Express your inner artist! Find your perspective and be confident in what you enjoy about art. Pick up a brush and proceed with reckless abandon. The experience is invaluable. Paint your day! No comments: Post a Comment
Exploratory research definition by authors research Meaning in the Cambridge English Dictionary In summary the purposes of case study research may be exploratory.A narrow local market means the margin for error is greater than in centers of higher population.Various authors of case study methods discuss and demonstrate. Living in a town with a small population presents a unique challenge to entrepreneurs.Exploratory Testing Defined. substantially satisfies the definition,.Consider a survey that asks customers to rate their satisfaction with a hotel on a scale of 0-10.Qualitative research is often used as a method of exploratory research as a basis. Understanding Research Philosophy Why Is It Important It is intended that the additional pilot data generated by these exploratory grants,. This is why it is essential to create research objectives before you jump into your survey design.Avoiding bias can be a bit more challenging because there are so many different types.The different ways organizations use descriptive research is almost limitless.BEHAVIOR OF HEDONIC AND COGNITIVE CONSUMERS. which the authors felt needed additional research. Market Research Definition \| Investopedia For example, a retail store that discovers that the majority of its customers browse sale items online before visiting the store would give it insight on where it should focus its advertising team.SOME NOTES TO ORIENT YOU Research Purpose. exploratory research is broad in focus and rarely provides definite answers to. Three Approaches to Qualitative Content Analysis What is exploratory research - Answers.com Examining Collegiality and Social Justice in Academia and Free Essays on Exploratory Research. As the definition of the exploratory research design is to gain better. including instructions for authors and. Exploratory research and it's methods - MBA Knowledge Base 10 - SAGE Publications Inc Descriptive research does not fit neatly into the definition of either.So we learned how exploratory research works to give your survey and. Essay on Definition of Population - 257 Words - StudyMode Exploratory research is a less structured option and functions by asking more.We already know that going into the survey design phase with research goals is critical, but how do we know that our research plan will provide fruitful information. Prior to the launch of any new product, companies engage in exhaustively thorough market research in order to gauge its probability of success.They could divide their research objectives based different aspects of their site, like navigation, quality of information, and aesthetics. Designing a Qualitative Study - corwin.com Advantages Disadvantages Exploratory Research Case Analyses. 1. Exploratory Data Analysis - Detailed Table of Contents [1.] We had a lot of exploratory research going on and it made us all really happy knowing we were making ourselves more unique. Exploratory Research The Purpose of Exploratory Research: Good Research Questions Years ago, before the advent of CAT scanners and other noninvasive medical.You can reach our friendly support team by logging into our helpcenter here.But a small town presents a great opportunity to form strong. The Purpose of Exploratory Research Essay - 5478 Words Quota Sampling Effectively -How to get a Representative Sample for Your Online Surveys - February 19, 2015.Robert A Stebbins takes the reader through the process of exploratory.Survey Design, Collecting Data, Research Design, Best Practices, Response Analysis.For example, the company can statistically identify the difference in opinion between genders and age.In the same survey they may ask various demographic questions like age, gender, income, etc. Exploratory Research - Free Case Study Solution & Analysis The research is meant to provide details where a small amount of information exists.Though causal research is similar to descriptive research in the sense that both gather quantifiable information, it also differs in several major ways.Exploratory research is a type of research conducted for a problem that has.Exploratory Research:. types of research in marketing research project (Exploratory,. of bibliographies given by other authors. b. Research is a key feature. What is data analysis? definition and meaning Descriptive Research: Defining Your Respondents and Drawing Conclusions. Descriptive research is conclusive in nature, as opposed to exploratory.Exploratory Research Design: Qualitative Research Chapter Outline A Classification of Marketing Research Data Qualitative Vs.But another common use of descriptive research would be the surveying of demographical traits in a certain group (age, income, marital status, gender, etc.). This information could then be studied at face value, measuring trends over time, or for more advanced data analysis like drawing correlations, segmentation, benchmarking and other statistical techniques.This allows the hotel to effectively measure the progress it is making with customer satisfaction over time, as well as measure the effects of new initiatives and processes.
What is the difference between relative and numerical age dating Today, many Christians, including many leaders and scholars, think they can.From my reading and interaction with old-earth creationists of all varieties in 25 countries over the last 35 years, I think one reason many of them think they can harmonize the two is that they have not paid very careful attention to the relevant biblical texts.But those who hold to the Framework view claim there is a different kind of parallelism in Genesis 1 that should lead us to conclude that Genesis 1 is not straightforward history.They say that days 1–3 describe the created space and days 4–6 discuss the creatures that fill those spaces, where day 1 is linked to day 4, day 2 to day 5, and day 3 to day 6.And they all knew the difference between truth and myth.26 Jesus referred to Genesis more than any other book, and the Gospels record Him saying “it is written” 30 times and “have you not read?” 11 times in reference to all three divisions of the OT: the Law (Pentateuch), Prophets, and Psalms (e.g., ).The early chapters of Genesis are not poetry,21 a series of parables or prophetic visions, or mythology.The chapters recount God’s acts in time-space history: acts of creation, providence, and redemption. The heavenly bodies made on day 4 were placed in the expanse, which was made on day 2 (not day 1).They have just assumed that the scientists have proven the age of the creation to be billions of years and the age of mankind to be many tens or hundreds of thousands of years.They often recite the mantra that “the Bible is not a science textbook” (thereby confusing the vital difference between origin science and operation science, as discussed in this book’s introduction).There are many more serious exegetical problems with the framework view.23 Third, Genesis 1–11 has the same characteristics of historical narrative as Genesis 12–50, most of Exodus, much of Numbers, Joshua, 1 and 2 Kings, etc.Genesis 1–11 describes real people by name, real events in their lives, real places and geographical areas by name,24 real times (days, months, years25), etc. Leave a Reply
Quantum Gravity and String Theory Mathematical Nature of Reality, Plus Gravitation-Electromagnetism Unification, Derived from Revised Gravitational Tidal Forces and Mass-from-Gravity Concept Authors: Rodney Bartlett This article had its beginning with Einstein's 1919 paper "Do gravitational fields play an essential role in the structure of elementary particles?" Together with General Relativity's statement that gravity is not a pull but is a push caused by the curvature of space-time, a hypothesis for Earth's ocean tides was developed that does not solely depend on the Sun and Moon as Kepler and Newton believed. It also borrows from Galileo. The breakup of planets and asteroids by white dwarfs, neutron stars or black holes is popularly ascribed by today's science to tidal forces (gravitation emanating from the stellar body and having a greater effect on the near side of a planet/asteroid than the farthest side). Remembering Einstein's 1919 paper, it was apparent that my revised idea of tidal forces improves on current accounts because it views matter and mass as unified with space-time whose curvature is gravitation. Unification is a necessity for modern science's developing view of one united and entangled universe – expressed in the Unified Field Theory, the Theory of Everything, String theory and Loop Quantum Gravity. The writing of this article was also assisted by visualizing the gravitational fields forming space-time being themselves formed by a multitude of weak and presently undetectable gravitational waves. The final part of this article concludes that the section BITS AND TOPOLOGY will lead to the conclusions in ETERNAL LIFE, WORLD PEACE AND PHYSICS' UNIFICATION. The final part also compares cosmology to biological enzymes and biology's substrate of reacting "chemicals" - using virtual particles, hidden variables, gravitation, electromagnetism, electronics’ binary digits, plus topology’s Mobius strip and figure-8 Klein bottle. The product is mass - enzyme, substrate and product are all considered mathematical in nature. Also, gravitation and electromagnetism are united using logic and topology – showing there’s no need in this article for things like mathematical formalism, field equations or tensor calculus. Keywords - Gravitational Tidal Forces, Mass-from-Gravity, Breakup of Celestial Bodies, Earth's Ocean Tides, Universe's Big Bang, Cosmic Inflation, Eternal Life, World Peace, Matter, Mass, Mathematical Reality, Gravitational-Electromagnetic Unification, Large-scale Extra Dimensions, Evolution, Virtual Reality, Augmented Reality, Special Relativity Comments: 33 Pages. CITE - https://doi.org/10.6084/m9.figshare.6678350.v2 Download: PDF Submission history [v1] 2018-07-09 01:24:51 Unique-IP document downloads: 23 times Add your own feedback and questions here: comments powered by Disqus
A 452-Year-Old Shipwreck Was Found Off The Florida Coast – And It’s Led To An International Feud - Recently, a new underwater discovery in Florida waters has one private American company and the French up in arms as they try to fight for the rights to an ancient wreckage. The wreckage is worth millions so both parties are desperately fighting to legally obtain it. But as the legal battle continues, many facts have surfaced that cause much confusion surrounding the rightful owner. In 2016, the Global Marine Exploration discovered something on the coast of Florida; the remains of a 16th-century ship, and now they are caught in an international feud which is both complex and hazardous. What makes the situation complex is that the remnants could be either French or Spanish, so it’s not really known who they belong to. For a little context, it’s important to know that the French and the Spanish were colonial rivals and Florida was the first territory in the United States of America mainland, which was visited by Europeans. The first European man in Florida was a Spanish conquistador (a conqueror). He was charmed by the land he discovered in 1513 and called it La Florida meaning land of flowers. So does the wreckage belong to the Spanish? The Spanish made two settlement attempts, one they named Pensacola, and the other St. Augustine. By 1559 Pensacola was deserted and in 1565, St. Augustine was founded. St. Augustine is the longest surviving European settlement on American soil. The French also wanted to colonize Florida and they named their new territory Huguenots. Rene Goulane de Laudonniere arrived in modern-day Jacksonville, Florida, in 1564, naming it Fort Caroline. This was a year before St. Augustine, prompting people to believe the ship was French. There were initially only 200 French settlers at Fort Caroline then with a fleet of 4 ships, came more settlers and soldiers led by the French explorer Jean Ribault. Unfortunately, they did not know that the Spanish governor was on his way. The Spanish governor ordered the French Fort to be destroyed and so the two camps went to battle on the sea. After a while of battling the Spanish retreated to land and the French were unlucky to be sunken by a storm with their ships. The French leader and his men met a gruesome death when they were found as survivors. The demise of the French in battle ended their attempts to settle in Florida. The story of the battle reveals the legal complexities of the situation the Global Marine Exploration is facing. Do the remains belong to the French or to the Spanish? Is it even possible to know who those remains belong to? Perhaps going through what the Global Marine Exploration found will give clues as to who the remnants belong to. They found a bronze cannon with a fleur-de-lis mark which is a French symbol. They also found a highly decorated brass cannon worth an excess of $1 million dollars. The value of the cannons changes every time the wind blows because of the sand exposure, so they needed to work fast. They also found a monument that is made from marble which sports the French King’s coat of arms. It is one of the earliest artifacts of European origin discovered in the New World. It is like the monument Jean Ribault planted in St. Johns River as a symbol of France’s claim over Florida, very similar in design. The last remnants that were found scattered across a 14-mile wide area were 12 anchors, 19 iron cannons, pieces of ballast ammunition, and a stone grinding wheel. The French feel that their history is being taken away by an American private company in the name of exploration and so they are ready to go to legal war with them to get back what is theirs. The Global Marine Exploration had received permission to explore this area. After doing all the hard work they were anxious to reap the benefits of salvaging the objects. We see now that they had reason so be anxious even though at the time, they didn’t know that the French would be coming after them and their findings. In November 2016, the French claimed the underwater valuables, citing the United states Sunken Military Craft Act which says that a wreck belongs to the country that the ships sailed from even when discovered hundreds of years later. The French were claiming that even though the Global Marine Exploration found the remnants, they had absolutely no claim to them. This is a new war, a 21st-century war; France versus the Global Marine Exploration. The French maintain that the vessels belong to them and they can’t be written off just because they sunk. Global Marine Exploration, however, maintains that they found the vessels and will fight France until they win what is theirs. The French are supported by authorities in Florida as the authorities are alleging that the Global Marine Exploration was reckless and irresponsible with the permits they were granted. The Global Marine Exploration of course denies any of these allegations. GME argues that the ship could be French, Spanish, or even an English merchant ship. They maintain that the French items identified could have been stolen by the Spanish. So what’s the ruling? If the ship is said to be a merchant boat then Global Marine Exploration is entitled to 80% of the value of the artifacts. If the ships is said to be French then Global Marine Exploration is not entitled to any amount. So the last question is, where are the Spanish and why aren’t they fighting for their share? You Should Sign Up For My Newsletter. We respect your privacy.
One of the most energy-efficient office buildings in the world is about to open in Golden. It's on the campus of the National Renewable Energy Laboratory or NREL. It can heat and cool itself without using much electricity at all. Computers will shut down themselves when they're not in use. And because of things like solar panels and wind turbines, NREL expects it to produce more energy than it uses. Another of the building's green features comes from a Denver start-up. Ravenbrick LLC is all about making windows smarter. It's developed a film which acts a lot like eye glasses that darken or lighten depending on the sun. Smart windows have been around for about 20 years, but they've always needed electricity to alternate from clear to tinted. The company estimates the technology will reduce a building's energy needs by 30 to 40 percent. Wil McCarthy is the co-inventor and speaks with Ryan Warner.
Gastropods, more commonly known as snails, have thrived in the sea for more than 500 million years. Several hundred million years ago they also moved into fresh water of lakes and rivers, and even onto land. They are still very common today, as any gardener will tell you. Most gastropods are herbivorous but some became adapted to prey on other animals, even evolving poison darts and sophisticated ways of drilling through the shells of hapless bivalves. In Northern Ireland gastropods are not uncommon fossils in Carboniferous, Jurassic and Cretaceous rocks, but they are also common in Ordovician rocks in the Pomeroy area of Co. Tyrone. However, in these older rocks the superficially similar brachiopods generally are more common. Ordovician gastropods Carboniferous gastropods Jurassic gastropods Cretaceous gastropods More gastropods will be added to this page in the near future. Home ]
Coloured TEM of a human B-lymphocyte blood cell Coloured TEM of a human B-lymphocyte blood cell P248/0199 Rights Managed Request low-res file 530 pixels on longest edge, unwatermarked Request/Download high-res file Uncompressed file size: 39.9MB Downloadable file size: 4.9MB Price image Pricing Please login to use the price calculator Caption: B-lymphocyte. Coloured transmission electron micrograph (TEM) of a section through a human B- lymphocyte, a type of white blood cell involved in the body's immune response. The nucleus is green. In the blue cytoplasm, red oval areas are mitochondria which provide the cell with energy. There are 2 main types of lymphocyte: B- cells and T-cells. B-cells are made in the bone marrow and provide an immune response by secreting antibodies. T-cells are derived from the thymus gland and give rise to a cell-mediated response, by physically destroying pathogens (as killer T- cells) and by summoning killer macrophages. Magnification: x8,000 at 6x7cm size. Magnification: x27,300 at 10x8 inch size. Keywords: anatomy, b, b-cell, b-lymphocyte, blood cell, cell, cell structure, cells, human body, immune, leucocyte, leukocyte, lymphocyte, nucleus, white, white blood cell
Journal Articles Integrating Genomic Data Sets for Knowledge Discovery: An Informed Approach to Management of Captive Endangered Species. Kristopher J L Irizarry, Doug Bryant, Jordan Kalish, Curtis Eng, Peggy L Schmidt, Gini Barrett, Margaret C Barr in 2016 Cited Count Natural Sciences > Genetics Genetics, QH426-470 Many endangered captive populations exhibit reduced genetic diversity resulting in health issues that impact reproductive fitness and quality of life. Numerous cost effective genomic sequencing and genotyping technologies provide unparalleled opportunity for incorporating genomics knowledge in management of endangered species. Genomic data, such as sequence data, transcriptome data, and genotyping data, provide critical information about a captive population that, when leveraged correctly, can be utilized to maximize population genetic variation while simultaneously reducing unintended introduction or propagation of undesirable phenotypes. Current approaches aimed at managing endangered captive populations utilize species survival plans (SSPs) that rely upon mean kinship estimates to maximize genetic diversity while simultaneously avoiding artificial selection in the breeding program. However, as genomic resources increase for each endangered species, the potential knowledge available for management also increases. Unlike model organisms in which considerable scientific resources are used to experimentally validate genotype-phenotype relationships, endangered species typically lack the necessary sample sizes and economic resources required for such studies. Even so, in the absence of experimentally verified genetic discoveries, genomics data still provides value. In fact, bioinformatics and comparative genomics approaches offer mechanisms for translating these raw genomics data sets into integrated knowledge that enable an informed approach to endangered species management. No relevant information is available view options Top Journals Cited
Thursday, June 28, 2018 Are You Seeding Baby's Microbiome? We are not just single individuals roaming the planet, but we are walking, talking Ecosystems. Like the Earth, the human body too has many varied environments, each with a unique set of living conditions and factors, that influences and determines - Life. These environments within our body, are filled with different microbes, bacteria, viruses. They reside in our gut, ears, tongue, hands, hair, everywhere, in our kidneys and brains, and outside on our bodies too. They live as microbial colonies, just as communities of plants, insects and animals do. Microbes interact with each other, within these communities, and respond to their surroundings. They coordinate and perform many functions within our body, from digestion to thinking! And, Just like Earth's many creatures, our microbial populations too, shift with the winds,travel, and seasons. When environment and lifestyle factors change, they adapt, respond and have the power to overtake systems. The micro organisms in a particular environment, including a part or parts of our body, are collectively known as the Microbiome. The Human Microbiome is really all of our microbes' genes. They can be considered as a counterpart to the human genome, which means all of our genes. Genes in the Microbiome, far outweigh the genes in our genome by 100 to 1! We are only 1% Human, the rest we outsource to microbes. 90% of the cells in our bodies are microbes. We acquire ours from the environment at birth. As we grow, our microbial profiles grow and change along with us. The human microbiome is a very delicately and finely balanced ecosystem of different kinds of microorganisms. We have about 1000 species of bacteria in our gut, 700 in our mouth and 700 on our skin. This diversity keeps the microbiome and its owner healthy. As the foetus slowly grows in the womb, it develops in a near-sterile environment, relying on its mother for protection. The moment the baby encounters the world, and emerges, microbes colonise their bodies. Depending on how and where we are born, we are colonised by different types of microbes. The first dose of microbes comes from the mother. Babies delivered naturally, are covered in a film of microbes as they pass through the birth canal. The birth canal is chock full of bacteria. During that journey, a new baby gets completely covered with bacteria, giving it a brand new Microbiome. In this mix are even bacteria that help babies to digest their first meal. This first entry of microbes is very crucial in kickstarting our immune system and protecting us from diseases. Babies who are born at home finder it easier to work with rather than against the outside bacteria. They are stronger, less colicky and irritable, and sleep well at night. The remarkable natural process of priming the baby with the right bacteria ultimately impacts the child's immunity. This is how bacterial populations are passed from one generation to the next. It continues a chain of maternal heritage and ancestry for thousands of generations, especially when breastfed and born naturally. A child's microbiome and all the trillions of micro organisms, that live on and in the child, will resemble not only the mother's, but also the great-great grandmother's! This is the beginning of an incredible relationship and process to create the child’s bacterial diversity. No comments:
(redirected from Noma pudendi) Also found in: Dictionary, Thesaurus, Medical. Spreading gangrene beginning in a mucous membrane; considered to be a malignant form of infection by fusospirochetal organisms. Also known as gangrenous stomatitis. a disease whose clinical picture resembles that of progressive moist gangrene. Noma usually develops in undernourished persons during or after an infectious disease, for example, measles, dysentry, typhus, malaria, or leishmaniasis. Its occurrence is particularly common during large-scale disasters, such as wars and crop failures. Children between the ages of two and six are the most susceptible. Noma usually affects the facial tissues and the mucous membranes of the mouth; sometimes other areas are affected, including the genitalia and the rectum. The cause of the disease has not been conclusively determined, although it is known that no malignant neoplasm is involved. Noma is treated with antibiotics, antigangrene serum, and blood transfusions, in conjunction with a balanced diet that includes multiple vitamins.
New Cholesterol Guidelines Michael White, professor and department head from the University of Connecticut School of Pharmacy, talks about the new guidelines for cholesterol released last week by the American Heart Association and the American College of Cardiology. Here are some questions about the guidelines with answers provided by White: What is a clinical guideline and how does it impact patient care in the country? Being a primary care provider is very challenging. There is so much information that you need to know and even if all you did was read studies, you still wouldn’t know everything. So major specialty organizations like the American Heart Association and American College of Cardiology bring together the world’s experts and make evidence-based recommendations that primary care providers can then use with confidence. What are the big things that are changing in this guideline versus previous guidelines? There are four big changes: Number 1: diet and exercise is paramount. Number 2: Instead of trying to achieve a certain cholesterol number, like an LDL (what is known as bad cholesterol) below 100mg/dL, they now use your baseline LDL and your risk of having a cardiovascular event like a heart attack or stroke over the next 10 years to determine the intensity of therapy you need. They don’t specify the final target LDL level you end up with. Number 3: Statins like Lipitor, Crestor and Zocor are now king and they want you to use doses of these drugs that reduce cholesterol by 30 to 50 percent for those at moderate risk or in doses that reduce cholesterol by over 50 percent in those at higher risk. So they are emphasizing higher intensity statin therapy for most people and to rely less on combination therapy than previously. And Number 4, for people over the age of 75 years, clinicians and patients are told to decide together whether the benefits are worth the risks of starting a statin. Why are there such big changes in these guidelines? Many of the recommendations in the previous guideline were made with preliminary studies or by consensus rather than by solidly conducted large clinical trials. Since 2002 there have been many large, multicenter, clinical trials with tens of thousands of patients being treated over several years that found that statins work better than other cholesterol reducers, that higher doses of statins work better than lower doses, but that adding other therapies to high dose statins reduced cholesterol more but provides little to no additional benefits in terms of heart attacks and strokes. However, they understand that many people can tolerate lower doses of statin but might not be able to tolerate the new higher recommended doses due to muscle aches or weakness. In them, combination therapy with a statin and nonstatin together could still be useful. If you are over 75 years of age, is it OK not to start statins or to stop them? A 90-year-old with no heart disease might not need to be on an expensive drug that can cause side effects or someone with advanced Alzheimer’s or untreatable cancer don’t need a drug to reduce cholesterol. If you have cardiovascular disease and a reasonable longevity, I would suspect that after a discussion of the benefits and risks that most people will decide to take statins. However, this stops payers like Medicare from penalizing physicians who decide to stop therapy where it is no longer beneficial. Leave a Reply You are commenting using your account. Log Out / Change ) Google+ photo Twitter picture Facebook photo Connecting to %s
Evaluating, Doing and Writing Research in Psychology is a thoroughly revised and expanded co-edition of the highly regarded Reasoning and Argument in Psychology, originally published by UNSW Press, Australia. It represents a comprehensive textbook for all undergraduates in psychology who need to undertake empirical research, taking them step-by-step through the process. In particular, it offers the a range of study skills enabling the student to understand the complex processes involved with psychological research, not really covered in other texts. Coverage includes: * A guide to evaluating statements, arguments and a range of different psychological explanations * Chapters on the interpretation and evaluation of data and evidence, understanding weaknesses in psychological argument, and measurement and numerical reasoning * Chapters on doing a literature review, writing up essays and projects, and reporting observational studies. This is a practical textbook. Textboxes are included to help students comprehend jargon, key research terms and likely problem areas in psychological research.At the end of each chapter, summaries, questions and exercises are included - all designed to give students extra clarification of issues and to help with their overall understanding. Plenty of new examples have been added from the previous edition and exercises are more clearly focused.
Skip to Content Useful Links and Websites Featuring a different image or photograph of our fascinating universe each day, along with a brief explanation written by a professional astronomer. Overview of impact craters, their formation, morphology and subsequent modification by the Hawai’i Institute of Geophysics and Planetology. Lunar and Planetary Institute "Activity at a Glance" lesson including background information and ideas for fun classroom activities. Slide show describing how NASA scientists at Johnson Space Center collect, preserve and study meteorites. Comets and meteors have been raining debris on Earth for billions of years, and scientists think they just may be the vehicles that carried the "stuff of life" to the planet. Information on meteorites and meteorwrongs from the Utah Geological Survey.
Hasya and Hinduism: laughing at (and with) the gods Humor in South Asian literature Humanization of the gods in Sanskrit muktakas In Sanskrit poetry, muktakas are defined as one-stanza poems which stand on their own and are not part of longer narratives. The following muktaka comes from a 12th-century anthology, the “Treasury of Well-Turned Verses” (Subhāṣitaratnakoṣa) compiled by Vidyākara, a Buddhist monk who lived in what is now northern Bangladesh. Vidyākara attributes this poem to Bhāsa, one of the earliest known Sanskrit playwrights (3rd-4th centuries CE); it would have been recited at the beginning of one of his plays. yuktaṃ mānada mām ananya-manasaṃ vakṣaḥ-sthala-sthāyinīṃ bhaktām apy avadhūya kartum adhunā kāntā-sahasraṃ tava ity uktvā phaṇabhṛt-phaṇāmaṇi-gatāṃ svām eva mantvā tanuṃ nidrā-cchedakaraṃ harer avatu vo lakṣmyā vilakṣa-smitam “That’s good, I must say, husband, when I think of only you and cling to you and love you, to cast me off and take a thousand other loves!” Thus Lakṣmī cried, seeing her body multiplied in the serpent’s jeweled hood. May her ensuing laugh, embarrassed at her error and breaking her husband’s sleep, so prove your aid. (Subhāṣitaratnakoṣa 6.35, translated by Daniel H. H. Ingalls) The setting of this muktaka is the classic image of Viṣṇu reclining on the coils of the serpent Ādiśeṣa, who floats upon the surface of the cosmic ocean. Lakṣmī, goddess of prosperity and Viṣṇu’s wife, is pictured as massaging her husband’s feet while he rests in a deep slumber. Ādiśeṣa is traditionally depicted with a thousand heads, and a common trope in Indic mythology and literature is that cobras carry a jewel in their hoods. This poem depicts a moment when Lakṣmī glances upon her reflection in the thousand jewels of Ādiśeṣa’s hoods. She mistakes her reflection to be that of a thousand other women, and is suddenly overcome with jealousy; she angrily cries out that Viṣṇu has “cast [her] off and [taken] a thousand other loves,” even though she is wholly devoted to him. Just as quickly, Lakṣmī realizes she is simply staring at her own reflection, and laughs out of embarrassment, accidentally waking up her husband out of his cosmic slumber in the process. Bhāsa ends this poem—which is a prayer to Lakṣmī herself—by saying, “May her ensuing laugh … so prove your aid.” Just as the Nātyaśāstra described incongruity as the essence of humor, it is incongruity that makes this poem funny: the depiction of Lakṣmī, a goddess, as a jealous wife who makes an embarrassing mistake. This type of poem is described by Lee Siegel as “The Sacred Sit-Com,” in which “the gods take part in a domestic comedy” (Siegel 393). Jealousy and embarrassment are part of every human relationship, and using these emotions to paint a vignette of Viṣṇu and Lakṣmī’s married life humanizes Lakṣmī to anyone who reads or hears this poem. In addition, Lakṣmī’s sarcastic exclamation to her sleeping husband that “That’s good, I must say, husband … to cast me off and take a thousand other loves” is reminiscent of stories about Viṣṇu’s incarnation Kṛṣṇa and the jealous gopīs of Vṛndāvan. Although Rādha didn’t become a popular figure until many centuries after Bhāsa, there are many poems and songs in which she expresses a similar frustration with Kṛṣṇa’s unfaithfulness. A similar element of “mistaken-reflection” humor can also be found in the epic Mahābhārata, when Draupadi laughs at Duryodhana’s clumsiness in a hall of illusions (māya-sabha), as he accidentally falls into a reflective pond decorated to look like part of the hall’s floor. Even if the poet did not originally intend for the audience to make these connections, they certainly enhance the humor and depth of this poem. Another muktaka from the Subhāṣitaratnakoṣa humanizes the gods through the lens of family life rather than marital issues. The subjects here are the divine couple of Śiva and Pārvati and their younger son Guha (also called Kārttikēya or Murugan). mātar jīva kim etad añjalipuṭe tātena gopāyitaṃ vatsa svādu phalaṃ prayacchati na me gatvā gṛhāṇa svayam mātraivaṃ prahite guhe vighaṭayaty ākṛṣya saṃdhyāñjaliṃ śambho bhagnasamādhiruddharabhaso hāsodgamaḥ pātu vaḥ “Mommy, tell me, what is that in the palm of Daddy’s hand?” “That’s jujube fruit, my little darling.” “He won’t give it to me!” When his mother said, “Go and get it,” Little Guha forced open the hands clasped in twilight meditation; Śiva’s trance was broken, thoughts were interrupted, and he laughed. May the burst of his laughter protect you! (Saduktikarṇāmṛta 1.8.3; Subhāṣitaratnakoṣa 4.30, translated by Lee Siegel) Śiva and Pārvati’s family lives on Mount Kailāsa in the Himālaya mountains. While Śiva is deep in meditation with his palms clasped together in the añjali mudra, the young Guha innocently asks his mother, “What is that in the palm of Daddy’s hand?” Pārvati ostensibly knows that Śiva is not holding anything in his hands, but she indulges her son’s question and tells him his father is holding a tasty fruit. When Guha complains that his father will not give him the alleged fruit, his mother playfully tells her impatient son to go take it himself. However, when Guha pries open Śiva’s hands, there is no treat hidden inside. Śiva is distracted out of his meditation, and he simply laughs at his young son’s curiosity and boldness. This muktaka‘s humor isn’t based on mockery or satire. Rather, in four short lines, the poet paints an charming family scene. This poem humanizes Śiva’s family through the ways it describes each family member’s personalities: Guha’s inquisitive and bold nature (fitting, as he is the military general of the gods), and Śiva and Pārvati’s parental indulgence of their son’s curiosity. Śiva, who is famous for his short temper, is depicted here as a doting father; when Guha interrupts his meditation, Śiva is simply amused, not angry. Popular depiction of Shiva and Parvati’s family. Source Guha’s quest for the fruit in his father’s hand might also remind a south Asian audience of a popular Puranic story about the monkey god Hanumān. As a child, Hanumān chased after the sun after mistaking it for a giant mango, sending the cosmos into a panic. It was this incident, and Indra’s violent response to Hanumān’s childish curiosity, that gave him his name: hanumantā means “disfigured/prominent jaw” in Sanskrit. Interestingly, the poet does not use grandiose epithets to describe any of the figures in the poem; Śiva is Śambhu (“the kind one”), Pārvati is simply “mother” (mātar), and Guha is referred to by his name. Śiva could easily be described as candraśekhara, “he who bears the moon on his head,” Pārvati could be described as jaganmāta, “mother of the world”, and so on. The poet’s conscious decision to avoid these embellishments allows the audience to easily project human emotions onto these divine beings. Similarly to the previous poem, this one also ends in a prayer, this time to Śiva: “May the burst of his laughter protect you!” It’s interesting to note that in these poems, the audience aren’t the only ones laughing; the gods themselves laugh at the humor of their situations. In both muktakas, it is the gods’ own experience of hāsya— Lakṣmī’s embarrassed laughter, Śiva’s amusement at his son’s curiosity—that the poet prays to for protection. This focus on the laughter of the gods as a positive, benign force is quite interesting. The ability to laugh at oneself is a very human trait, and when applied to the Hindu gods and goddesses, it humanizes them in the eyes of a devotee. Satire in Telugu nindā-stutis In contrast to Sanskrit muktakas, which end with the gods laughing at themselves, the genre of nindā-stuti revolves around the devotee laughing at and making fun of the god. The Sanskrit compound nindā-stuti means “blame-praise”, or more eloquently, a “song of praise by way of sarcasm” (Jackson 367). Nindā-stutis are defined by their cheeky, irreverent tone rather than by their form; they exist in many languages and in various formats. Some connect nindā-stuti to the conventions of “śleṣa-kāvya, literary composition laden with double entendre” in which “apparent insults actually represent great compliments,” as well as dveṣa-bhakti, “devotion expressed through hatred and enmity” (Khanna 205, Doniger O’Flaherty 73). The “familiarity and humorous disrespect” of nindā-stuti lends itself naturally to compositions for music, drama, and dance, and as William Jackson points out, it is in south India, particularly in medieval Telugu and Tamil literature, that the genre was most fully explored (Jackson 367). Nindā-stuti compositions are still a popular component of the repertoire for south Indian music and dance, for example. According to Velcheru Narayana Rao and David Shulman, the śatakamu (also śataka) makes up the largest genre in Telugu literature. Śatakas are made up of around one hundred verses addressed to a particular subject, ranging from a deity, guru, friend, courtesan, to even a beloved pet. While earlier śatakas were mostly devotional in nature, the flexibility of the genre allowed it to become a vehicle for “deep personal feeling, social criticism, political satire, jokes, curses, and so on” (Narayana Rao 245). The following stanza comes from the Āndhra-nāyaka-śatakamu, dedicated to the form of Viṣṇu worshiped at the Srikakulandhra Mahavishnu temple in Andhra Pradesh’s Krishna district. The poem was composed by Kāsula Puruṣottama Kavi, a poet at the zamindar estate of Challapalli in the same district as the temple, who lived during the late 18th and early 19th centuries. ālu nirvāhakurālu bhūdēvi yai yakhilabhārakun̆ ḍanunākhan̆ decce niṣṭasaṁpannurā liṁdira bhārya yai kāmitārthadun̆ ḍanna ghanatan̆ deccen̆ gamalagarbuṅḍu sṛṣṭikarta tanūjun̆ḍai bahukuṭumbakun̆ ḍanna balimin̆deccen̆ galuṣa vidhvaṁsini gaṅga kumāri yai batita pāvanun̆ ḍanna pratibhan̆ decce āṅḍrubiḍḍalu deccu prakhyātilēvi modaṭinuṅḍiyu nīvu dāmōdarun̆ḍave citra citra prabhāva, dākṣiṇyabhāva, hata vimatajīva, śrīkākuḷāndhradēva! Your wife, the Earth, is the stable one. Because of her, they say you can bear anything. Your other wife, Goddess of Wealth, gives what people want. Because of her, people say you are generous. Brahma, who creates the world, is born out of you. That’s why people think you’re a big family man. The Ganges, who washes away evil, is your daughter. She’s made you into someone who redeems the fallen. It’s your wives and children who bring you fame. In yourself, god of many miracles, from the beginning you’re a good-for-nothing. (Āndhra-nāyaka-śatakamu stanza 26, translated by Velcheru Narayana Rao and David Shulman) According to Puruṣottama Kavi, the powers of Viṣṇu’s wives Bhūdevi (the earth) and Lakṣmī (goddess of prosperity) are what allow people to praise him as capable of bearing any hardship and as being generous. Brahma, the creator god, is born out of a lotus that emerged from Viṣṇu’s navel, so in a way he is Viṣṇu’s “son.” Devotees may praise Viṣṇu as a “big family man,” but it is actually Brahma who is sṛṣṭikarta, the one who creates everyone and everything in the universe. Finally, the Ganges river is said to be the daughter of Brahma, having emerged from his water-pot. Thus, the goddess Gaṅga, whose purifying waters “[wash] away evil”, is another child (or grand-child) of Viṣṇu. It is simply the combined power and glory of his “wives and children” that makes Viṣṇu famous; he himself is a “good-for-nothing.” Where does the humor in this nindā-stuti come from? In his deconstruction of the deity’s power and glory, the poet speaks in a cheeky, irreverent tone. The “punch-line” of this poem is the phrase “In yourself … from the beginning you’re a good-for-nothing.” Narayana Rao and Shulman note that in colloquial Telugu, dāmōdara means a “good-for-nothing” in addition to being a name for Viṣṇu. This clever pun adds another dimension to the poem, building on its “tone of taunting and upbraiding the deity” (Narayana Rao 248). For all its humor and sarcasm, this poem does not necessarily humanize Viṣṇu or indeed any of the other deities mentioned. Here, they are not portrayed with human emotions in the same way one would see in a Sanskrit muktaka. Puruṣottamakavi uses fairly typical epithets to describe the gods and goddesses—“one who redeems the fallen” (batita pāvanun̆) and “one who fulfills desires” (kāmitārtha)as he deconstructs Viṣṇu’s glory while simultaneously maintaining his status as a deity. By the end of the poem, Viṣṇu’s status as a god hasn’t changed, and the refrain reminds the reader that he is āndhradēva, “God of Andhra.” The humor of the nindā-stuti comes from the way the poet deconstructs the god from behind-the-scenes, all while leaving the “façade” of the god intact. The audience is left to ponder this paradox, which usually ends in laughter. The final poem comes from the one of the most celebrated composers of Carnatic classical music: Tyāgarāja, who lived in the Tanjore district of what is now Tamil Nadu from 1767 to 1847. His songs, most of which are dedicated to Rāma, make up a significant portion, if not the majority, of the Carnatic concert repertoire today. Tyāgarāja’s kṛtis span a wide range of moods, from abject longing and despair to ecstatic praise. Quite a few of his compositions also fall under the category of nindā-stuti, including this one, set to Madhyamāvati rāga: aḍigi sukhamul-evvar-anubhavinciri-rā? ādimūlamā rama saḍalani pāpa-timira-kōṭi-sūrya sārvabhauma sārasākṣa sadguṇa ninnu… āśrayinci varam-aḍigina sīta aḍaviki pōnāye āśa haraṇa rakkasiy-iṣṭam-aḍuga- nappuḍē mukku pōye ō rāma ninnu… vāsiga nārada mauni varam-aḍuga vanita rūpuḍāye āsinci durvāsuḍ-annam-aḍuga appuḍe mandamāye ō rāma ninnu… sutuni vēḍuka jūḍa dēvakiy-aḍuga yaśōda jūḍanāye satulella rati bhikṣam-aḍuga vāri vāri patula vīḍanāye ō rāma ninnu… nīkē daya puṭṭi brōtuvō brōvavō nī guṭṭu bayalāye sākēta dhāma śrī tyāgarāja nuta svāmi ēṭi māya ō rāma ninnu… What did you give them? The happiness they asked for? You are called “Sun who dispels the darkness of sins! “Handsome lord of all!” “Possessor of good qualities!” Yet… When Sīta asked for a boon, she had to go to the forest. When the demoness desired you, she ended up losing her nose. Nārada sought understanding, and he was turned into a woman. Durvāsas wanted food, and lost his appetite. Devaki asked for a son, and Yaśoda got one. The cowgirls begged for love, and they had to leave their husbands. Who knows if you’ll give or not? The secret’s out. Why play games? Tyāgarāja sings for you. (translated by Velcheru Narayana Rao and David Shulman, with my own translation for the second stanza, saḍalani…) In this song, addressed initially to Rāma but later more broadly to Viṣṇu himself and his incarnation as Kṛṣṇa, Tyāgaraja sarcastically asks, “Who has received happiness by asking you for anything?” He points out that despite the god’s many grandiose titles, he has not actually granted anyone that which they asked him for. To bolster his argument, Tyāgaraja cites a number of incidents from epics and mythology, exposing Viṣṇu’s sheer incompetence. Quite simply, Viṣṇu ended up complicating peoples’ lives and making things more stressful for everyone involved. The kṛti ends with Tyāgarāja posing another set of questions, and in an almost-exasperated tone, he asks, “Lord, what is this illusion?” (svāmi ēṭi māya). This song, similarly to the śataka verse, doesn’t humanize the god by downplaying his divine qualities. Tyāgarāja’s point is that even though Viṣṇu may be powerful enough to turn Nārada into a woman or vanquish Durvāsa’s appetite, the issue is that neither sage asked for that! Tyāgarāja is targeting Viṣṇu’s incompetence, not his divinity. In a way, Viṣṇu is an unreliable supplier who consistently messes up his customer’s orders, inevitably delivering something they did not ask for. This is, of course, in tension with the belief that the god knows best, and gives devotees what they need, rather than what they may want. Tyāgarāja, a staunch devotee of Rāma, probably shared this belief, but he seems to have also seen within it the possibility for humor and sarcastic questioning—in short, the possibility for nindā-stuti. Blasphemy and bhakti Each poem featured here approaches the Hindu pantheon through humor. However, there are significant distinctions in the way each poem influences one’s view of divinity. The muktaka poems humanize gods and goddesses by depicting them with human emotions, engaged in the ups and downs of married life and the joys of parenting. The humor in these poems comes from the incongruity that is created by transporting divine beings into the mundane world of human relationships. In some ways, muktakas almost downplay the divine, supernatural aspects of the deities. However, they never let the reader completely lose sight of divinity. Both of these muktakas concluded by invoking the grace and protection that is latent in the laughter of these almost-human gods. Nindā-stuti, on the other hand, uses humor to portray the gods and goddesses in a rather different light. Unlike muktakas, in nindā-stuti the devotee is just as prominent as the deity. These compositions, whether they are śatakas to be read or kṛtis to be sung, create a dialogue through which the god or goddess can be questioned, and made fun of. The humor in nindā-stutis do not humanize the Hindu pantheon in the same way a muktaka does. Part of their humor comes instead from the “shock value” that comes with their irreverent tone. In these compositions God is not necessarily brought down to earth; rather, the devotee ascends to poke fun at the deity, almost as an equal. The very existence of these compositions also begs the question: why were they not seen as blasphemous? Was it really acceptable for poets to mock gods and goddesses in these ways? In today’s south Asia, where blasphemy-related incidents frequently show up in news headlines, it is rather remarkable that the question of blasphemy simply did not interest intellectuals in premodern times as much as we would expect. Although the ninth-century Kashmiri critic Ānandavardhana argued in his treatise Dhvanyāloka (“Light on Implicature”) that “if … an emotion that should belong exclusively to a human were presented as being located in a divine being, or the reverse, it would be inappropriate” (Pollock 93), this clearly did not have much of an effect. Throughout most of history, blasphemy did not seem to warrant significant attention in the eyes of Indic religions—although, as the Jawed Habib controversy made clear, things seem to be changing now. Anyone who is familiar with the Hindu deities, even if they are not themselves religious, can appreciate the humor of these poems. But for the religious devotee, who has faith in these same gods and goddesses, how do these humorous works interact with bhakti (devotion)? I doubt that even the most religious Bharatanatyam dancer would refuse to perform a nindā-stuti like Nadamadi Thirindha on grounds of blasphemy. So, does humor serve a theological purpose? I would argue that approaching the Hindu gods through humor—whether through the charming scenes of muktakas or the unapologetic tone of nindā-stutis—was not seen as blasphemous or offensive because humor, and its underlying roots in incongruity and paradox, play an important role in the idea of bhakti (devotion) for many Hindu traditions. Many scholars argue that satire and humanization of the Hindu gods through humor allows the devotee to relate more intimately to the deity. Lee Siegel writes that the “belittling process of the cosmic poem can be a religious affirmation, a proposition of a way in which to understand divinity. That the gods are human makes them all the more accessible” (Siegel 378). Wendy Doniger argues that “the humor and disrespect with which the deities are treated served to relieve various tensions … On a cosmic level, too, humor in myth serves to highlight some rather serious theological components: dimming the opposites, the inverse effect, subjective reserve, the grotesque…” (Doniger O’Flaherty 74). Writing specifically on the mockery of Śiva in precolonial Bengali literature, France Bhattacharya says that “revilement humanizes Śiva by underlining his weakness and failures … It is a relief for simple, ordinary men to see the great god as one of them” (Bhattacharya 67). Certainly, it is through humor that the gods become more human and thus more approachable to a devotee. However, humor can also be seeing as having an opposite effect, making the devotee more aware of the power and ultimate incomprehensibility of the deity. This is due to humor’s roots in incongruity and paradox. In the Nāṭyaśāstra, Bharata identifies incongruity as the basis of humor. Both muktakas and nindā-stutis can be defined by a paradox: they represent the gods and goddesses as fallible, mundane, almost-human beings, while at the same time ultimately acknowledging their power and divinity. In her analysis on paradox in the Tamil Śrīvaiṣṇava tradition (which I’ve written about in a separate blog post), Vasudha Narayanan suggests that “paradox still remains one very important way in which Hindus have historically related to, understood, enjoyed, and lived their traditions” (Harvard). She describes nindā-stuti as such: “devotees decry God, or show their displeasure, all the while knowing paradoxically that he is supreme.” France Bhattacharya writes similarly on satire of Siva; it “can be understood as a way to present Śiva’s divine nature that is beyond human understanding … it [also] emphasizes the unresolved contradiction between the opposites present in his nature” (Bhattacharya 66). For Hindus, these paradoxes are never fully resolved, and “like bifocal glasses, we hold multiple visions simultaneously, moving from one to another seamlessly” (Harvard). Perhaps Narayanan phrased it best: “When it comes to conjunctions, we Hindus have, in general, preferred ‘and’ to ‘or.’” Satire and mockery of Hindu gods has been a prominent (and beloved) part of south Asian literature and art for centuries, despite what the Hindu nationalist groups who opposed Jawed Habib’s cartoon may argue. The Sanskrit and Telugu poems discussed here represent a minuscule portion of the satirical literature that was produced throughout the subcontinent. The portraits they offer of the gods and goddesses—a jealous Lakṣmī, an incompetent Viṣṇu, an unabashedly curious Kārttikēya—are of course entertaining, but they also offer insights into an aspect of Hindu devotion that is increasingly becoming threatened by Hindu nationalism and right-wing efforts to stamp out diversity within Hindu traditions. It is our responsibility to highlight this diversity, and the ways in which differences in worldviews and opinions can only enrich, not weaken, our own. Humor and satire make the gods more accessible to the human devotee; they are enmeshed in the paradox of viewing divinity both as mundane and supernatural. This paradox is at the heart of bhakti, and it is made manifest by humor. In this world that is seen by many Hindu traditions as both the play of the gods (līla) and an illusion created by the gods (māya), perhaps the most logical thing to do is laugh. I’d like to end this with another funny piece by my friend Anjali Shenai (check out more comics like these on her website). Bibliography/Additional resources • Bhattacharya, France, “Satire in Pre-Colonial Bengali Literature: Śiva, an Object of Revilement and Praise.” In Indian Satire in the Period of First Modernity, ed. Monika Horstmann and Heidi Rika Maria Pauwels. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2012. • Doniger O’Flaherty, Wendy. “The Shazam Syndrome: The Banalization of the Hindu Gods.” In Women, Androgynes, and Other Mythical Beasts, 65-76. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982. • Gerow, Edwin. “Why the Fish Laughed, and Other Matters Relating to (the Indian Sense of) ‘Humor.’” Studia Orientalia Electronica 94 (2014): 167-180. • Harvard Divinity School, “Paradoxology: the Art of Praising the Deity.” YouTube video, 1:29:14, April 25, 2016. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ocjKWs8GV9k • IANS. “Jawed Habib Salon Vandalised in Uttar Pradesh.” Times of India, September 9, 2017. Accessed November 16, 2017. https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/lucknow/jawed-habib-salon-vandalised-in-uttar-pradesh/articleshow/60436001.cms • Jackson, William J. Tyāgarāja: Life and Lyrics. Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1991. • Khanna, Madhu, “The Bhagvata Mela at Melattur: Traditional Theatre and Public Arenas.” In Folklore, Public Sphere, and Civil Society, ed. M. D. Muthukumaraswamy and Molly Kaushal. New Delhi: Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts, 2004. • Narayana Rao, Velcheru, and David D. Shulman, trans. Classical Telugu Poetry: An Anthology. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002. • Pollock, Sheldon. A Rasa Reader: Classical Indian Aesthetics. New York: Columbia University Press, 2016. • PTI. “Case Registered Against Jawed Habib for ‘Insulting’ Hindu Gods.” The Hindu, September 8, 2017. Accessed November 16, 2017. http://www.thehindu.com/news/cities/Hyderabad/case-registered-against-jawed-habib-for-insulting-hindu-gods/article19644025.ece • Siegel, Lee. Laughing Matters: Comic Tradition in India. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987. • Srividya. “Ninda Stuti.” RadioWeb Carnatic. January 30, 2016. Accessed December 1, 2017. http://radioweb.in/programs/ninda-stuti-0 • Vidyākara. An Anthology of Sanskrit Court Poetry: Vidyākara’s Subhāṣitaratnakoṣa. Translated by Daniel H. H. Ingalls. Harvard Oriental Series 44. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1965. • Vidyākara. The Subhāṣitaratnakoṣa. Edited by D. D. Kosambi and Vasudeo Vishwanath Gokhale. Harvard Oriental series 42. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1957. [Retrieved from: GRETIL] 2 thoughts on “Hasya and Hinduism: laughing at (and with) the gods” Leave a Reply WordPress.com Logo Google+ photo Twitter picture Facebook photo Connecting to %s
Corner kick rule in soccer A method for restarting a play after the goal cross the goal line, awarded to attacking team when the opposition is last to touch the ball Definition of the corner kick rule A corner kick is a method of restarting play in a game of association footballThe corner kick is taken to restart the play after the ball wholly crosses the goal line, other than within the goal mouth, after a player from the defending team touches it last. A corner kick is awarded if the ball enters the goal from a throw-in or indirect free-kick. The attacking team restarts play by placing the ball in the corner arc nearest to where it crossed the goal line. Corner kick rule explained A corner kick will be awarded to the attacking team if any player from the defending team causes the ball to get out of play through the goal line, except through the goal in which case it would be an own goal. The corner kick is taken from either sides of the goal area, closer to where it left the playing field. In other words, corner kick is taken from the right corner if the ball crosses the goal line on the right of the goal post and from the left corner if it crosses the line on the left. How corner kick rule works A corner kick is taken during a soccer matchThe ball is placed inside the corner arc, which is a one yard section at the intersection of the goal line and the touch line. According to the Laws of the Game, the ball is back in play once it has been kicked and moved. Since the corner kick is a direct free kick, the same rules of a direct free kick apply. The closest opposing player stands at least 10 yards before it is taken. The referee ensures that no player moves closer and any sort of failure in observing that may be considered misconduct and punished accordingly. A player from the attacking team has to step up and take the corner. The player is not supposed to touch the ball again after kicking unless another player has. An immediate second touch is regarded to be an infringement that warrants the referee to award an indirect free kick to the defending team at the point of the violation. If the player handles the ball then the opposing team is awarded a direct free kick instead. Any player can gain possession of the ball once it has been kicked. On the part of the attacking team, they have a chance to keep threatening the opponent’s goal by retaining possession. On the other hand, the defending team may gain possession and mount a counter-attack immediately before the opponents get a chance to settle back into their positions. Therefore, both teams will try to manage the number of players in the area while the corner is being taken in order to be better placed for either outcome. Corner kick strategies A Corner kick strategy blue printA number of strategies are used by different teams while taking a corner kick. At times, the kicker sends the ball directly into the box where most players are positioned. Alternatively, the kicker may take a short corner to a player within the 10 yards who is better positioned to deliver the ball into the penalty area. Generally, a corner kick provides a remarkable opportunity for the attacking team to score and this is evident when the kick is being taken. Players in the penalty area keep on pushing and shoving their opponents in a bid to gain possession of the ball once it lands in the area. Basically, each team has to train on how to take as well as defend corner kicks. The goalkeeper of the defending team may choose to stand close to the near post, at the middle or at the far post as he awaits the corner. Normally, two other defenders will help to cover both posts to ensure a larger part of the goal area is defended as the other team mates try to mark the opponents. Many attackers will stand by the penalty area waiting to head the ball to goal. The fact that there is no offside offense resulting directly from a corner kick allows them to stand wherever they please close to the goal. A corner kick can directly result into a goal. In this rare situation, the player taking the corner plays it directly into the goal. However, such incidents are normally attributed to the goalkeeper's fault or strong winds blowing towards the goal area to provide the required swerve. Check out this youtube video showing perfectly executed corner kicks.
215,206 results, page 67 1. Physics A long jumper leaves the ground at an angle of 24.3◦ to the horizontal and at a speed of 10.6 m/s. How far does he jump? 2. Physics-Please help Could someone remind me how to calculate this on the TI-84 Calculator: Which buttons do I hit for this: 3 * 10^8/5.4 * 10^14 I'm inputting it and coming up with 5.55 E 21 It should come out to be 5.55 10^-7 but I'm not doing the input correct Please help 3. Physics A Brass rod 50.0 cm long expands 0.0734 cm when heated. Find the temperature change. 4. Physics find the altitude change of a 10,000 kg fighter which climbs and in doing so loses 100 m/s of airspeed 5. Physics Does the voltage output increase when a generator is made to spin faster? Defend your answer. 6. physics Find the acceleration of the two blocks sliding down the incline in the figure below. (Take m1 = 1.1 kg and m2 = 1.8 kg. Indicate the direction with the sign of your answer 7. Physics What is the mass of water in a closed room 5.2m x 6.3m x 2.5m when the temperature is 24 degrees celsius and the relative humidity is 65%? 8. physics a body is moving with uniform acceleration of 10m/s2.if it starts from rest calculate its displacement after 5s 9. physics five joules of work are needed to shift .5 c of charge from one place to another. the potential differences between the places is 10. Physics What hanging mass will stretch a 1.9-m-long, 0.54mm - diameter steel wire by 1.2mm ? 11. PREAP Physics From what height would a compact car have to be dropped to have the same kinetic energy that it has when being driven at 100 km/hr? 12. physics If an armadillo can leap to 0.5m height, how fast must he be moving vertically when his feet just lift off the pavement? 13. Physics A student photographs a 18cm flower so it fills half of a 24mm slide. What is the magnification? 14. physics A car travels in a straight line for 2.8 h at a constant speed of 53 km/h . What is its acceleration? Answer in units of m/s 2 15. physics State the surface powers required to produce the following lenses with +6.25D front curves. a. -0.50 DS b. +0.50 DS c. +1.75 DS 16. Physics With what maximum speed can an unsecured passenger stay in their seat on a Ferris wheel that has a diameter of 12 m. 17. physics calculate the work done on n mole of a vander waal gas is an isothermal expansion from volume vi to vf. 18. college physics a bus that is traveling at 30.0km/h speeds up at a constant rate of 3.5m/s2. what velocity does it reach 6.8s later? 19. physics 20. physics List four effects that can be observed that demonstrate light travels in straight lines. Does anybody know the answer?? 21. Physics I don't understand how to do this : A force of 40 N accelerates a 7.17 kg block at 6.0 m/s2 along a horizontal surface. Determine the normal. 22. physics 23. physics what is the acceleration due to gravity at a distance of 2 earth radii abouve earths surface? 24. Physics You throw a ball downward from a window at a speed of 2.7 m/s. How fast will it be moving when it hits the sidewalk 2.9 m below? 25. physics a plane travels 5.0 x 10^2 while being accelerated uniformly from rest at the rate of 5.0 m/s. what final velocity does it attain? 26. physics What is the maximum acceleration a car can undergo if the coefficient of static friction between the tires and the ground is .90 27. Physics A 27.59 kg child is on a swing that hangs from 2.26-m-long chains. What is her maximum speed if she swings out a 48° angle? 28. Physics A dynamics cart m1 attached to has a hanging mass m2 m1 = 0.20 kg, and m2 = 1.3 kg. The magnitude of the acceleration of this system will be what approximately? 29. physics hummingbirds beat their wings 1500 times in 30seconds calculate frequency and the period 30. physics What should be the minimum initial velocity with which a missile has to be launched so that it reaches a target of 1000km away in the same plane 31. Physics A boy sledding down a hill accelerates at 1.65 m/s2. If he started from rest, in what distance would he reach a speed of 7.30 m/s? 32. physics What frequency would you need to produce a sound wave in room-temperature air with a wavelength of 9 m? the answer in Hz 33. Physics Determine Centripetal Acceleration acting on the person standing at the equator? (the radius of earth is given) 34. physics For which of these will the buoyant force be the same as its weight when placed in water? A) A match stick.B) All of these.C) A small rock.D) None of these.E) A nail. 35. physics 36. physics Show that the acceleration is 7.5 m/s2 for a ball that starts from rest and rolls down a ramp and gains a speed of 30 m/s in 4 s 37. physics a 747 airliner reaches its takeoff speed of 170 in 35.0 .what is the magnitude of its average acceleration 38. physics two equal vectors of magnitude 2A are inclime perpendicular to each other find the resultant and direction of vector. 39. physcal science/physics what is the kinetic energy in joules of a 1000 kg car travelling at 90km/h 40. Physics You throw a ball downward from a window at a speed of 1.8 m/s. How fast will it be moving when it hits the sidewalk 2.8 m below? 41. physics What happens to a path of a light ray parallel to the principal axis, after it passes through a converging lens? 42. physics Forces of 4.57 N and 4.74 N act at right angles on a reddish-green block of mass 5.76 kg. How much acceleration occurs? 43. Physics What is the gravitational force between a proton and an electron in a hydrogen atom if they are separated by distance of 5.29x10^-9 cm. 44. Physics A student walks from her apartment a distance d=139m to the bus stop at a speed of v1= 1.40m/s. 45. physics find the force of a toy jeep if the mass is 50kg and is traveling at 4 m/s and the radius is 50 centimeter Calculate the radial acceleration of an object on the ground at the earth's equator in m/s2, turning with the planet. 47. Physics 48. physics A rock is dropped from a height of 2 meters into a freshwater pond. What is the medium of the wave created? 49. Physics. when an e- and a positron collide they're annihlated and their mass converts to engery. the energy released is? [1.64x10^-13 J] 50. conceptional physics If a 35cm radius tire spins at a rate of 72 rad/s what is the rotating speed? 51. physics What is the radius of an automobile tire that makes a complete turn in 0.1 sec and has a linear speed of 24.0 m/s? 52. Physics State the reason why a steel sphere resting on a horizontal surface is said to be in neutral equilibrium. 53. physics Calculate the work done if a force of 300N Is applied at 30° to the horinzontal and body moves 20m 54. physics The grid in a high-vacuume triode is usually kept negatively charged with respect to the cathode so that the electrons may be a constant force of 6.00N acts on a 3.00kg object for 10.0s. what are the changes in the objects momentum and velocity? 56. Physics You can run 8.0 m/s , 20% faster than your brother. How much head start should you give him in order to have a tie race over 90 m ? 57. Physics If a force of 15.0 N directed east acts on a stationary 5.00 kg mass, what are its acceleration, displacement, and velocity after 10.0 s? 58. Physics What is the de Brogile wavelength of an electon that strikes the back of the face of a TV screen at 1/10 the speed of light? A point source of a wave emits 195 watts. What is the intensity at a distance of 4.56 meters? I = 60. Physics Two ants race across a table 65 cm long. One travels at 5.76 cm/s and the other at 3.99999 cm/s. When the first one crosses the finish line, how far behind is the second one? 61. physics A mass of 1kg is placed at 1m,2m,0.Another mere of 2kg is placed at 3m,4m,0.Find moment of inertia of both the ladder about z-axis 62. physics the period of revolution of a satellite is 90 min. Find the radius of the orbit assuming an acceleration of 9.8 m/s/s. 63. Physics What is the frequency of an EM wave emitted most strongly by a glowing element on a stove with temperature 1500 K? 64. physics Why does the pitch of the sound produce by blowing over an open end of a bottle change when you have more water in it? 65. Basic Physics If a swimming pool has dimensions; 28.2 5m x 10.0m x 2.30m, when it is full of water, what is the force on the bottom ? 66. physics find the revolutions of a bicycle wheel of diameter 0.8m when the bike goes a distance of 25m down the street. 67. physics A boy sledding down a hill accelerates at 1.20 m/s2. If he started from rest, in what distance would he reach a speed of 7.00 m/s? 68. physics a person throws a ball upward into the air with an initial velocity of 20.0 m/s, calculate how high it goes 69. physics A motorcyclist increases her speed along a straight road from 0 to 120 km/hr in 5 seconds. How much acceleration does she experience 70. physics Suppore the ceiling in the previous problem is that of an elevator which is going up with an acceleration of 2.0 m/s square. Find the elongations. 71. Physics Two spherical objects with a mass of 7.60 kg each are placed at a distance of 2.93 m apart. How many electrons need to leave each object so that the net force between them becomes zero? 72. Physics To what potential a sphere of radius 10cm be charged so that the surface density of charge is equal to 1 73. physics a bus decreases its speed from 80kmh-1to 60kmh-1 in 5 sec find the acceleration 74. Physics a boat sails 150km N60°E, then 100km West. What is it's displacement from its starting point? 75. physics Is the acceleration due to gravity more or less atop Mt. Everest than at sea level? Defend your answer. 76. physics Calculate the force of gravity on a spacecraft 12800 km above the earth's surface if its mass is 700 kg. 77. Physics A football is kicked at 15 m/s with an angle of 35 degrees with the ground. How long is it in the air? How far will it land? Can someone help plz... Thanks! 78. physics question find the force exerted by proton and the electron in a hydrogen atom they are 5.0 X 10^-19 coulomb 79. Physics Calculate the energy evolved when 8 droplets of water of radius 1/2mm each combine into one where s=0.072N/m. 80. ap physics a 37.4-kg traffic light is supported by two wires prove you answer applying newtons law 81. physics A stone is thrown straight up. To reach a height of 6.74 m above its release point, what must its initial speed be in m/s 82. Physics is it right that ideal gas only obey the boyles law under high temp and low pressure? 83. Physics How does the idea of magnetic fields arising from circulating currents relate to permanent magnets? 84. Physics 85. physics How can you easily increase the magnetic field strength inside a current-carrying coil? 86. Physics Find the electric potential at the centre of the square of side 1m at the four corners of charges of q1, q2,q3,and q4 are placed having values 3×10^-8C,-3×10^-8C,-5×10^-8C and 6×10^-8C respectively. 87. physics a 200kg body raised to a height of 10m. what is the gravitational potential energy of the system? 88. Physics Initial velocity is 21 m/s, the angle is 40 degrees, 20 meters away from the wall. How long is the ball in the air for? 89. physics at highway speeds, a particular automobile is capable of an acceleration of about 2.6 m/s^2. at this rate, how long does it take to accelerate from 60 km/h to 110 km/h? 90. Physics What is the final velocity of a hoop that rolls without slipping down a 5.00-m-high hill, starting from rest? 91. Physics On a bright sunny day, the irradiance on the surface of the ocean is 1.610^17 photons cm^-2 s^-1. If k=0.02 m^-1 a)How much light is left at 15 m? b)at 75 m? 92. Physics a truck is traveling in a straight line goes 60km in 83minutes. what is its average speed in km per hour? two forces of magnitude 8N making an angle of 30 and 120 with xaxis . the y component of resultant A/ O B/ 4N C/ 8N D/ 16N 94. Physics How much work is done by a girl weighing 450N while carrying a 2kg package up a 2m flight of stairs? 95. Physics What is the gravitational force between a proton and an electron in a hydrogen atom if they are separated by a distance of 5.29x10^-9 cm 96. Physics 1. Could a horizontal axis of rotation be used satisfactorily in an experiment uniform circular motion? Explain 97. physics If you dropped the ball, cylinder and the ring at the same time from a height of 6.35 cm, in what order would the hit the ground? 98. Physics Two objects of masses m1 and m2 fall from the height respectively. The ratio of the magnitude of their momenta when they hit the ground? 99. Physics Let F1=10i-15j-20k,F2=6i+8j-12k. Find their dot product and the angle between those two vectors 100. Physics a bb gun has a muzzle velocity of 325 ft/sec. How long will it take the bb to hit the ground? How far will the bb travel? 1. Pages: 2. 1 3. 2 4. 3 5. 4 6. 5 7. 6 8. 7 9. 8 10. 9 11. 10 12. 11 13. 12 14. 13 15. 14 16. 15 17. 16 18. 17 19. 18 20. 19 21. 20 22. 21 23. 22 24. 23 25. 24 26. 25 27. 26 28. 27 29. 28 30. 29 31. 30 32. 31 33. 32 34. 33 35. 34 36. 35 37. 36 38. 37 39. 38 40. 39 41. 40 42. 41 43. 42 44. 43 45. 44 46. 45 47. 46 48. 47 49. 48 50. 49 51. 50 52. 51 53. 52 54. 53 55. 54 56. 55 57. 56 58. 57 59. 58 60. 59 61. 60 62. 61 63. 62 64. 63 65. 64 66. 65 67. 66 68. 67 69. 68 70. 69 71. 70 72. 71 73. 72 74. 73 75. 74 76. 75 77. 76 78. 77 79. 78 80. 79 81. 80 82. 81 83. 82 84. 83 85. 84 86. 85 87. 86 88. 87 89. 88 90. 89 91. 90 92. 91 93. 92 94. 93 95. 94 96. 95 97. 96 98. 97 99. 98 100. 99 101. 100
Electrode Planted In Brain Turns Off Parkinson's Tremor Science & medicine - Notebook October 13, 1996 Those suffering with Parkinson's disease may find relief in a new medical technique imported from Europe now being tested in the United States. Several medical centers are studying how an electrode planted in the brain can ''turn off'' the tremors that afflict Parkinson's patients. The procedure involves putting an electrode in the thalamus, an area in the brain that controls motor signals from the brain to the muscles. Scientists think a high-frequency stimulus generated by the electrode jams the brain impulses causing the tremor. 2 or more mental disorders cause suicide risk to climb People who have two or more mental disorders are nearly 90 times more likely to seriously attempt suicide than people with no psychiatric disorders, a New Zealand study has found. A study of 302 people who made a serious attempt to kill themselves showed that a single mental disorder increased their risk of suicide and that the risk climbed dramatically as their number of mental disorders increased. Psychiatric problems included mood disorders, substance abuse, conduct disorder, antisocial personality and psychosis. Critics say altered corn could affect consumers A new variety of corn has reignited debate over the safety of genetically engineered foods. At issue is a variety of corn endowed with extra genes that protect the crop against insects and weed-killing sprays. Developed by the Swiss chemical giant Ciba-Geigy, the maize has been deemed safe by every relevant regulatory body in the United States, where the first year's crop is about to be harvested. But a majority of European ministers recently refused to authorize imports of the corn, citing concerns about possible environmental or health consequences. Some critics worry that the genes could ''jump'' from corn to consumer - mostly cattle - rendering the corn's ampicillin-resistant gene useless in the medical treatment of corn-fed cattle or even in people who eat the affected beef. Soap, water and bandages seem to treat elephantiasis Researchers in Haiti are using a startlingly simple treatment - soap, water and lots of bandages - to reverse the effects of elephantiasis, one of the world's most horrifying diseases. The tropical disease afflicting about 5 million, which causes elephant-like swelling of the legs or genitals, has baffled physicians for years. But researchers from the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention launched a unique treatment program last year in Leogane, Haiti, and the results have overturned previous medical theories. The researchers discovered that by wrapping the swelled areas tightly with bandages and re-wrapping them two or three times a week they can reduce the swelling over a period of several weeks. They also found that careful cleaning of cuts and strict hygiene seem to counteract the swelling as well. Orlando Sentinel Articles
Saturday, July 21, 2012 Behavior Tools: Understanding Behavior Merriam-Webster dictionary defines behavior as "the manner of conducting oneself." Simply put, behavior is what we say or do in any given situation. And what we do or say is always influenced by something else. We do what we do for a reason. Think about that for a second. Everything we do or say, we do for a reason. Sometimes those reasons are obvious... I eat because I'm hungry. I tie my shoe so it won't fall off when I'm walking. I wear a jacket so I won't get as cold. Sometimes those reasons are not as when we say something mean to a friend when we are feeling hurt or angry or defensive. The point is, there is always something behind the way we choose to behave, and that is just as true for kids as it is for adults. Understanding the why behind a child's behavior can help us to behave more appropriately in response. The why or function of a behavior can typically be generalized into two categories. We do things because we want to obtain something tangible (i.e. attention, validation, item) or we do it to avoid or escape something (i.e. avoid shame, attention, punishment, etc.) As adults, we have had a lot of experience and practice with behaving in certain ways to either get what we want or avoid things we don't want. Even still, we make mistakes and don't always make the best choice. The thing with kids is that they haven't had those years of experience and practice to always know what the best choice of behavior is in any given situation. As such, they are constantly trying out different behaviors to see what works and what doesn't. If a behavior gets the result they are looking for, then they are very likely to continue using that behavior to get what they want- even if it is considered inappropriate by adult standards. That's where the importance of teaching comes in. We can't expect kids just to know how best to behave- even if we've told them or punished them for a certain undesirable behavior. So often I hear the phrase: "They know better." I'm sure I've even used this phrase before. But the truth is, if they are still using a negative behavior to get what they want, then they really don't know better. And that's probably because we haven't given them the right kind of teaching and practice to learn a better behavior. For me, understanding the why of behavior helps me to be more patient with teaching appropriate behavior. When I understand that B (for a boy) is really shy and gets anxiety in whole group situations, I recognize that his behaviors of laying down on the rug and poking other kids is a way for him to escape the anxiety that he feels. Perhaps then, instead of being offended that he is not paying attention to my lesson and constantly nagging him to sit up and keep his hands to himself, I can focus on teaching him strategies to participate appropriately and deal with his anxiety, while also doing what I can to make him more comfortable in that situation. It completely changes the way I handle the situation, which is the only thing I have control over anyways. Behavior Tools is a series about understanding and managing behavior with young children. The more we understand children and their behavior, the better we are able to teach them how to make good choices and build a solid foundation of self worth and confidence. There is no one-size-fits-all answer to helping a child learn appropriate behavior, which is why we need a lot of different tools and strategies to draw upon when we work with young children. No comments: Post a Comment
Lumine are small mammals which are generally the size of a fox. In general their appearance is something like a fox as well, with long droopy ears like a rabbit. However Lumine can be found almost everywhere around the world. From the orange and yellow Desert Lumine with it’s fluffy tail and manes to the aqua colored Semi-Aquatic Coastal Lumine with a fin on it’s head and webbed ears. Variations of the Lumine exist in the: Grasslands, Deserts, Forests, Mountains, Steppes or Prairies, Coasts or Shorelines, Jungles, and Ruins. This makes them some of the most diverse creatures in the world. Lumines are mostly vegetarians, though technically they are omnivores and will eat meat when it’s available. Some variants of Lumine are more carnivorous than this implies, such as the semi-aquatic lumine that prefers fish or the jungle lumine that hunts rodents and insects. Lumine of all types are highly social and live in large family groups, lead by the eldest female. These groups are called gatherings and can have as many as two dozen Lumine in it. Star Sphere theshadow99 theshadow99
Imagine competing U.S. designers of reduced instruction-set computing (RISC) machines, multiprocessors, and network architectures trading and sharing intellectual property rights to software or architectural components—while tacitly or explicitly denying imitative free riders from their circles of cooperation. However, several large Japanese companies have established large venture-investment pools for acquiring intellectual property positions in new technologies and obtaining exclusive Asian distribution rights to new products. Thus they could form preferential relationships with friendly” competitors and add-on suppliers, permitting open systems competition while retaining some control over the diffusion of new architectures and designs to purely imitative, manufacturing-based competitors. IBM has an equity interest, gains some control of technology rights, and makes available its basic technologies, while product design is left to SSI. Imagine a uniquely American or Euro-American variant of the Japanese keiretsu—one that exploits U.S. advantages in innovation, architecture, and design and that concentrates resources to reach competitive scale in components technologies and manufacturing. Design and services are more and more the bread and butter of relatively small, single-market companies with no allegiance to any specific hardware producer. It is therefore simply impossible for U.S. services revenues to offset a rapid decline in the manufacturing sector, even if Japanese companies never entered services markets. By 1986, the leading Japanese electronics companies controlled 80% of the world DRAM market and held technological leadership over all U.S. producers except IBM. Japanese companies still faced enormous competitive disadvantages in production scale and technology during these years. So in 1961, MITI and seven computer companies established the Japan Electronic Computer Company (JECC), a computer rental company that bought systems from Japanese vendors and rented them to domestic companies at rates far below IBM’s. Strict control of foreign computers, matched with government procurement of some 20% to 25% of all Japanese-made computers, helped a domestic industry take root. MITI also controlled the type and volume of computers IBM produced and required the company to export a large proportion of its production. As a result, the basis of Japanese competition shifts over time from cost and quality in commodities to cost/performance advantages based on superior process technology and engineering and then to superior product functionality. Japanese companies begin with foreign technology, progress to internal development of process technology, and then move to internal product development and basic R&D. These attributes of Japanese industry are elements of a characteristically Japanese strategy for penetrating industrial markets. There is no need for the Japanese government to intervene to protect the domestic semiconductor market when six Japanese companies with deep, long-standing relationships account for more than 80% of Japanese computer production. Because products are dependent on the market, they are also disciplined by it—unlike wholly captive operations in vertically integrated U.S. companies, which often become complacent. Similarly, Sony makes disk drives, televisions, and computer displays—including those used by Sun Microsystems and other U.S. companies—and uses these same technologies for its CD players, videodisk players, and PCs that retrieve text from CD-ROMs. End-products companies are finding it difficult and expensive to integrate backward into components sectors. Innovative system architectures and products will continue to arise; architecture and design will remain important, even in mature markets. The basis of competition is shifting away from unique functionality and toward price and performance, which are increasingly determined by the design, process technology, and manufacturing costs of components. As mass markets emerge, small startups are displaced by large companies with superior process technology, manufacturing capabilities, financial leverage, and global distribution channels. All information industries and products will become subject to the cost structures and general technological trajectory common to all digital products—already evident in the computer industry. They can be controlled through software and networked to computers and other digital systems. Today most semiconductors are mass produced, and the world market is an oligopoly of huge companies, dominated by the Japanese industry. And as digital technology progresses, powerful and inexpensive personal systems, like PCs, are displacing expensive centralized systems, like mainframes. Most of the other components are made in Japan, and those most critical to a laptop—the liquid-crystal display, power-management systems, and compact packaging—are made by Citizen Watch, a Japanese consumer electronics company. To compete in the new digital information industry, U.S. and European companies must expand their alliances into a new industrial architecture, one that reflects the new architecture of digital systems. The groups do support struggling companies in strategic industries such as computers, satellites, aerospace, and biotechnology. Keiretsu exclude foreign companies from much of Japanese business, for example, by denying them acquisition of any Japanese company that could serve as an instrument of market entry. In 1987, trade between Mitsui’s members accounted for 17.2% of the group’s total trade; for the Sumitomo group the figure was 14.3%. The average of the six groups was 12. 7%. As of the late 1960s, about half of the computers that were used by companies in the major industrial groups were made by their keiretsu-partner computer company. Previously unrelated industries—cameras, computers, stereos, photocopiers, typewriters—are converging to form a huge, unified information technology sector, itself based on common digital components and standard interfaces. Digital technology is progressing at astounding speed, ushering in a new era of standardized, inexpensive personal systems designed and assembled from low-cost, mass-produced components. Computer technology research, the development and manufacture of components and the assembly of completed systems have grown quickly in the labs and manufacturing plants of China, Taiwan, Korea, Singapore, the Philippines and Indonesia, among other lands. Brought to you by Logic Supply, The I/ HUB is your home for industrial and embedded computing news, information, industry trends and new product insights. Industrial computers are engineered to provide 24 hour, uninterrupted operation, often employing carefully engineered, fanless and ventless enclosures designed to efficiently dissipate heat while protecting internal components from environmental damage ranging from dust and airborne debris to extreme temperatures, moisture and vibration. Embedded computer systems go by many names (Box PC, Gateway , Controller , Industrial PC etc), but an Embedded PC is essentially any specialized computer system that is implemented as part of a larger device, intelligent system or installation. עבודות מחקר כמותי מה זה שירותי מחשוב ענן פתרונות תקשורת best secure web gateway שיחות ועידה עיצוב אריזות (Visited 12 times, 1 visits today)
cruciferous vegetable Also found in: Dictionary, Medical, Encyclopedia, Wikipedia. Graphic Thesaurus 🔍 Display ON Animation ON • noun Words related to cruciferous vegetable References in periodicals archive ? Indeed, many of the 'healthy' vegetables such as cruciferous vegetables are often disliked, especially by children, perhaps for their bitter taste. The same thing happens when cruciferous vegetables are chewed; they create sulforaphane. There's a chemical in broccoli--and other cruciferous vegetables like arugula, cauliflower, and cabbage--that fights cancer if you eat enough of it often enough. While cauliflower is not a well-studied cruciferous vegetable from a health standpoint, you will find several dozen studies linking cauliflower-containing diets to cancer prevention, particularly with respect to the following types of cancer: bladder cancer, breast cancer, colon cancer, prostate cancer, and ovarian cancer. Bowerman explains that cruciferous vegetables are rich sources of compounds called sulforaphanes, which act as antioxidants and anti-inflammatories in the body. In addition to these keys, as we mentioned in the October issue, four handfuls a week of broccoli or any cruciferous vegetable will make prostate, breast and colon cancer much less likely. The relationship between high cruciferous vegetable intake and a reduction in bladder cancer risk may be explained by one or more phytochemical(s) specific to Brassica oleracea. A cruciferous vegetable, bok choy is considered a source of powerful antioxidants, such as vitamins C, E and carotenoids. Cabbage is a member of the cruciferous vegetable family, which is thought to help prevent certain cancers. Growers have begun producing purple shades of this cruciferous vegetable. The cruciferous vegetable is high in antioxidant cancer fighting compounds, fiber, vitamins, calcium and minerals and even increases libido One particular cruciferous vegetable, watercress, brings together the very best actions of the other cruciferous vegetables and their components we've discussed so far.
快捷报班免费咨询当前位置：托福培训 > 托福预测 > 　　Narrator:Listen to a conversation between a student and her biology professor. 　　Professor:Hi, Suzanne. You’ve been keeping busy? 　　Suzanne:Really busy. It’s that time of the semester. I’m glad I turned in the first draft as my paper for your class already. 　　Professor:Sure. Yes, it looks like it will be a good paper. Great topic but I think it could use a little more work because it’s just that I found it a bit unclear in places so I want to make sure I understand what you intended to do before I make suggestions for admissions. 　　Suzanne:Okay. Well, honeybees can communicate the location of food to other honeybees and the idea was to describe how they use Earth’s magnetic field in that process. 　　Professor:To help them communicate? 　　Suzanne:No, to help them find their way, to navigate. 　　Professor:Okay. See, I wasn’t sure you separated those two ideas. One that honeybees could communicate with other 　　Professor:Are you sure you understand that? 　　Professor:Okay, good. And where is the magnetic field for that? 　　Suzanne:Well, they have cells in their body that contains iron. So we assume that they’re able to sense Earth’s magnetic 　　field, which might help them navigate. It’s likely that they have an internal compass, like if they get blown off course 　　by the wind, they can get back on course. 　　Student:There’s a problem with my sources? 　　Professor:Well, the article you sited on magnetic navigation isn’t very academic. It’s more of a general interest article. I 　　your own wording in your paper. I think when you look at it again you will know what I’m talking about. If you have 　　any questions, come by again.
Different cells possess particular mechanised cells and properties of different geometries, such as elongated muscle cells and polygonal endothelial cells, which are controlled during embryo development precisely. A primary query in developing biology can be how cell form can be controlled during cells morphogenesis. There are different types of cells in different cells and the particular cell styles are carefully related to their features. Mouse monoclonal to IGF2BP3 For example, epithelial or endothelial cells are polygonal and possess structure cell-cell junctions developing a constant bed sheet that features as a obstacle and enables for picky transport. Neurons possess radiated styles with axons and dendrites that type neural systems sending electrical and biochemical indicators. Muscle tissue cells possess elongated styles developing muscle tissue materials that transmit 24169-02-6 mechanised power. Nevertheless, small can be known why muscle tissue cells would consider such exclusive styles among a lot of feasible options. In latest years, extracellular microenvironment offers been reported to play essential jobs in controlling the features of the cells. For example, base tightness can impact the focal adhesion, cytoskeleton set up, growing and difference of the cells1. Cells can also feeling the geometry or topography of the substrate and align their main axes by get in touch with assistance2,3, and modification their cytoskeleton positioning4, grip power5, expansion6,7 or differential potential8. Mechanical power can be an essential element that manages embryo cells and advancement morphogenesis, in musculoskeletal tissues9 especially,10. For tests, flexible walls had been utilized in many versions to imitate mechanised stretch out to the cells11,12,13,14. While becoming extended on flexible walls along uniaxial path, the cells would modification their styles and align their main axes and actin filaments (F-actin) verticle with respect to the path of stretch out15,16,17,18,19,20,21. The styles with main axes parallel to the path of stretch out had been believed to become 24169-02-6 volatile centered on the research on soft muscle tissue cells, epithelial and endothelial cells15,16,17,18,19,20,21. Nevertheless, queries occur when we believe of the organic styles of muscle tissue cells22, which in fact possess elongated styles and encounter mechanised extend along their main axes. They possess steady F-actin along the extending path also, which cannot be well explained by current theoretical and experimental choices. We hypothesize that, in addition to biochemical and hereditary control, physical factors including cell geometry and mechanised stretch out play an energetic role during myogenesis also. The methods of smooth lithography make it feasible to manipulate solitary cells model by patterning solitary myoblast C2C12 cells (muscle tissue progenitor cells), along with human being umbilical vascular endothelial cells (HUVECs) and NIH 3T3 fibroblasts for assessment, to different square geometries 24169-02-6 and used mechanised extend along their main axes to imitate the mechanised microenvironment of muscle tissue cells organic styles of muscle tissue cells22. Shape 4 Current F-actin (reddish colored, Lifeact-mcherry) aspect of the C2C12 cells of 10 100 and 20 50 under extend. Dialogue We discovered that myoblast C2C12 cells had been even more delicate to geometries than endothelial cells (HUVECs) or fibroblasts NIH 3T3 taking into consideration mobile viability under mechanised extend (Shape 2, ACC). Among all the geometries examined in the tests, the thinnest 10-meters wide types made C2C12 cells highest viability, which can be constant with the organic styles of muscle tissue cells22. It was extremely interesting that HUVECs and 3T3 fibroblasts failed to possess such geometrical impact under extend. They had higher viability than C2C12 cells with the growing area of 4000 actually?m2 (Shape 2, ACC). Nevertheless, in a identical research about geometrical control of cell development without mechanised stimuli, capillary endothelial cells grew better on bigger growing areas, but underwent apoptosis on smaller sized types7. The both total outcomes confirm the idea that microenvironment takes on essential jobs in regulating mobile actions1,3. Different cells possess different physical and biochemical microenvironments and the cells of them possess particular cytoskeleton architectures and regulatory systems. In this respect, it can be quite understandable that HUVECs failed to display.
Black Bears Animal Corner – Black Bears Did you know that in spite of their names, black bears can also be brown, blue or grey and even cinnamon? These are the most common bears in America, in fact, they can be found in nearly any forested area but also live in mountains and swamps. Black bears mostly eat berries, grasses and roots, but they are omnivores so they also eat fish and nearly anything they can find. Black bears can weigh between 200 and 600 pounds. Their weight can go up and down a lot due to hibernation. They eat a lot in preparation for the winter and then lose weight when food is scarce. They are not typically considered true hibernators because they do wake up during their hibernation period. They do however, rely on that extra weight to get them through long periods of rest and food scarcity.
Open main menu Wikipedia β Mahabharata character Ashvatthama uses Narayanastra Family Drona (father) Ashvatthama (Sanskrit: अश्वत्थामा, Aśvatthāmā) or Ashvatthaman (Sanskrit: अश्वत्थामन्, Aśvatthāman) or Drauni was the son of guru Drona and the grandson of the sage Bharadwaja. Ashvatthama is a mighty Maharathi[1] who fought on the Kaurava side against the Pandavas in the Kurukshetra War. Ashvatthama is considered as avatar of one of the eleven Rudras and one of the seven Chiranjivi. Along with his maternal uncle Kripa, Ashvatthama is believed to be a living survivor of the Kurukshetra War.[2] The deceptive plot of his rumoured 'death' led to the beheading of his grieving father Drona, who was incapacitated while meditating for his son's Ātman. Ashwatthama was appointed as the final commander-in-chief of the Kauravas in the Kurukshetra War. Ashwatthama, overcome with grief and rage, manifests his latent powers as a Rudras. He slaughters most of the Pandava camp in a single night offensive. According to The Mahabharata, Ashwatthama means "the horse-voiced".[3] It is so called because when he was born he cried like a horse.[4] Birth and Life Prior to the WarEdit Ashwatthama was the son of Dronacharya and Kripi. Drona did many years of severe penance to please Lord Shiva in order to obtain a son who possesses the same valiance as Lord Shiva. Born a Chiranjivi, Ashwatthama was born with a gem in his forehead which gives him power over all living beings lower than humans; it protected him from hunger, thirst, and fatigue. Though an expert in warfare, Dronacharya lived the simple life of a Brahmin, with little money or property. As a result, Ashwatthama had a difficult childhood, with his family unable to even afford milk. Wanting to provide a better life for his family, Drona goes to the Panchal Kingdom to seek aid from his former classmate and friend, King Drupada. However, Drupada rebukes the friendship, claiming a king and a beggar cannot be friends, humiliating Drona. After this incident, and seeing the plight of Drona, Kripacharya, invited Drona to Hastinapur. There, he came upon the attention of his co-disciple Bhishma. Thus, Dronacharya became the guru of the Pandavas and of the Kauravas in Hastinapur. Ashwatthama was trained in the art of warfare along with them.[5] Role in the Kurukshetra warEdit Siding with the KauravasEdit Ashwatthama is a notable figure in the war and engages in many battles, though not scoring any significant kills until after his father's death. Night of 14th day of the battleEdit On the 14th day of the war when battle continued after sunset, He killed an Akshuhani of Rakshasa and when Anjanaparvan created illusions he penetrated it by Vajra and Vayavya Astra. He also killed Anjanaparvan Death of DronaEdit Bhima kill elephant named asvatthama, folio from Razmnama On the 10th day of the war, Bhishma falls, and Drona is named the supreme commander of the armies. He promises Duryodhana that he will capture Yudhishthira, but then he repeatedly fails to do so. Duryodhana taunts and insults him, which greatly angers Ashwatthama, causing friction between Ashwatthama and Duryodhana. Krishna knew that it was not possible to defeat an armed Drona. So, Krishna suggested to Yudhishthira and the other Pandavas, if Drona were convinced that his son was killed on the battlefield, then his grief would leave him vulnerable to attack. Krishna hatched a plan for Bhima to kill an elephant by the name Ashwatthama while claiming to Drona it was Drona's son who was dead. Ultimately, the gambit works (though the details of it vary depending on the version of the Mahabharata), and Dhristadyumna beheads the grieving sage. Enraged, Ashwatthama unleashed the Narayanastra, a weapon gifted to him by his father, on the Pandava army. Krishna tells the Pandavas and their warriors to drop their weapons and lie down on the ground so that they all surrender completely to the power of this weapon. Though some like Bhima resist, Krishna and the others manage to restrain or pacify the dissenters, and the weapon is rendered ineffective. According to the Chaturdhar compilation, the Narayana Astra destroyed one Akshauhini of Pandava army completely. After the use of Narayana Astra, a terrible war between both armies took place. Ashwatthama defeated Dhrishtadyumna in direct combat, but failed to kill him as Satyaki and Bhima covered his retreat. Terrible war took place between the warriors of both sides as Ashwatthama forced both Satyaki and Bhima to withdraw.[6] In his fury, Ashwatthama manages to kill King Nila of Mahismati. Ashwatthama made Arjuna unconscious on 16th day but at last it was Arjuna who defeated Ashwathama .[1]. Ashwatthama again made Arjuna unconscious on 17th day but later Arjuna defeated Ashwathama and made him flee from battlefield . [2] Becoming commanderEdit After the death of Dushasana, Ashwatthama still suggested Duryodhana that he make peace with the Pandavas, keeping in mind the welfare of Hastinapur. Later, after Duryodhana is struck down by Bhima and facing death, the last three survivors from the Kaurava side, Ashwatthama, Kripa and Kritvarma rush to his side. Ashwatthama swears to bring Duryodhana revenge, and Duryodhana appoints him as the commander-in-chief. Attack on Pandava CampEdit On the night after Duryodhana's defeat, a very disturbed and restless Ashwatthama was sleeplessly strategizing under a large tree. An owl ambushing a group of crows caught his attention. This gave him the idea of attacking the Pandava camp at night. The three surviving warriors proceeded to the Pandava camp. Kripa and Kritavarma guarded the exits while Ashwatthama proceeded into the camp. At this point, there are different versions of the story. According to the analysis done by the scholar Chatahurdi, once arriving at the Pandava camp, they found a Bhairava blocking their entry. So Ashwatthama worshiped Lord Shiva for the fulfillment of his desires, offering himself as an oblation. Ashwasthama propitiates shiva before making a night attack on the Pandava camp. This offering pleased Lord Shiva and Goddess Parvati; Shiva and Parvati in her most ferocious Kali form appeared before Ashwatthama with their gana's. Also, there appeared millions of Kali Sakthis, Kalika Nityas and Kalika Yoginis. They eagerly awaited the impending massacre.[7] In this version of the story, Shiva enters the body of Ashwatthama, granting him a polished sword. Kali and all of their ganas, Kalika Nityas, Sakthis, Yoginis, and other henchmen join in on the attack. It is Ashwatthama's possession by Shiva that explains his prowess. Ashwatthama first kicked and woke up Dhrishtadyumna, the commander of the Pandava army and the killer of his father Drona.[8] Ashwatthama strangled the half-awake Dhrishtadyumna to death as the Panchal prince begged to be allowed to die with a sword in his hand. Ashwatthama proceeds with slaughtering the remaining warriors, including Shikhandi, Yudhamanyu, Uttamaujas, and many other prominent warriors of the Pandava army. Those who tried to flee from Ashwatthama's wrath were hacked down by Kripacharya and Kritavarma at the camp's entrance. At this point, there are numerous different versions of the story. In some, Ashwatthama mistakes the sleeping Upapandavas as the Pandavas and kills them. In others, he knows he is killing the Upapandavas and does so because he cannot find the Pandavas. After the slaughter, the three warriors go to find Duryodhana. Again, the story has many versions at this point. In some, they find Duryodhana already dead and, mourning, they perform the cremation rites. In others, they find Duryodhana alive; Ashwatthama knows he hasn't killed the Pandavas but lies in order to give his friend some happiness in death. Alternatively, Ashwatthama doesn't know he actually killed the Upapandavas and just reports what he thinks is the truth. In a final version, Ashwatthama tells Duryodhana that he killed the Pandava's children as the Pandavas were not there. There is more divergence; in some versions, this makes Duryodhana happy, as that means the Pandava lineage would die out. In others, this depresses him, as now the entire Kuru line will be defunct. [9] In all stories, after Duryodhana dies, the trio cremates his body. Aftermath of the AttackEdit The Pandavas and Krishna who were away during night, now returned to their camp the next day morning. Hearing the news of these events in the morning Yudhishthira fainted and the Pandavas become inconsolable. The Pandavas, along with Krishna, went searching for Ashwatthama to sage Vyasa's ashram. On seeing the approaching angered Pandavas, Ashwatthama as a last resort, devised a Brahmashirsha astra from a blade of grass and invoked it against the Pandavas and Krishna. Arjuna invokes the same astra, which he received from Drona himself, towards Ashwatthama. Narada and Vyasa came to stop Brahmashirsha astra used by Ashwatthama and Arjuna On seeing the two powerful astra's heading for a head on cataclysmic (catastrophic) collision that would result in the total annihilation of the entire Earth, Vyasa stopped these divine weapons from colliding with each other by using his yogic power. He asked both these warriors to withdraw their respective weapons. Arjuna was able to withdraw his Brahmashirsha astra, while Ashwatthama could not do so as Drona did not teach his son how to withdraw it, thus limiting the power of Ashwatthama to use the astra for only one instance. Ashwatthama was given the option of deviating his weapon towards an uninhabited place, so that the astra could explode harmlessly. Out of rage, Ashwatthama instead directed the weapon towards the womb of the pregnant Uttara in an attempt to end the lineage of the Pandavas. The angered Pandavas wanted to kill Ashwatthama, but Sage Vyasa reminded them of the deceitful tactics they had used against the Kauravas. As a punishment, Ashwatthama was asked to surrender the gem on his forehead. Krishna then cursed Ashwatthama for 3000 years that he will roam in the forests with blood and puss oozing out of his injuries and cry for death. Since he had no fear of death during war, death would not meet him. He will have neither any hospitality nor any accommodation; he will be in total isolation without any contact of physical communication from mankind and society. The wound caused by the removal of this gem on his forehead will not heal and his body will suffer from a host of incurable diseases forming sores and ulcers that would never heal for 3000 years.[citation needed] 1. ^ K M Ganguly (1883–1896). The Mahabharata, Book 5 Udyoga Parva, Section CLXVIII, October 2003, Retrieved 2014-02-11 2. ^ Pilot Baba. Pilot Baba and Maharishi Aswathama Retrieved 2015-02-15 3. ^ 4. ^ 6. ^ K M Ganguly(1883-1896). The Mahabharatha Book 7: Drona page 478-479 Aswathama defeated Satyaki, Bhima, Drishtadyumna, October 2003, Retrieved 2015-01-13 7. ^ K M Ganguly(1883-1896).The Mahabharata Book 10: Sauptika Parva section 7 Ashwatthama praying to Lord Shiva, October 2003, Retrieved 2015-04-17 8. ^ K M Ganguly(1883-1896). The Mahabharata Book 10: Sauptika Parva section 8 Ashvatthama killing Dhrishtadyumna, October 2003, Retrieved 2015-04-17 9. ^ Dharmakshektra External linksEdit Original text online (in Sanskrit)
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia (Redirected from Faster than light) Jump to navigation Jump to search Faster-than-light (also superluminal or FTL) communication and travel are the conjectural propagation of information or matter faster than the speed of light. The special theory of relativity implies that only particles with zero rest mass may travel at the speed of light. Tachyons, particles whose speed exceeds that of light, have been hypothesized, but their existence would violate causality, and the consensus of physicists is that they cannot exist. On the other hand, what some physicists refer to as "apparent" or "effective" FTL[1][2][3][4] depends on the hypothesis that unusually distorted regions of spacetime might permit matter to reach distant locations in less time than light could in normal or undistorted spacetime. According to the current scientific theories, matter is required to travel at slower-than-light (also subluminal or STL) speed with respect to the locally distorted spacetime region. Apparent FTL is not excluded by general relativity; however, any apparent FTL physical plausibility is speculative. Examples of apparent FTL proposals are the Alcubierre drive and the traversable wormhole. FTL travel of non-information[edit] In the context of this article, FTL is the transmission of information or matter faster than c, a constant equal to the speed of light in a vacuum, which is 299,792,458 m/s (by definition of the meter) or about 186,282.397 miles per second. This is not quite the same as traveling faster than light, since: Daily sky motion[edit] For an earth-bound observer, objects in the sky complete one revolution around the Earth in one day. Proxima Centauri, the nearest star outside the solar system, is about four light-years away.[5] In this frame of reference, in which Proxima Centauri is perceived to be moving in a circular trajectory with a radius of four light years, it could be described as having a speed many times greater than c as the rim speed of an object moving in a circle is a product of the radius and angular speed.[5] It is also possible on a geostatic view, for objects such as comets to vary their speed from subluminal to superluminal and vice versa simply because the distance from the Earth varies. Comets may have orbits which take them out to more than 1000 AU.[6] The circumference of a circle with a radius of 1000 AU is greater than one light day. In other words, a comet at such a distance is superluminal in a geostatic, and therefore non-inertial, frame. Light spots and shadows[edit] Apparent FTL propagation of static field effects[edit] Closing speeds[edit] It is instructive to compute the relative velocity of particles moving at v and −v in accelerator frame, which corresponds to the closing speed of 2v > c. Expressing the speeds in units of c, β = v/c: Proper speeds[edit] Possible distance away from Earth[edit] Phase velocities above c[edit] Group velocities above c[edit] Universal expansion[edit] Astronomical observations[edit] Quantum mechanics[edit] There have been various reports in the popular press of experiments on faster-than-light transmission in optics — most often in the context of a kind of quantum tunnelling phenomenon. Usually, such reports deal with a phase velocity or group velocity faster than the vacuum velocity of light.[32][33] However, as stated above, a superluminal phase velocity cannot be used for faster-than-light transmission of information.[34][35] Hartman effect[edit] The Hartman effect is the tunneling effect through a barrier where the tunneling time tends to a constant for large barriers.[36] This was first described by Thomas Hartman in 1962.[37] This could, for instance, be the gap between two prisms. When the prisms are in contact, the light passes straight through, but when there is a gap, the light is refracted. There is a non-zero probability that the photon will tunnel across the gap rather than follow the refracted path. For large gaps between the prisms the tunnelling time approaches a constant and thus the photons appear to have crossed with a superluminal speed.[38] Casimir effect[edit] EPR paradox[edit] Delayed choice quantum eraser[edit] Delayed choice quantum eraser (an experiment of Marlan Scully) is a version of the EPR paradox in which the observation (or not) of interference after the passage of a photon through a double slit experiment depends on the conditions of observation of a second photon entangled with the first. The characteristic of this experiment is that the observation of the second photon can take place at a later time than the observation of the first photon,[42] which may give the impression that the measurement of the later photons "retroactively" determines whether the earlier photons show interference or not, although the interference pattern can only be seen by correlating the measurements of both members of every pair and so it can't be observed until both photons have been measured, ensuring that an experimenter watching only the photons going through the slit does not obtain information about the other photons in an FTL or backwards-in-time manner.[43][44] Superluminal communication[edit] • Either way, such acceleration requires infinite energy. • Some observers with sub-light relative motion will disagree about which occurs first of any two events that are separated by a space-like interval.[45] In other words, any travel that is faster-than-light will be seen as traveling backwards in time in some other, equally valid, frames of reference,[46] or need to assume the speculative hypothesis of possible Lorentz violations at a presently unobserved scale (for instance the Planck scale).[citation needed] Therefore, any theory which permits "true" FTL also has to cope with time travel and all its associated paradoxes,[47] or else to assume the Lorentz invariance to be a symmetry of thermodynamical statistical nature (hence a symmetry broken at some presently unobserved scale). • In special relativity the coordinate speed of light is only guaranteed to be c in an inertial frame; in a non-inertial frame the coordinate speed may be different from c.[48] In general relativity no coordinate system on a large region of curved spacetime is "inertial", so it's permissible to use a global coordinate system where objects travel faster than c, but in the local neighborhood of any point in curved spacetime we can define a "local inertial frame" and the local speed of light will be c in this frame,[49] with massive objects moving through this local neighborhood always having a speed less than c in the local inertial frame. Relative permittivity or permeability less than 1[edit] The speed of light is related to the vacuum permittivity ε0 and the vacuum permeability μ0. Therefore, not only the phase velocity, group velocity and energy flow velocity of electromagnetic waves but also the velocity of a photon can be faster than c in a special material has the constant permittivity or permeability whose value is less than that in vacuum.[50] Casimir vacuum and quantum tunnelling[edit] The physicists Günter Nimtz and Alfons Stahlhofen, of the University of Cologne, claim to have violated relativity experimentally by transmitting photons faster than the speed of light.[38] They say they have conducted an experiment in which microwave photons — relatively low-energy packets of light — travelled "instantaneously" between a pair of prisms that had been moved up to 3 ft (1 m) apart. Their experiment involved an optical phenomenon known as "evanescent modes", and they claim that since evanescent modes have an imaginary wave number, they represent a "mathematical analogy" to quantum tunnelling.[38] Nimtz has also claimed that "evanescent modes are not fully describable by the Maxwell equations and quantum mechanics have to be taken into consideration."[55] Other scientists such as Herbert G. Winful and Robert Helling have argued that in fact there is nothing quantum-mechanical about Nimtz's experiments, and that the results can be fully predicted by the equations of classical electromagnetism (Maxwell's equations).[56][57] Give up (absolute) relativity[edit] Spacetime distortion[edit] Dr. Gerald Cleaver, associate professor of physics at Baylor University, and Richard Obousy, a Baylor graduate student, theorized that manipulating the extra spatial dimensions of string theory around a spaceship with an extremely large amount of energy would create a "bubble" that could cause the ship to travel faster than the speed of light. To create this bubble, the physicists believe manipulating the 10th spatial dimension would alter the dark energy in three large spatial dimensions: height, width and length. Cleaver said positive dark energy is currently responsible for speeding up the expansion rate of our universe as time moves on.[65] Heim theory[edit] Lorentz symmetry violation[edit] The possibility that Lorentz symmetry may be violated has been seriously considered in the last two decades, particularly after the development of a realistic effective field theory that describes this possible violation, the so-called Standard-Model Extension.[67][68][69] This general framework has allowed experimental searches by ultra-high energy cosmic-ray experiments[70] and a wide variety of experiments in gravity, electrons, protons, neutrons, neutrinos, mesons, and photons.[71] The breaking of rotation and boost invariance causes direction dependence in the theory as well as unconventional energy dependence that introduces novel effects, including Lorentz-violating neutrino oscillations and modifications to the dispersion relations of different particle species, which naturally could make particles move faster than light. In some models of broken Lorentz symmetry, it is postulated that the symmetry is still built into the most fundamental laws of physics, but that spontaneous symmetry breaking of Lorentz invariance[72] shortly after the Big Bang could have left a "relic field" throughout the universe which causes particles to behave differently depending on their velocity relative to the field;[73] however, there are also some models where Lorentz symmetry is broken in a more fundamental way. If Lorentz symmetry can cease to be a fundamental symmetry at Planck scale or at some other fundamental scale, it is conceivable that particles with a critical speed different from the speed of light be the ultimate constituents of matter. In current models of Lorentz symmetry violation, the phenomenological parameters are expected to be energy-dependent. Therefore, as widely recognized,[74][75] existing low-energy bounds cannot be applied to high-energy phenomena; however, many searches for Lorentz violation at high energies have been carried out using the Standard-Model Extension.[71] Lorentz symmetry violation is expected to become stronger as one gets closer to the fundamental scale. Superfluid theories of physical vacuum[edit] In this approach the physical vacuum is viewed as the quantum superfluid which is essentially non-relativistic whereas the Lorentz symmetry is not an exact symmetry of nature but rather the approximate description valid only for the small fluctuations of the superfluid background.[76] Within the framework of the approach a theory was proposed in which the physical vacuum is conjectured to be the quantum Bose liquid whose ground-state wavefunction is described by the logarithmic Schrödinger equation. It was shown that the relativistic gravitational interaction arises as the small-amplitude collective excitation mode[77] whereas relativistic elementary particles can be described by the particle-like modes in the limit of low momenta.[78] The important fact is that at very high velocities the behavior of the particle-like modes becomes distinct from the relativistic one - they can reach the speed of light limit at finite energy; also, faster-than-light propagation is possible without requiring moving objects to have imaginary mass.[79][80] Time of flight of neutrinos[edit] MINOS experiment[edit] In 2007 the MINOS collaboration reported results measuring the flight-time of 3 GeV neutrinos yielding a speed exceeding that of light by 1.8-sigma significance.[81] However, those measurements were considered to be statistically consistent with neutrinos traveling at the speed of light.[82] After the detectors for the project were upgraded in 2012, MINOS corrected their initial result and found agreement with the speed of light. Further measurements are going to be conducted.[83] OPERA neutrino anomaly[edit] On September 22, 2011, a preprint[84] from the OPERA Collaboration indicated detection of 17 and 28 GeV muon neutrinos, sent 730 kilometers (454 miles) from CERN near Geneva, Switzerland to the Gran Sasso National Laboratory in Italy, traveling faster than light by a relative amount of 2.48×10−5 (approximately 1 in 40,000), a statistic with 6.0-sigma significance.[85] On 17 November 2011, a second follow-up experiment by OPERA scientists confirmed their initial results.[86][87] However, scientists were skeptical about the results of these experiments, the significance of which was disputed.[88] In March 2012, the ICARUS collaboration failed to reproduce the OPERA results with their equipment, detecting neutrino travel time from CERN to the Gran Sasso National Laboratory indistinguishable from the speed of light.[89] Later the OPERA team reported two flaws in their equipment set-up that had caused errors far outside their original confidence interval: a fiber optic cable attached improperly, which caused the apparently faster-than-light measurements, and a clock oscillator ticking too fast.[90] Various theorists have suggested that the neutrino might have a tachyonic nature,[93][94][95][96] while others have disputed the possibility.[97] Exotic matter[edit] of a wave that can propagate in the negative index metamaterial. The pressure of radiation pressure in the metamaterial is negative[99] and negative refraction, inverse Doppler effect and reverse Cherenkov effect imply that the momentum is also negative. So the wave in a negative index metamaterial can be applied to test the theory of exotic matter and negative mass. For example, the velocity equals That is to say, such a wave can break the light barrier under certain conditions. General relativity[edit] Variable speed of light[edit] In physics, the speed of light in a vacuum is assumed to be a constant. However, hypotheses exist that the speed of light is variable. See also[edit] Faster-than-light technologies in science fiction 1. ^ Gonzalez-Diaz, P. F. (2000). "Warp drive space-time" (PDF). Physical Review D. 62 (4): 044005. arXiv:gr-qc/9907026Freely accessible. Bibcode:2000PhRvD..62d4005G. doi:10.1103/PhysRevD.62.044005. 3. ^ Visser, M.; Bassett, B.; Liberati, S. (2000). "Superluminal censorship". 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An Introduction to the Science of Cosmology. CRC Press. p. 94. ISBN 978-0750304054. 50. ^ Z.Y.Wang (2018). "On Faster than Light Photons in Double-Positive Materials". Plasmonics. 13. doi:10.1007/s11468-018-0749-8. 53. ^ Visser, Matt; Liberati, Stefano; Sonego, Sebastiano (2001-07-27). "Faster-than-c signals, special relativity, and causality". Annals of Physics. 298: 167–185. arXiv:gr-qc/0107091Freely accessible. Bibcode:2002AnPhy.298..167L. doi:10.1006/aphy.2002.6233. 54. ^ Fearn, Heidi (2007). "Can Light Signals Travel Faster than c in Nontrivial Vacuua in Flat space-time? Relativistic Causality II". LaserPhys. 17 (5): 695–699. arXiv:0706.0553Freely accessible. Bibcode:2007LaPhy..17..695F. doi:10.1134/S1054660X07050155. 55. ^ Nimtz, G (2001). "Superluminal Tunneling Devices". The Physics of Communication. arXiv:physics/0204043Freely accessible. doi:10.1142/9789812704634_0019. 56. ^ a b Winful, Herbert G. (2007-09-18). "Comment on "Macroscopic violation of special relativity" by Nimtz and Stahlhofen". arXiv:0709.2736Freely accessible [quant-ph]. 57. ^ Helling, R. (20 September 2005). "Faster than light or not". 60. ^ a b For a summary of Herbert G. Winful's explanation for apparently superluminal tunneling time which does not involve reshaping, see Winful, Herbert (2007). "New paradigm resolves old paradox of faster-than-light tunneling". SPIE Newsroom. doi:10.1117/2.1200711.0927. 62. ^ Eckle, P.; Pfeiffer, A. N.; Cirelli, C.; Staudte, A.; Dorner, R.; Muller, H. G.; Buttiker, M.; Keller, U. (5 December 2008). "Attosecond Ionization and Tunneling Delay Time Measurements in Helium". Science. 322 (5907): 1525–1529. Bibcode:2008Sci...322.1525E. doi:10.1126/science.1163439. 70. ^ Gonzalez-Mestres, Luis (2009). "AUGER-HiRes results and models of Lorentz symmetry violation". Nuclear Physics B: Proceedings Supplements. 190: 191–197. arXiv:0902.0994Freely accessible. 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"Scientists Report Second Sighting of Faster-Than-Light Neutrinos". The New York Times. Retrieved 2011-11-18. 87. ^ Adam, T.; et al. (OPERA Collaboration) (17 November 2011). "Measurement of the neutrino velocity with the OPERA detector in the CNGS beam". arXiv:1109.4897v2Freely accessible. 88. ^ Reuters: Study rejects "faster than light" particle finding 89. ^ Antonello, M.; et al. (ICARUS Collaboration) (15 March 2012). "Measurement of the neutrino velocity with the ICARUS detector at the CNGS beam". arXiv:1203.3433Freely accessible. 90. ^ Strassler, M. (2012) "OPERA: What Went Wrong" 93. ^ Chodos, A.; Hauser, A. I.; Alan Kostelecký, V. (1985). "The neutrino as a tachyon". Physics Letters B. 150 (6): 431–435. Bibcode:1985PhLB..150..431C. doi:10.1016/0370-2693(85)90460-5. 94. ^ Chodos, Alan; Kostelecký, V. Alan; IUHET 280 (1994). "Nuclear Null Tests for Spacelike Neutrinos". Physics Letters B. 336 (3–4): 295–302. arXiv:hep-ph/9409404Freely accessible. 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Diagnosis and tests of the Bunion Reading time: 1 min The diagnosis hallux valgus is made with a clinical examination. Observing, palpating and watching the patient walking can help achieve a clear diagnosis in the majority of cases. The rest of the tests are complementary and serve to firm up the diagnosis and make decisions on the treatment. Among the complementary tests, the fundamental examination is: chest X-ray Simple x-ray of the feet. This is the imaging test that provides the most information. It is made with the foot supported and putting pressure on it with the weight of the body. In some very specific cases, other tests may be performed, such as ultrasound, a CT scan or a magnetic resonance scan. Furthermore, it may be of interest to study the gait with a plantar pressure map, or baropodometry. Substantiated information by: Cristina CasalsNurse — Orthopedic Surgery and Traumatology DepartmentJordi FluviàPodiatrist — Orthopedic Surgery and Traumatology DepartmentJessica MartínezNurse — Orthopedic Surgery and Traumatology DepartmentDaniel PoggioTraumatologist — Orthopedic Surgery and Traumatology Department Published: 20 February 2018 Updated: 20 February 2018 Receive the latest updates related to this content. Thank you for subscribing!
From RationalWiki Jump to: navigation, search Party Like It's 632 Icon islam.svg Turning towards Mecca Hadith (الحديث) are texts, originally orally transmitted,[1] relating to the words, sayings, and deeds of Muhammad. Muslims usually regard hadith authority as second to that of the Qur'an. Islamic scholars generally consider Bukhari's[2] collection the most reliable.[3] Each hadith comprises two parts: • the isnad[4] or authority on which the hadith stands (e.g.: "It is related by Irbad bin Sariyah that the Apostle said/did ...") • the matn[5] or relation of the tradition itself Twenty-first-century Islamic jurists commonly use the hadith (in addition to the Qur'an) to determine the implementation of sharia. The set of texts that comprise the hadith vary in each branch of Islam. Sunnis consult the hadith and decide sharia through a process of analogy and consensus, whereas Shi'a depend on the "divinely inspired" judgment of the Imams. Ibadis have a separate form of hadith. Hadith started as oral traditions.[6] No hadith documents contemporary with the foundation years of Islam (7th century CE) have survived. The earliest extant manuscripts date from after 922 CE.[7] Not all Muslims accept the authority of all hadith, and the very small Qur'an-only sect rejects them wholly. Not all hadiths are equal as well, many are considered weak by Islamic scholars but this also depends on the denomination.[8] The weakest are called Maudu. These hadiths have a tendency to be based on things external to Islam like superiority of a political ideology, race, town, or any sort of supremacist tripe. Many of these are outright lies used for personal gain that ignore basic history both within and outside of Islam. Unsurprisingly, many of the hadiths that terrorists cite are Maudu.[9] Hadiths are commonly quote-mined by various sorts of bigots, both inside (Islamic extremists and authoritarians) and outside (Islamophobes) Islam. Islamic extremists and authoritarians tend to use quote-mined hadiths to justify their violent and hateful actions while Islamophobes quote-mine hadiths and use them as examples of how "evil" Islam is. Bonus points if they conflate the hadith with the Qur'an, even if there's a contradiction between the Qur'an and the hadith. 1. See the Wikipedia article on Oral transmission. 2. See the Wikipedia article on Muhammad al-Bukhari. 3. Wikipedia article on Hadith 4. See the Wikipedia article on isnad. 5. See the Wikipedia article on matn. 6. Gacek, Adam (2009). Arabic Manuscripts: A Vademecum for Readers. Handbuch der Orientalistik. Erste Abteilung, Nahe und der Mittlere Osten. 98. Leiden: Brill. p. 92. ISBN 9789004170360. Retrieved 2018-04-07. "And though written transmission prevailed, having been given a boost by the introduction of → paper in the second half of the 2nd/8th century, it was still the oral tradition which was regarded as the most authoritative, especially in Hadith." 7. Compare: Holland, Tom (2012). In The Shadow Of The Sword: The Battle for Global Empire and the End of the Ancient World. London: Hachette. ISBN 9780748119516. Retrieved 2018-04-06. "[...] all the sprawling collections of hadiths - none of which in the form we have them, predates the beginning of the third century after the hijraWikipedia's W.svg [...]." 8. Islamic awareness article 9. Blog
$50 billion: How would you use it February 4, 2005 Bjørn Lomborg would plough the money into tackling Aids and malnutrition despite cries of protest from the environmental lobby. Here, he explains why In theory, dealing with all the world's problems should be within our grasp. We should strive to win the war against hunger, end conflicts, stop communicable diseases, provide clean drinking water, make education more widely available and halt climate change. But we don't. We live in a world with limited resources, so we have to ask: which problem should we deal with first? We have a moral obligation to do the most good that we possibly can with every pound we spend. We need to start talking about prioritisation. Surprisingly, an explicit economic prioritisation of the world's problems hasn't been done before. Why? There is a good deal of antagonism towards the idea that we need to prioritise. This is because when we prioritise, we put certain areas on hold (which is seen as cynical). This view puzzles me; not talking about prioritisation doesn't make the need for it go away. It only makes dealing with the world's problems less clear, less democratic and less efficient. Refusing to prioritise and focusing on those problems that get the most "buzz" in the media is wrong. Imagine doctors at an overrun hospital refusing to perform triage on casualties, attending to patients as they arrive and fast-tracking those whose families make the most fuss. Not prioritising is unjust. It wastes resources and costs lives. At the 2004 Copenhagen Consensus project, 30 specialist economists joined forces with eight of the world's top economists - including three Nobel laureates - to make a global priority list. They were asked to answer the question: if the world had, say, $50 billion extra to spend, where could that money best be deployed? The top priority was HIV/Aids. A comprehensive preventive programme would cost $ billion, yet the social benefits would be immense. If implemented now, it could prevent more than 28 million new cases by 2010. This makes it the best investment the world could make, reaping benefits that outweigh the costs by 40 to 1. Similarly, providing micro-nutrients missing from more than half the world's diet would reduce diseases caused by deficiencies of iron, zinc, iodine and vitamin A. This also has an exceptionally high ratio of benefits to cost. Establishing genuinely free trade could be achieved at very low cost, with benefits of up to $2,400 billion a year, if we could only find the political will to push it through. Dealing with malaria would create benefits at least five times greater than the costs. Mosquito nets and effective medication could halve the incidence of malaria and would cost $13 billion. The list also focuses on agricultural and water technologies that tackle hunger and food production and on the lack of clean drinking water and sanitation. The Copenhagen Consensus has been well received by many, the book from the meeting is becoming a scholarly bestseller and its conclusions are beginning to translate into real politics. Inspired by the Copenhagen Consensus, the Danish Government, for example, has increased its spending on HIV/Aids and has asked an international panel to give it specific recommendations based on the priority list. However, some people have been critical of the project. Perhaps the most common criticism has been that proposing only an extra $50 billion to be spent over the next four years is not ambitious enough. Jeffrey Sachs, director of the Earth Institute at Columbia University, has been the key proponent of this view. He is adamant that we should not prioritise the world's problems and estimates that we should be spending upwards of $200 billion more a year. Fifty billion dollars extra is indeed too little, but it is a realistic - perhaps even somewhat optimistic - target, if history is anything to go by. More than 30 years ago, the United Nations called on the developed nations to double the percentage of money they spent on overseas development aid, but the sad fact is that, since 1965, that percentage has been halved. Substantial increases will, at the very least, be an uphill battle for most governments, given that they face various strains on their national budgets from domestic and other concerns. There is a risk that, in asking for an unrealistically optimistic aid increase, we will get gilded promises but little real commitment. Even if Sachs or someone else were to come up with some $800 billion over the next four years, for which I would extend my congratulations, the money would still have to be prioritised, and that would still mean following the Copenhagen Consensus list. The amount of extra money available simply determines how far down the list we go. It does not change the list. Sachs has also criticised the fact that the Copenhagen Consensus consisted only of economists. All the estimates are based on the best integrated economic and natural science models. Yet only economists - not climatologists or malaria experts - can economically prioritise between battling global warming or communicable disease. And this leads us to the biggest problem some people have with the Copenhagen Consensus. The experts rated climate change extremely low on their to-do list. In fact, the panel called programmes aimed at tackling climate change - including the Kyoto Protocol - "Bad Projects" simply because they cost more than the benefits they reap. Implementing Kyoto, for example, would have fairly little impact - it would postpone global warming in 2100 by six years - and yet it would cost a hefty $150 billion a year. This does not mean that we should ignore climate change, but that we should look for smarter long-term investments in, for example, renewable energy technologies. Naturally, the fact that the Copenhagen Consensus has stated what most economists have known for a long time - that Kyoto is a bad deal - has not been well received in environmental circles. But since we all share a wish to implement policies that make for a better world, the Copenhagen Consensus forces us to ask: do we want to do a lot of good now or a little good a long time from now? And can we do more for the developing world by investing differently? Far from suggesting a laissez-faire policy, these questions address the pressing problem of prioritisation head-on. Why did thousands die in Haiti during the recent hurricanes and not in Florida? Because Haitians are poor. They cannot take preventive measures. Breaking the cycle of poverty, by addressing disease, hunger and polluted water will make people less vulnerable to the effects of climate change. The Copenhagen Consensus is challenging our mindset and highlighting that the urgent problems facing the poor majority of this world are not primarily linked to climate change. Their problems are basic: dying from easily preventable diseases; being malnourished owing to a lack of simple micro-nutrients; being prevented from exploiting opportunities in the global economy by restrictions on free trade; not having access to condoms and good health education to prevent HIV or to simple vitamin supplements to prevent malnutrition. We are not talking about investing in space-age technologies, but paying for basic necessities. The message from the Copenhagen Consensus is that it is possible to solve some of the world's most serious problems - and that not only are we morally obliged to do this, but it is also a sound investment. Bjørn Lomborg is the organiser of the Copenhagen Consensus, associate professor in political science at University of Aarhus, editor of Global Crises, Global Solutions and author of The Skeptical Environmentalist . He is listed as one of the world's 100 most influential people by Time magazine. Please login or register to read this article Register to continue • Sign up for the editor's highlights • Receive World University Rankings news first • Get job alerts, shortlist jobs and save job searches • Participate in reader discussions and post comments Have your say Log in or register to post comments
It’s Polycystic Ovarian Syndrome (PCOS) Awareness Month, which means it’s time to get your learn on about a hormonal disorder that affects roughly 10 million women around the world. PCOS is often very difficult to diagnose due to its wide variety of symptoms, which can be attributed to any number of health issues. Some of those symptoms include infertility, cystic acne, hair loss, unwanted hair growth, chronic fatigue, insomnia, ovarian cysts, and, one of the most common, changes in your menstrual cycle. That’s why it’s so important to learn exactly what periods are like with PCOS, as they can be one of the tell-tale signs of the syndrome. In fact, there are actually a wide variety of ways PCOS can affect your period, and they don’t all come in the same bloody red package. As Dr. Mark Perloe, director of Georgia Reproductive Specialists, tells Elite Daily of PCOS in general, everyone has their own version of it, in a sense, and stresses that it’s “not a one-size-fits-all condition.” But the changes that PCOS might cause in your cycle have to do with the hormones affected: androgens (considered male hormones, like testosterone), insulin (which helps the body metabolize glucose), and progesterone (which regulates the menstrual cycle, among other things). Interestingly, issues with periods are one of the major reasons people seek out help for PCOS, because it’s often the most noticeable signal that something is going on with your body. Now, the average menstrual cycle is about 28 days long, with one ovulation (that’s when your egg is released). But a cycle between 21 and 35 days is still considered a normal period, where bleeding usually lasts for about two to seven days. While everyone is different, women typically have between 11 and 13 periods a year. But here’s what might be happening differently if PCOS is affecting your period. 1. Your Period Is Probably Irregular According to Everyday Health, an “irregular period” is defined as having eight or less cycles a year, or having cycles that last longer than 35 days. Both of these scenarios are possible when living with PCOS. 2. Your Period Can Stop Altogether Some women with PCOS experience amenorrhea, which is an absent period for three or more consecutive cycles. Sometimes the periods just skip, and sometimes they stop completely. Amenorrhea is also one of the major causes of infertility, according to Mayo Clinic. 3. It Might Be A Lot Heavier The technical name for this is menorrhagia, which is caused by low levels of progesterone associated with PCOS. OBGYN specialist Dr. David Malloy wrote on his website, Sometimes the small and primitive follicles produce enough oestrogen to thicken the lining of the uterus but the compacting and balancing hormone, progesterone, is absent. This can lead to the lining of the uterus becoming thicker and thicker and eventually undergoing a form of pre-cancerous change. All of these bodily changes ultimately lead to more intense (and likely uncomfortable) bleeding for the woman during her period. Part of the reason it’s really important to have at least four menstrual cycles a year is that it prevents abnormal cells from building up and thickening in excess on the lining of the uterus. Your cycle flushes all that out, but only if nothing disrupts it. 4. Your Period Can Last A Whole Lot Longer Than It Should A longer-than-normal period can go hand in hand with the heavy flow commonly associated with PCOS. Of course, this can be a particularly challenging symptom, because it means irregular bleeding can last as long as a whole year. But as you long as you open up about these issues with your doctor, this can often be successfully treated. 5. Periods Can Be A Bit More Painful Many women experience cramps during that time of the month, and those cramps actually have a name: dysmenorrhea. While many women feel better after a good snooze and a couple Advil, for others, cramps can be truly debilitating. This is called secondary dysmenorrheaand it can also be associated with the menstrual irregularities of PCOS. Here’s to all the strong-as-hell women who live with this condition every day. This month is for you, ladies. Leave a Reply Previous Post: Next Post:
Scotch Collie Scottish Collie is the name originally given to the two types now often divided into Rough Collie and Smooth Collie. They were derived originally from herding dogs from Scotland and northern England, with mixture from other breeds, particular the Borzoi. See Collie for other types of collie and related dog types. Coat Colors of Scotch Collie Both Rough and Smooth varieties are available in four distinct colors: • Tricolor dogs are mostly black and white with tan markings. • White collies are usually mostly white on the body with a head coloration of any of the three previous. As modern-day "Lassies", both Rough and Smooth Collies have become successful assistance, and therapy dogs. At least one guide dog school (Southeastern Guide Dogs in Florida) currently trains Smooth Collies as guide dogs, and a number of Scottish Collies are currently partnered with disabled individuals around the United States. Health of Scotch Collie The mutation of the MDR1 gene is found in Scottish Collies and related breeds worldwide and affects approximately 80% of Scottish Collie dogs in the United States. Dogs with this mutation are predisposed to various sensitivities and some may suffer a potentially fatal neurotoxicosis. Ivermectin is a popular choice in the prevention of heartworm disease in dogs, an extremely serious and potentially fatal condition. Despite the high prevalence of sensitivity in Scottish Collies to this medication, the low dosage provided is generally considered safe and preventative drugs such as Heartgard are advertised as approved for Scottish Collies, having a wide margin of safety when used as directed. A simple test, recently developed at and provided by Washington State University, can determine if a dog is a carrier of the mutation which causes sensitivity. Scottish Collies typically live an average of 12 to 14 years. Temperament of Scotch Collie Scottish Collies are known to be generally sweet and protective. They are generally easy to train due to a high level of intelligence and a willingness to please. Some are a bit clingy, but this is often seen as an overdeveloped sense of loyalty. They are excellent herding dogs and benefit from the companionship of a family or other dogs. Scottish Collies are very playful and gentle around children. They can also exhibit a strong herding instinct, especially around children. Herding instincts and trainability can be measured at noncompetitive herding tests. Scottish Collies exhibiting basic herding instincts can be trained to compete in herding trials.
Tour of Musée du Louvre and Montmartre In the early part of the 12th century, a French king commissioned the first building of what eventually became the Louvre. It was originally built to serve as a fortress to protect Paris while the king was on crusade in the Holy Land. After standing for over 500 years as a fortress, in the 16th and 17th century, the fortress was mostly destroyed to be replaced by a comfortable and elegant palace which would serve as the residence for the kings. During the reign of each king an addition was added to the palace. It served as a palace until the French Revolution in 1789. After the French Revolution, the Louvre became the great museum that it is today. The most recent addition to the palace is the pyramids, built in the late 1980s. The library of Charles V - installed in one of the towers of the original fortress of Philippe August - was eventually dispersed. François I began a new collection of art with 12 paintings from Italy. These included works by Titian, Raphael, and Leonardo da Vinci, the most famous being the Joconde - or Mona Lisa. The royal collection grew and by the reign of Louis XIII, numbered roughly 200 pieces. Henri II, and Catherine de Médicis continued to enlarge the collection, as did others. When Louis XIV died in 1715, there were 2,500 pieces of art and objects. Until the Revolution, this collection was strictly for the private pleasure of the Court. Finally, the idea of a museum (originating with Louis XVI) was realized on 10 August 1793, when the Musée de la République opened to the public. Napoléon greatly increased the collections by exacting tribute from the countries he conquered, but most of these were returned in 1815 after his defeat at Waterloo. Under Louis XVIII the Venus de Milo was aquired (for 6000F) shortly after it was rediscovered on the Island of Melos in 1820. In 1848 the museum became the properly of the State. With an annual budget devoted to acquiring new art, the collections continued to grow. Private donations also augmented the Museum's holdings. In 1947 the impressionist paintings were moved to the Jeu de Paume and l'Orangerie. (In 1986 these were transfered to the Musée d'Orsay.) Today, the catalogue lists nearly 300,000 works, only a fraction of which are on display at any one time. Le Grand Louvre - begun in 1981 is transforming the museum once again enlarging it substantially. The Richelieu Wing - which had temporarily housed part of the Ministry of Finance since the 18th century - was opened in 1993. [Louvre Plan] [Back to Home Page] [Arts & Music]
Tuesday, May 12, 2015 Parts of Computer Parts of a Computer Monitor-shows the pictures as we see on the television. Keyboard-works for computer and helps writing characters. Mouse-points on the monitor as your teacher points on the blackboard with a finger. CPU-brain of the computer as we have. Memory-to store figures on memory chip. It is also known as Visual Display Unit. It can be black and White or Colored. It comes in various sizes. It looks like a typewriter. It is used to type alphabets,numbers and symbols. There are special keys for special functions. Computer has 4 main parts-Monitor,CPU,Memory and Keyboard. CPU is known as the brain of the computer. What we do on the computer can be seen on the monitor. Keyboard has many keys which are used to type alphabets,numbers and other special characters. Some More parts of a computer It is also called a pointing device. It has 2 or more buttons. Clicking it,selects an item on the screen. It helps us to draw pictures on the screen. When mouse is moved on the desk,the pointer on the screen moves in the same direction. A mouse has cord to connect to the CPU and cordless as well. It is used to print letters and drawing on the paper. Popular printers are Dot matrix,Deskjet and Laser Printers. It stores data/information as we write in our notebook for future use. It is placed in a floppy disk drive. It stores less amount of information. Floppy Disk Drive It is used to read and write the data to a floppy as we use our eyes while reading or writing. Hard Disk Drive It can store a large amount of data. It is fixed inside the cabinet of computer. It comes in various storage capacities. CD stands for Compact Disk. It can contain Games,Music,Movies and Programs. It has shiny surface. CD ROM Drive It reads data from the CD ROM. It is used to play games,on the computer as we play video games. It is an input device. Speakers are used for listening to music and other sounds. We can record our voice using a microphone. It scans text/image and puts it into computer as we see any picture and store it in the memory. Mouse is used to move the mouse pointer on the screen in the desired direction. Printer is used to print the output on the paper. CD ROM is used to store movies,songs and other data. Floppy is also used to store information but has lessor capacity in comparison to CD ROM. Joystick is used to play games. Scanner copies images to the computer. We can listen to music with the help of speakers.
Monday, March 30, 2009 "It is from my cousin, Mr. Collins, who, when I am dead, may turn you all out on this house as soon as he please." (pg. 62) Another important plot point in Pride and Prejudice is the fact that none of the Bennet daughters can inherit Longbourn when Mr. Bennet dies. The only reason they cannot inherit the home is because they are women, and under English law of the 19th century, only men could inherit things like houses. Austen chose to include this law firstly because it was a law that were inact while she was alive and because it drives the goal of Mrs. Bennet to marry off her daughters, which furthers the main plot of marriage in Pride and Prejudice. 1 comment: 1. It is not the case that only men could inherit houses in 19th century England. Anne de Bourgh, for example, is the heir to Rosings. The reason that the Bennet daughters could not inherit Netherfield is that the property is entailed, so it can only be inherited through the male line.
Friday, December 5, 2008 How does the Federal Reserve spend so much? The Federal Reserve Banks earned $6.9 billion in 1977. How are the Federal Reserve Banks able to “earn” this amount of income? One popular misconception is that the Federal Reserve Banks earn income by investing member bank reserves. In fact, earnings of the Federal Reserve Banks are not the result of the volume of member bank reserves, but that bank reserves and earnings of the Federal Reserve Banks are both by-products of the way a central bank operates. [1] Assume that there were no legal restrictions that required banks to hold deposits at Federal Reserve Banks. Would the ability of the Federal Reserve Banks to generate their own earnings be affected? The answer is no. To implement its monetary policy objectives, the Federal Reserve would still buy and sell Government securities. Its holdings of Government securities would still represent the primary source of the “base” under bank deposits. The Federal Reserve would pay for the securities just as it does now, with a check written on itself. Commercial banks would then be “paid.” [2] In 2005 the Federal Reserve System had holdings of $753,748,000,000, in 2006 it had $787,872,000,000 and in 2008 it had holdings of $816,115,000,000.[3] As of September 2008 the holdings of the Federal Reserve System was $476,600,000,000. [4 Reserve requirements affect the potential of the banking system to create transaction deposits. If the reserve requirement is 10%, for example, a bank that receives a $100 deposit may lend out $90 of that deposit. If the borrower then writes a check to someone who deposits the $90, the bank receiving that deposit can lend out $81. As the process continues, the banking system can expand the change in excess reserves of $90 into a maximum of $1,000 of money ($100+$90+81+$72.90+...=$1,000), e.g.$100/0.10=$1,000. Federal Reserve lending crisis lending: (TAF) Term Auction Credit (allocated) $900,000 Discount Window Lending $139,256 Banks (other loans primary credit) $92,645 Investment Banks $46,611 (other loans Primary dealer and other broker-dealer credit) Loans to buy ABCP (other loans Asset-backed $661,923 commercial paper money market mutual fund liquidity facility) AIG (allocated minus Treasury 40B) $112,500 Bear Stearns (initial loan to JPMorgan) $295,000 (TSLF) Term Securities Lending Facility $225,000 Swap Lines (other federal reserve assets) $601,963 debt issued by government-sponsored mortgage $100,000 financers Fannie Mae (FNM, Fortune 500) and $100,000 Freddie Mac (FRE, Fortune 500). mortgage-backed securities purchase $500,000 (these amount are in millions of dollars) Total amount guaranteed by the Federal Reserve is $6,549,398,000,000. When Reserve requirements are considered the potential from the banking system is $4,766,000,000,000 yet the Federal Reserve has committed spending of about $6.5 trillion. Hmmm, what system are they working with now to justify their spending spree? Earlier in the week Bernanke said that the Fed may buy treasuries to aid economy. [7] I guess they will just write a check written on themselves to buy them! 1 comment: Junior said... Bernanke's got a birthday coming up; maybe he'll have a couple new GM cars in his garage for the occasion? Love your blog... it's nice to see such succinct information. Very well done!
You can then open the file in your word processing program. Producers Louis Alvarez and Andrew Kolker spent six months living in Tokyo in late 1988 and early 1989. They set out to study how Western and especially American culture undergoes a change when it arrives in Japan. "The Japanese Version", completed in 1991, is the result of that study. Presented as a personal journey through certain aspects of Japanese culture, "The Japanese Version" does not attempt to portray all of Japanese culture, nor does it pretend to be comprehensive about its chosen subject. Rather, through a series of close-up scenes, it tries both to complement already existing films and media portraits of Japan, and to present a side of Japanese culture that has not been widely seen abroad. Unfamiliar as many scenes may seem to an American audience, in many ways they can be considered "typical" of modern Japanese life. While "The Japanese Version" is completely accessible to the viewer who knows very little about Japanese culture, the film is a rewarding experience for more knowledgeable audiences as well, as they discern more subtle examples of cultural significance within individual scenes. This instructional guide can help provide a proper educational context for "The Japanese Version". Viewers will undoubtedly have many questions about individual scenes and personalities in the film, and the teacher may not always be aware of many details surrounding the filming process. The first article, "Details of Individual Scenes", will help elaborate. Secondly, the article entitled "Japanese Adaptation" looks at some of the issues raised by the film and places them in a larger cultural and historical context. Finally, there is a suggested bibliography, and some suggested discussion questions. A Note on Popular Culture The Japanese Version shows a side of Japan that many Americans are unfamiliar with and that the Japanese themselves rarely promote overseas. To Americans who associate Japan with its classic "high culture" of the feudal period, the film can be something of a shock. Cultural critic Donald Richie has pointed out that Japanese culture in the modern era has been to a large degree dominated by a popular, lower-middle-class taste, and much of The Japanese Version bears witness to that. In post-viewing discussions, some Japanese viewers have acknowledged feelings of embarassment as Americans learn about such elements of Japanese culture as love hotels and wacky quiz programs, even as they admit that these are an important part of their society. [Yoko Hirose's article "Versions of Self-Image" on page 20 of this study guide discusses these feelings of ambivalence.] It can be useful at such moments to raise the issue of "official" versus "unofficial" culture, and to challenge the audience to think about what we as Americans would want others to know about our society. What would we want included, what excluded? The film is intended to complement the many existing media portraits that focus on the "traditional" or "classical" side of Japanese life to the exclusion of other aspects. Rather than wishing to cause embarassment, The Japanese Version hopes to show the diversity, humor, and humanity of Japan today. * * * [NOTE: There are two versions of the film: the 56 minute Standard Edition and the 38 minute High School Edition. Sections below marked with a § are not applicable to the High School Edition.] * * * §1. Love Hotels Following the introductory part of the documentary, "The Japanese Version" presents a widespread Japanese cultural phenomenon barely known in the US: the "love hotel". All Japanese cities have these institutions, often clustered around major railroad stations. Their purpose is unambiguous: they provide a place for heterosexual couples to have sex. A room is rented in two-hour increments, with discounts offered during slack periods of the day (afternoons and overnight). Although room prices vary considerably, a typical 2-hour rental might fall between ¥3500 and ¥7000 (approximately $25-50). While Americans might assume that love hotels are primarily for illicit affairs, they actually host a wide range of clients. Married couples wanting fresh surroundings and young unmarried couples unable to find privacy at home (where they usually live with their parents) are attracted to the amenities the hotels offer, which usually include big beds and spacious bathtubs, elaborate sound systems, and, in the case of the hotel presented in "The Japanese Version", a variety of fantasy settings. While most Japanese might feel slightly embarrassed admitting that they patronize love hotels, probably one-third to one-half of the adult population has been to one at some point, and thousands of people check into them daily. The modus operandi of love hotel management is to avoid embarrassment and provide some much deserved privacy. In most hotels, when the customer pushes the button of a desired room number at the check-in "menu board", the corresponding picture darkens. An elevator ride to the room reveals a flashing light over the doorway, and the door closes and locks behind the visitors. When they are ready to leave, visitors phone to be let out. A hand slips the bill through a slot in the door (or the bill is sent up via pneumatic tube), allowing the visitors to discreetly pay the amount due and exit by the down elevator and out the back way. Love hotels can be shaped like castles on the outside or can look like any other commercial building in Japan. In recent years there has been a trend towards more sedate surroundings, but Shin Ami, designer of the love hotel featured in the documentary, continues to design fantasy palaces. Other rooms include a Louis XIV suite, a New York skyline room, a room with a racetrack motif, and even a "traditional Japanese" suite, complete with Zen garden and shoji screens. As many clients are teenagers and people in their twenties, the rooms are often designed to attract the attention of young men and women; hence the rooms with Mickey Mouse motifs and other juvenilia that are popular among young Japanese. For the Japanese, the fantasy rooms offer a chance to play, to step out of day-to-day social restrictions, even for an hour or two. The continued success of love hotels seems assured. 2. Weddings Of all the parts of the documentary, the sequence dealing with weddings is perhaps the most "typical" of life in Japan--so much so that many Japanese audiences are baffled as to its interest to non-Japanese. They fail to realize, of course, that the rubber wedding cakes and frequent costume changes that are commonplace in Japanese weddings are unknown in the West. The two couples whose nuptials are presented in "The Japanese Version" live in Chiba Prefecture, a sprawling suburban area northeast of Tokyo. Both ceremonies took place at the Kashiwa Tamehimiden, one of a chain of "wedding palaces" that cater to lower-middle-class Japanese families. Each Tamehimiden can host up to 20 weddings per afternoon; with such traffic, scheduling is tight, and a typical reception, or hiro-en, lasts exactly two hours, despite being crammed with a variety of eating, drinking, and entertainment events (including the ever-popular karaoke, where the guests get up and sing to each other.) The first couple, presented briefly at the beginning of the section, chose to get married in the Shinto tradition, which is how roughly 80% of contemporary marriages take place. [It is a common Japanese pattern to be married Shinto-style and to be buried Buddhist-style.] Nevertheless, their reception features a decidedly non-Shinto rubber cake and dry-ice show, and they subsequently changed clothes twice, choosing fanciful Western-style costumes. Our second couple, the Jimbas, are part of a sizable minority of young Japanese (perhaps 20% nowadays) who are dissatisfied with the traditional Shinto ceremony. Without a strong religious identification (as are most Japanese), they chose a Christian-style ceremony offered by Tamehimiden, performed by a real Catholic priest. The Japanese custom of "shopping around" for cultural items renders any Western religious context irrelevant. 3. Cherry Blossom Time One of the most ancient and enjoyable Japanese rituals is that of the o-hanami, or cherry-blossom party, which occurs during the brief period in early Spring during the flowering of Japan's millions of cherry trees. One person might attend several o-hanami: one with co-workers, another with family, still others with groups of friends. Small but exuberant drinking parties occur all the time in Japan, but cherry blossom time is the most popular occasion for indulging out-of-doors, instead of in taverns and restaurants. For the producers of "The Japanese Version", it was a welcome opportunity to talk informally with a wide variety of people. This particular o-hanami took place at Ueno Park, in the heart of older Tokyo. 4. Cowboys One of the most common of Japanese establishments is the nomiya, or drinking place, typically a very small tavern that might also serve light snacks. Every nomiya has its steady clientele; when a customer purchases a bottle of whisky or sake, his name (they cater largely to men) is written on the label and the bottle stored above the bar for future visits. Each nomiya has its own special character; one might feature jazz recordings, another might cater to people in the film business. The place featured in "The Japanese Version" is special: it has a loyal clientele of customers enthralled by the life of the American cowboy. This nomiya is located in the heart of Shinjuku, the entertainment district of Tokyo, and its customers are middle-class businessmen and professionals who can afford the accoutrements of this lifestyle. The men who come to this bar and others like it tend to be in their late 30s and 40s--the last generation to be raised on a diet of American TV and movie Westerns in the early 1960s. Although each man has a different level of involvement with the cowboy life, virtually none of them has been to the United States or has had first-hand contact with real cowboy culture; even the musicians and the rope-twirler learned their crafts from books and television. Some travel to dude ranches north of Tokyo on weekends to ride horses, while others content themselves with wearing the garb and getting together in Tokyo on Saturday night. The three men interviewed in the documentary are "Doc" Suzuki, a dentist, "Tabo", a salesman, and "Rowdy", an employee of the national railroad (he is also seen demonstrating his roping during the musical sequence). Although their hobby could not be considered "typical"--most Japanese do not dress up in costumes every weekend--the indulging of fantasy that the cowboy life represents is commonplace in Japan, and manifests itself in many ways in contemporary culture. The Shinjuku cowboys are quite cognizant of this, and have their own peculiarly Japanese interpretation of the cowboy myth, explained by Rowdy in the film: "It's not about being an individual--it's about working together...Teamwork, that's what it's all about." §5. The English Craze A brief section in "The Japanese Version" discusses the variety of odd English found in Japan, also known as Japlish. This is a phenomenon immediately apparent to an English-speaking visitor confronted with expressions ("Store My Ducks", "I feel Coke", "Good Notebook for Vegetarian") that appear to make no sense. In many cases the international cachet any use of English confers upon a product is sufficient justification to Japanese producers, even if the words are just strung together. But many Japlish expressions do have a rational explanation. Often, a Japanese expression is simply translated straight into English, with the Japanese sentence construction unaltered. For example, an ending appended to many Japanese nouns can turn them into verbs suggesting group activity. Translating directly into English words produces such odd (to our ears) expressions as "Let's Sport", "Let's Healthy", and so forth, but the Japanese consumer, who knows quite a bit of English vocabulary but very little grammar, immediately understands the intent. And since the message is not intended for native English speakers, there is no need to "correct" its English. Another characteristic language variation is the creative combination of syllables, so that personal computer becomes pasucom, or... §6. Charm School The John Robert Powers Academy is a well-established American "charm school" that has eight branches in Japan. The one depicted in "The Japanese Version" is in Aoyama, a fashionable Tokyo neighborhood. The clientele is almost entirely women, mostly middle-class, who come to brush up on their social skills. According to the manager, a significant attraction of the school is that is provides each graduate with a diploma, and thus enhances her perceived value in an arranged marriage (perhaps 35% of contemporary Japanese marriages continue to be arranged). The charm school itself would be considered unusual in Japan, although the attitudes it reflects (the love of self-improvement, the yearning for foreign cachet) are widespread. The standard course is sixty hours long, and includes both physical and social instruction. The physical aspects are probably similar to what might be found in the US: posture, poise, personal grooming, diet advice; the teacher, Susan Holder, is a half-Japanese, half-American model. The other half of the course consists of etiquette classes taught by a Polish émigrée. Although American audiences may find it odd that middle-class Japanese are learning about table settings that are so elaborate they might only be found at dinners of state, the rituals of Western table setting are not unlike the classic Japanese tea ceremony. The same precision, care, and emphasis on procedure that is found in the tea ceremony can be seen in the film. This is the preferred Japanese way of learning: an authoritative teacher, or sensei, and a lot of details to memorize. The information is new, but the cultural style is the same. 7. Commercials Visitors to Japan often remark that the commercials (or CMs, as they are known there) are usually more interesting than the regular TV programs. Certainly Japanese commercials are among the world's most creative, partly because the directors, who have more creative freedom than their American counterparts, are able to downplay the actual product in favor of creating a mood and leaving the viewer with a specific feeling. (American companies get nervous if their product is not mentioned frequently during a 30-second spot.) For example, the commercial based on Tom Sawyer shown in the documentary only gets around to the product (an instant noodle soup) at the very end; the rest of the time it is content to create a feeling of adventure among its youthful target audience, and to trigger positive responses by reminding them of a favorite book. The Japanese advertising industry is massive: in 1988, Japan spent 4,417.5 billion yen on advertising; indeed, one of the largest advertising firms in the world is Japanese. TV commercials tend to be either elegant, graceful film essays or lightning-quick, hard-hitting spots for such products as laxatives and detergent. The use of foreigners in Japanese commercials is frequent, with the gaijin used to further the mood, whether it is "classy" (British or European settings), "friendly" (the American heartland), and so forth, in the same way an American spot might use a Japanese actress to suggest the exotic. The difference is in the sheer volume of foreigners used, even if nothing about the product is really "foreign". Sometimes, of course, the foreigner is a genuine international star eager to pick up some extra money without tarnishing their stateside reputation (Paul Newman, Kevin Costner, Madonna, Woody Allen, and Sylvester Stallone have all done Japanese commercials). But most gaijin in commercials are not celebrities. The public doesn't seem to mind, preferring to plug into the moods being presented: busy New York, wide-open West, or in the case of the commercial being filmed in the documentary, "New York-as-seen-in-The Man from U.N.C.L.E.".[§] 8. Gaijin Tarentos As embodied by Kent Gilbert and Dave Spector, both profiled in "The Japanese Version", the concept of the gaijin tarento, or "foreign talent", has no real equivalent in the United States. These are men, American-born, whose fluency in Japanese and ability to fit themselves into a perceived stereotype of American behavior have yielded them lucrative TV careers in Japan as professional Americans. Gilbert, the clean-cut Utah man, and Spector, the artificially blonde energetic urbanite, are often presented as "typical Americans", and their opinions sought on a variety of subjects that they do not necessarily have any expertise in. There are two or three more gaijin tarento on TV, including a Sri Lankan and an American bodybuilder, and their friendly demeanor helps soften the edges of what many Japanese think is an aggressive American culture. They are domesticated, tamed "pandas", reassuring to the home viewer. Perhaps this is an essential process in a culture which is essentially non-confrontational. 9. Ultra Quiz Nippon Television's Ultra Quiz first went on the air in 1976. It airs on four successive Thursdays every November, two hours per night, and is but one of many quiz shows on Japanese TV. The quiz begins in a Tokyo stadium, where a crowd of 20,000 is asked a series of "yes" or "no questions ("When Neil Armstrong first set foot on the moon, was it the left foot or the right one?") By the end of the day, the crowd has been whittled down to about one hundred; they are told to show up at Narita Airport, where a spot quiz eliminates 50%; the rest get on a plane and begin their odyssey across America. Each season the quiz visits a dozen locations, eliminating one or two people at each spot, until two contestants are left; they face off in the shadow of the Statue of Liberty. The quizzes mix knowledge of trivia, physical stamina, and luck; each episode takes advantage of its location, usually a "classic" American setting, which also provides the backdrop for a "penalty game" that humiliates the losers in a creative way (the losing contestant in Death Valley has to play golf in what is shown to be the world's largest sand trap, for example). American viewers expect there to be a sizable prize at the end of this gruelling marathon, but in fact the prizes are either minimal or outright jokes. To the contestants, the incentive appears to be a question of doing as well as possible, thereby not losing face and disgracing one's university or home town; that in itself is reward enough. The contestants who last do experience a fleeting fame in Japan, and Ultra Quiz is especially popular with university students with time on their hands and trivia in their brains. The penalty or batsu game in Las Vegas that is presented in "The Japanese Version" is fairly self-explanatory. It is unlikely that an American contestant would silently accept the fear and humiliation cooked up for him by the quiz producers, who manipulate their viewers' psyches masterfully by stocking the room with a rogues' gallery of aggressive American stereotypes: the Mafioso, his voluptuous girlfriend, the black bodyguard, and, for support, Mike, the friendly poker player. While American audiences find the penalty game cruel, many Japanese viewers do not take the contestant's plight quite so seriously. He has done well simply to reach this stage of the game, and when it is all over everyone shares a good laugh with him. It is appropriate that Ultra Quiz ends with the Statue of Liberty being offered symbolically to the winner. The Statue is the ultimate symbol of America--far more so in Japan than it is in the US itself--and her image is constantly cropping up in Japan. Despite trade wars, concern about Japan-bashing, fear of crime and yuppie flirtations with the cachet of European opulence, she seems sure to endure as a symbol of a society that is perceived as open, creative, given to wide-open spaces and friendly people, and far away from the daily grind--in other words, a suitable fantasy for the Japanese. Versions of Self-Image: A Japanese Perspective By Yoko Hirose Japanese National Institute of Multi-Media Education "The Japanese Version" is a lively, innovative work that depicts different aspects of contemporary Japanese culture, showing how the Japanese enjoy so-called American influences in their own ways. As the film develops its story in a light-hearted way, it focuses on scenes Westerners might consider bizarre, such as love hotels, rubber wedding cakes, and courses on how to become "westernized". In Japan, these things are really familiar to us. Although most Japanese take these scenes for granted, we do recognize that they are a little strange. As a result, many Japanese viewers of the film will find themselves chuckling at each episode, albeit with a sense of uneasiness. In these sometimes contradictory ways, "The Japanese Version" relates to important issues facing Japan today. Japanese often use the word kokusaika (internationalization) to signify the desire of many Japanese to become more a part of the "world community". Yet this effort can be frustrated by two problems: the stereotyped views of Japan held by non-Japanese, and the desire by many Japanese to present only certain aspects of their culture to the larger world. Frankly speaking, when I saw "The Japanese Version" my reaction was mixed. On the one hand, it is a great joy to see a work that will inform many foreign friends about aspects of contemporary Japanese life. But there is also an accompanying uneasiness as I consider what the film is saying about Japanese culture. Though all the episodes presented are quite familiar to us, the film could never have been made by Japanese hands. In this short essay, I would like to clarify some of these contradictory feelings with the hope of providing a hint of understanding about the conflicting forces of kokusaika and the foreign stereotyping of Japanese culture. First, my feelings of joy. Needless to say, "The Japanese Version" is one of the very few works which portrays real Japanese culture without falling back on stereotyped Japanese images. We often sigh over the simplistic work done by foreign journalists. For example, to the incredulous folks back home in the U.S, Japan is often depicted as a robot-driven, inhuman technological society. Other observers, when they focus on contemporary situations, try to connect them to such "traditional" Japanese phenomena as samurai, geisha, madly workaholic businessmen, obedient wives, etc. Mount Fuji is frequently invoked. Enough is enough! The numbers of Japanese who go abroad are rapidly increasing, but whenever we travel in Western countries, or meet friends from abroad, we are repeatedly asked the same kinds of questions about Japanese life, always centering on the traditional ways of living that have all but disappeared from Japan today. This happens so frequently that a short introductory book on Japanese culture, written in English and accompanied by an audiocassette featuring native English speakers, has become very popular among Japanese businessmen and students who are going to live abroad and must face a volley of questions on Japanese life. Although the presentation is very stereotyped and many of its points are rather obscure, if Japanese travelers repeat the account of Japanese culture given in the book and tape, they can satisfy the predictable questions of their foreign friends. In this way, the same old Japanese stereotypes are perpetuated in a vicious circle of disinformation largely divorced from reality. On the other hand, Japanese are also titillated by such traditional presentations of their society. At the same time that we complain about foreigners misunderstanding real Japanese life, we appreciate the attention. Furthermore, it confirms our cozy insular idea that foreigners cannot possibly understand us anyway. The pinpoint accuracy of many of the scenes in "The Japanese Version" pierces this smug shell, and asks basic questions about Japanese self-image. Hence the uneasiness I and many Japanese feel when watching the film. In order to examine the self-image of the Japanese, let us first consider the self-image of the individual. There are basically three kinds of self-image: First, the image one presents to oneself; second, the image of what one wants to be; and third, the image of oneself that one wants others to believe. Usually, people who check their appearance by looking in the mirror every day do not necessarily see themselves in totality. They may focus only on their favorite part, or they unconsciously see only their own "idea" of their faces. People are often surprised when they are shown candid photos of themselves, exclaiming "Do I really look like that?" Japanese life as shown in "The Japanese Version" gives us a similar kind of shock. Our discomfort in watching it comes from feeling that the Japanese culture and people that appear in it represent neither the image we want to be nor the image we want to present to the world. Yet each scene is filled with accurate observations of everyday life; leaving aside considerations of degree or taste, this is undoubtedly Japan. Although we have been eager to be "really understood" by foreigners for a long time, we may find ourselves getting angry at such candid snapshots. As I consider these issues I wonder if we Japanese really have seriously considered our own self-image. Such a consideration is needed now more than ever before, as the desire for kokusaika, for internationalization, is growing at the grass-roots level as well as in government. Yet our understanding of what this concept means remains confused and simplistic. As a first step, we Japanese should carefully identify and analyze these scattered images of ourselves. Without real self-understanding, one cannot grow, and moreover one will never achieve mutual understanding nor gain friends in the world. In order to understand ourselves, we must examine our national image from different points of view. By coming to terms with the discrepancies in the various images of ourselves that exist, our understanding of ourselves will slowly approach reality. Perhaps we will have to admit to the world--and to ourselves--that Japan is no longer the land of such long-cherished stereotypes as geisha and samurai, and that a true portrait of our culture must also encompass love hotels, cowboy bars, and Ultra Quiz. This process may well involve confusion, discomfort, and embarrassment. However, without this catharsis, we will never reach either a real understanding of ourselves or come to a mutual communication with others. "The Japanese Version" is a significant step in stimulating this re-evaluation. By Caron Allen and David W. Plath, University of Illinois We in the West are aware that traditional Japanese culture was rich in its diversity but somehow we seldom notice that modern Japanese culture is every bit as colorfully varied. The Japanese Version does not attempt to portray that whole panorama but it offers a valuable glimpse into some of the special scenes of Japanese life today. It may be surprising that many of the symbols, images and idols we think especially "American" are so widely known and cherished also in Japan. In Japan, however---as in many parts of the world---these elements of popular culture are features that people use when signalling to one another about what it means to be modern. The cultural critic Donald Richie has noted that Americans still like to think of Japan as some sort of hermetic Oriental Kingdom where tradition stands firm against the onslaught of technology. As the film shows, however, Japanese are ardent and able consumers as well as manufacturers of the latest technology and of the popular culture that goes along with it. In the process "American" forms and images---many of which we originally borrowed from Europe---are so thoroughly domesticated and re-incorporated into local life that they become, in effect, "things Japanese". Language offers a good example. The usual estimate is that currently one has to know at least five thousand words from English in order to be a fluent speaker of everyday, ordinary Japanese conversation. These words may have been "borrowed" at one time but many of them have been recombined into phrases that are "native Japanese". Not spoken outside of Japan, these phrases have to be interpreted for people who regard English as their mother tongue. The abbreviations OA or OB or OL make no sense in ordinary American speech but Japanese immediately understand them to refer to "office automaton" and "old boy" (alumnus or alumna) and "office lady" (earlier known as BG, or "business girl"). The film suggests that Japan has had a long history of willingness to learn from the outside world, to draw on ideas, inspiration and knowledge like an eager student. The appetite for adaptation has carried forward into the twentieth century. One of the great strengths of modern Japanese culture appears to be this ability to partake discriminately of the world's human abundance while continuing to re-create the Japanese people's own identities as individuals, as a people, and as a nation. As the film exclaims, "this new mix is Japanese culture".Weddings: A New Old Tradition Americans tend to imagine that a Japanese wedding must somehow be very old and traditional and chock-full of sacred symbols. This line of thinking is typified in the James Bond film "You only Live Twice", where 007 weds a Japanese agent in an elaborate procession and ceremony at a Shinto shrine. In fact, The "traditional" Shinto wedding was invented in 1900 on the occasion of the marriage of the then-Crown Prince, later the Showa Emperor. Japan's leaders felt a need to bring their country in line with European industrial nations, whose royalty were married in Church by Christian rites. Among the general population however, Shinto rites became standard only in the last 30 years. Until a generation ago, weddings were performed at home before a small family gathering. They varied widely by region, social class, and family preference. Many of the wedding practices now defined as "traditional" were originally the practices of the pre-modern samurai elite not necessarily of the mass of the population. Weddings have been moved from the home to hotels and commercial wedding "palaces". The have become elaborate and expensive---$50,000 is the going rate for a middle-class wedding---with at least 50 guests feted at the reception banquet after the ceremony. As shown in the film, the clothing, lighting, rubber wedding cakes, fountains, delicacies, and serving dishes suggest anything but the austere lines and natural forms that are thought of as characteristic of traditional Japanese art. Wedding directors have not yet incorporated "something blue" into the performance but they have ingeniously combined many somethings that are old, new and borrowed. The bride changes clothing at least three times during the reception. She enters in a white kimono, shifts to a colorful kimono, then to a western wedding gown or a cocktail dress. The bridegroom enters in formal Japanese garb hakama and haori, then changes to a morning coat or tuxedo. Throughout the reception there are symbols old and new to invite a long and happy life together, gratitude to parents and seniors, and abundant progeny---even though the statistically average Japanese married couple today stops with 1.53 children. The symbols are "Japanese", whether they involve displaying fans that open up to express a full life (traditional) or lighting a rack of candles arranged in the shape of a Valentine heart (new). Wedding palace entrepreneurs have energetically promoted this "traditional" extravaganza and continue to make it more elaborate. To dismiss it all as mere commercialism, one would have to argue that Christmas in the United States has become just a spending spree of hollow meaning. Japanese readily grumble about the cost of weddings but are willing to pay that cost because the symbols and events are the right way to communicate what marriage means now. Seen from one point of view, the amount of care, thought and worry (as well as the amount of money) expended on weddings today are manifestations of an often-noticed Japanese concern for following prescribed Form. These weddings also demonstrate that Form is not fixed for eternity: it can be drastically reconstituted within the span of a single generation. Cowboys and Conformity We Americans, self-proud as individualists, tend to regard concern for prescribed Form as mere ritualism and a mark of weakness. Japanese are more likely to consider it a sign of personal strength and self-discipline. Of course Form can be stifling when pursued to excess; Japanese culture has a rich stream of jokes, stories and sit-coms burlesquing people who are too punctilious. But Japan-watchers generally agree with Japanese themselves in arguing that this willingness to follow Form helps greatly in producing the relatively high levels of everyday courtesy and public safety in Japan that are envied in many other countries. Insularity and attention to Form are causing problems for many Japanese as they struggle to live in a world of global markets and media and worldwide human interaction. Slogans about ethnic purity and homogeneity, however, blot out foreign awareness of the vast diversity of human types, needs and conflicts within Japan as a nation of 120 million individual persons. One could even argue that the problem of finding ways to say "this is me" is felt all the more acutely because of the value placed upon attention to Form. The bubbling pool of images of wedding princesses, cosmetic surgery, gaijin tarento and James Dean has to be understood in this larger context. Probably as many Japanese as Americans would cheerfully join with J.T. Kanehira in the film when he sings "Take This Job and Shove It!". Dressing in cowboy garb or masquerading as Marilyn Monroe are quick and direct ways to identify with something distant and different---to warn others not to judge the inner-me by my everyday performance as a dedicated dentist or salesperson. Such images gain in power when they can be fitted into a familiar framework of ideas about the larger and more abstract forces that operate in the universe. One young man in the film refers to Elvis as a kamisama, a word whose dictionary translation is "god". One has to be careful not to interpret this as implying an almighty Jehovah or even a being who holds supernatural powers. The kamisama include the Shinto gods and the Emperor himself, beings who reside in the realm of the extraordinary. But the word also is used widely, more simply to suggest "He's somebody with charisma and I'd like to borrow a bit of it". On the whole, the kamisama are regarded as benevolent, but borrowing their powers can be risky---the familiar theme of the sorcerer's apprentice. Foreign images, as George Fields comments in the film, can be an oddity or a menace. They help sell products, and appeal to individual needs for self-expression; they also can upset one's sense of security as being a well-rooted Japanese. TV game shows such as Ultra-Quiz, and daily media reports on crime in the United States, help neutralize that menace and level the playing-field of popular imagery. An American viewer's first reaction is likely to be that Ultra-Quiz and the use of gaijin tarento are efforts to make Americans look like fools. Of course there is some spoofing along these lines---just as is done with "Samurai Night Fever" on Saturday Night Live. There also are many more hours of the day and evening when Japanese TV shows are spoofing Japanese life. Indeed, even Ultra-Quiz in its own way is as much a commentary on Japanese as American culture, given the extent to which Japanese life has become such a compound of "borrowed" images now so extensively domesticated that their origins are often forgotten. It's the Japanese contestants in Ultra-Quiz who get mud on their faces, and the Japanese novice card-dealer who was too naive. Whose Dream Is It? One of the larger issues raised by The Japanese Version is whether the Japanese are simply borrowing an American dream or whether it is more accurate to say that they have repackaged their own dream in American wrapping. Certainly the traffic in symbols, images, words and ideas across the Pacific has overwhelmingly moved in one direction. Few Americans command more than a dozen words of Japanese; fewer could name even one pop singer or television show famous in Japan. As many commentators have noted, if it were possible to copyright a language and charge one cent every time a word of American English is spoken in Japan, the notorious trade deficit would be reversed overnight. One of the virtues of the film is that it alerts an American audience to dimensions of the U.S. - Japan partnership that our mass media is ignoring in their blind attention to industrial productivity and the exchange of hardware and goods. The lesson reaches far beyond Japan. For better or worse, in recent decades American popular culture has been the world's dominant generator of images and ideas of what it means, on the level of everyday comfort and fun, to be wholly modern. People from a number of other nations who have seen the film remark that it would be easy to produce sequels on "The Thai Version" or "The Egyptian Version" and so on. Blue jeans, cowboy boots, Coca Cola and Mickey Mouse have become a global language of lifestyles, as American English has become the standard language for international commerce and foreign relations. Perhaps Americans can allow themselves a moment of pride over the situation. They should follow it with moments of reflection. The world favors us with attention and imitation: what do we owe in return? Should we be as energetic about exploring images and ideas from other countries? Won't "The American Version"---a limited combination of themes and symbols put together in one place and time---eventually wither into formalism, or is it guaranteed to last forever? Looking at "The Japanese Version" allows Americans to tune in on another channel in Japanese life. Ultimately it can help us tune back in to a central channel in our own lives. Collins, Robert. The Adventures of Max Danger, Expat. Tokyo and Rutland VT: Charles Tuttle Co, 1988. Hall, John W. Japan from Prehistory to Modern Times. New York: Dell Pub. Co., 1970. Powers, Richard Gid and Hidetoshi Kato. Handbook of Japanese Popular Culture. New York: Greenwood Press. Reischauer, Edwin O. Japan: The Story of a Nation. New York: Knopf,1981. The Japanese Today: Change and Continuity. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 1988. Smith, Robert. Japanese Society. Cambridge England: Cambridge University Press, 1983, 1985.TOPICS Bernstein, Gail. Haruko's World. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1983. Bestor, Theodore. Neighborhood Tokyo. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1989. Earlhart, Byron. Japanese Religion: Unity in Diversity. Encino, CA.: Dickenson Pub. Co., Inc., 1974. Edwards, Walter. Modern Japan through its Weddings. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1989. Hidaka, Kokuro. The Price of Affluence. Tokyo, New York: Kodansha International, 1987. The Best of Japanese Innovations: Present and Future. Tokyo, New York: Kodansha Internationl, 1987. Koren, Leonard. New Fashion Japan. New York: Harper and Row, 1984. Oh, Sadaharu and David Falkner. Sadaharu Oh: A Zen Way of Baseball. New York: Vintage Books, 1985. Plath, David. The After Hours; Modern Japan and the Search for Enjoyment. Berkeley, Univ. of CA Press, 1964. Available free from The Asia Foundation Translation Service Center. Articles from the Japanese Press. Contact: P.O. Box 3223, San Francicso, CA. 94119 (415) 9824640 U.S. Japan Relations: # 1282 Shintaro ISHIHARA "An Open Letter to Americans," 12 Feb 90 # 1312 Ryuichi IMAGAWA "Wanted: A New Bridge in the Pacific," 23 Apr 90 # 1324 Mitsuru TOYODA "BlueEyed Emissaries for Peace," 21 May 90 Charm Schools: # 1361 Mihoko KOBAYASHI "Lifestyles: Nouveaux Riches," 20 Aug 90 #1299 Katsumi SADO "The 21st Century Dream House," 19 Mar 90PERIODICALS AND PHOTO SOURCES The East, Look Japan, Japan Echo, Japan Pictorial, Japan Quarterly. A Day in the Life of Japan. Toronto: Collins, Pub, 1985. Discover Japan: Words, Customs, and Concepts. Vol. 1 & 2. Tokyo: Kodansha International, New York: Harper and Row, 1982. Free Resources for Teaching about Japan. Linda S. Wojtan. Midwest Program for Teaching about Japan, Indiana University, 2805 E. 10th St., Bloomington, IN 47405. Perspectives on Japan: A Guide for Teachers. John J. Cogan and Donald O. Schneider, eds. National Counsel for the Social Studies, Bulletin No. 69, 1983. 3501 Newark Street, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20016. Video Sources: Japan Society of New York 333 E. 47th St. New York, N.Y. 10017 1. Name some examples of Japanese culture that have been popularized in the United States. 2. Why do some Japanese choose to have a Christian wedding even though they say they have "no religion." 3. Why do some Americans find the mix of old and new, and imported and homegrown aspects of Japanese society contradictory? 4. Why might Americans be less aware of Japan and Japanese culture than the Japanese are of us? 5. How does mass media influence our lifestlyes? 6. What are the advantages of adopting cultural forms from other countries? Are there any disadvantages?
Fostering Social Connections in the Workplace When we spend so many of our waking hours at work, our relationships with colleagues become a fundamental source of wellbeing in the workplace. It’s about more than just “tolerating a co-worker,” or “getting along.” Rather, it’s about fostering meaningful connections. As blogged on previously, a social approach to mental wellness has proven the following benefits: • Lowered stress, blood pressure, and body mass index (Cohen, 2004; Thoits, 1995) • Providing a sense of meaning in our lives (Cohen, 2004: Thoits, 1995) • Increased personal control (Mirowsky & Ross, 2003; Thoits, 2006); and • Decreased levels of depression (Sheridan et al., 2015), among other benefits. In the context of the workplace, relationships with colleagues can either positively or negatively affect an employee’s physical and mental health, productivity and engagement at work. Employers who foster positive social connections in the workplace can help employees foster strong, cohesive relationships and help build a successful work culture. Consider the following ways in which social connections can be promoted at work: 1. Team building activities: Enjoyable team building activities can be used to help employees unwind, take a break, and increase camaraderie. Ideas include: book clubs, an escape room, lunch/dinner outing, community & volunteer events, and office trivia/simple card & board games. 2. Celebrations: This can include organized office events such as holiday or birthday celebrations, and employee recognition. However, celebrations can also encompass smaller social gestures such as beginning each team meeting with an exciting table topic or short personal conversation. 3. Company-wide initiatives: Take the time to introduce employees from different departments that they may not interact with on a daily basis. You may even consider going a step further by implementing an internal social network (e.g. Slack, Chatter, Yammer) to help employees stay current on business aspects and social activities within the company. 4. Create social spaces: Consider how your employees use the physical workspace. Allocate a “social space” for face to face interaction that does not distract other colleagues at work. You may want to consider repurposing a vacant area to create a hangout/Zen/game room. If space is an issue, set up some chairs or couches by popular spots such as the water cooler or break room. Although all employees do not need to be “best friends,” it is evident that building social connections is important to supporting workplace wellbeing. Fostering a work culture that supports belonging and a shared purpose pays dividends in long-term company success and positive psychological outcomes. How does your workplace foster social connections? Let us know in the comments below! Photo Credit:$/$/$/$/$/$ Thoits, P. (1995). Stress, coping, and social support processes: Where are we? What next?” Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 35, 53–79. Retrieved from Thoits, P. (2006). Personal agency and the stress process. Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 47:309–23. doi: 10.1177/002214650604700401 Mirowsky, J., & Ross, C. (2003). Social causes of psychological distress. (2nd ed.). New York, NY: Aldine de Gruyter. Sheridan, A. J., Drennan, J., Coughlan, B., O’Keeffe, D., Frazer, K., Alexander, D.,… O’Callaghan, E. (2015). Improving social functioning and reducing social isolation and loneliness among people with enduring mental illness: Report of a randomized controlled trial of supported socialization. International Journal of Social Psychiatry, 61(3), 241-250. doi: 10.1177/0020764014540150
River Senegal in desert boundary, SPOT image River Senegal in desert boundary, SPOT image E540/0125 Rights Managed Request low-res file 530 pixels on longest edge, unwatermarked Request/Download high-res file Uncompressed file size: 50.5MB Downloadable file size: 5.1MB Price image Pricing Please login to use the price calculator Caption: River Senegal. Coloured satellite view of part of the River Senegal, West Africa. The river is the border between the desert sands of Mauritania (top) and the savanna of Senegal (bottom). The river runs through a wide meander plain with numerous sub-channels and lakes. The large red patches in lower left are crops in irrigated fields, the black fields being bare moist soil. The striated appearance of the desert (top) is due to linear depressions and ridges. The brown dots in the savanna are patches of bushy vegetation. SPOT is a French Earth observation satellite. Keywords: desert, environment, geography, in desert, irrigation, meander, river, river senegal, sahel, savanna, senegal, spot
[Environment] ENVIRONMENT: GLOBAL WARMING AND CLIMATE CHANGE: Climate Change FROM The United States. Environmental Protection Agency Climate Change FROM The United States. Environmental Protection Agency Basic Information Internet Archive Record of This Page Before January 20, 2017 Content Sample: Climate Change: Basic Information Climate change is happening Humans are largely responsible for recent climate change Climate change affects everyone We can make a difference How is the climate changing in the U.S.? Learn More Climate change is happening Our Earth is warming. Earth’s average temperature has risen by 1.5F over the past century, and is projected to rise another 0.5 to 8.6F over the next hundred years. Small changes in the average temperature of the planet can translate to large and potentially dangerous shifts in climate and weather. What are climate change and global warming? View of Earth from space Humans are largely responsible for recent climate change Learn more about the causes of climate change. Learn More Climate Change Impacts Climate Change Facts: Answers to Common Questions Climate change affects everyone Take a Quiz Climate Change and Human Health quiz Hands on a globe We can make a difference Footprint Calculator Causes of Climate Change On This Page: Earths temperature is a balancing act The greenhouse effect causes the atmosphere to retain heat Changes in the suns energy affect how much energy reaches Earths system Changes in reflectivity affect how much energy enters Earths system Earth’s temperature is a balancing act Click the image to view a larger version. Earth’s temperature depends on the balance between energy entering and leaving the planets system. When incoming energy from the sun is absorbed by the Earth system, Earth warms. When the suns energy is reflected back into space, Earth avoids warming. When absorbed energy is released back into space, Earth cools. Many factors, both natural and human, can cause changes in Earths energy balance, including: Variations in the sun’s energy reaching Earth Changes in the reflectivity of Earths atmosphere and surface Changes in the greenhouse effect, which affects the amount of heat retained by Earths atmosphere These factors have caused Earths climate to change many times. Scientists have pieced together a record of Earths climate, dating back hundreds of thousands of years (and, in some cases, millions or hundreds of millions of years), by analyzing a number of indirect measures of climate such as ice cores, tree rings, glacier lengths, pollen remains, and ocean sediments, and by studying changes in Earths orbit around the sun.[2] Radiative Forcing Radiative forcing is a measure of the influence of a particular factor (e.g. GHGs, aerosols, or land use changes) on the net change in Earths energy balance. On average, a positive radiative forcing tends to warm the surface of the planet, while a negative forcing tends to cool the surface. NOAAs Annual GHG Index, which tracks changes in radiative forcing from GHGs over time, shows that such forcing from human-added GHGs has increased 27.5 percent between 1990 and 2009. Increases in CO2 in the atmosphere are responsible for 80% of the increase. The contribution to radiative forcing by CH4 and CFCs has been nearly constant or declining, respectively, in recent years. The greenhouse effect causes the atmosphere to retain heat When sunlight reaches Earths surface, it can either be reflected back into space or absorbed by Earth. Once absorbed, the planet releases some of the energy back into the atmosphere as heat (also called infrared radiation). Greenhouse gases like water vapor (H2O), carbon dioxide (CO2), and methane (CH4) absorb energy, slowing or preventing the loss of heat to space. In this way, GHGs act like a blanket, making Earth warmer than it would otherwise be. This process is commonly known as the greenhouse effect. The role of the greenhouse effect in the past Over the last several hundred thousand years, CO2 levels varied in tandem with the glacial cycles. During warm “interglacial” periods, CO2 levels were higher. During cool “glacial” periods, CO2 levels were lower.[2] The heating or cooling of Earths surface and oceans can cause changes in the natural sources and sinks of these gases, and thus change greenhouse gas concentrations in the atmosphere.[2] These changing concentrations are thought to have acted as a positive feedback, amplifying the temperature changes caused by long-term shifts in Earths orbit.[2] Graph showing correlating increases and decreases in CO2 and temperature over 800,000 years. Estimates of the Earths changing CO2 concentration (top) and Antarctic temperature (bottom), based on analysis of ice core data extending back 800,000 years. Until the past century, natural factors caused atmospheric CO2 concentrations to vary within a range of about 180 to 300 parts per million by volume (ppmv). Warmer periods coincide with periods of relatively high CO2 concentrations. Note: The past centurys temperature changes and rapid CO2 rise (to 400 ppmv in 2015) are not shown here. Increases over the past half century are shown in the Recent Role section. Click the image to view a larger version. Source: Based on data appearing in NRC (2010). Feedbacks Can Amplify or Reduce Changes Climate feedbacks amplify or reduce direct warming and cooling effects. They do not change the planets temperature directly. Feedbacks that amplify changes are called positive feedbacks. Feedbacks that counteract changes are called negative feedbacks. Feedbacks are associated with changes in surface reflectivity, clouds, water vapor, and the carbon cycle. There are also several positive feedbacks that increase GHG concentrations. For example, as temperatures warm: Natural processes that are affected by warming, such as permafrost thawing, tend to release more CO2. Click the image to view a larger version. Source: U.S. National Climate Assessment (2014). The recent role of the greenhouse effect Since the Industrial Revolution began around 1750, human activities have contributed substantially to climate change by adding CO2 and other heat-trapping gases to the atmosphere. These greenhouse gas emissions have increased the greenhouse effect and caused Earths surface temperature to rise. The primary human activity affecting the amount and rate of climate change is greenhouse gas emissions from the burning of fossil fuels. The main greenhouse gases The most important GHGs directly emitted by humans include carbon dioxide (CO2), methane (CH4), nitrous oxide (N2O), and several others. The sources and recent trends of these gases are detailed below. Carbon dioxide Atmospheric CO2 concentrations have increased by more than 40% since pre-industrial times, from approximately 280 parts per million by volume (ppmv) in the 18th century to over 400 ppmv in 2015. The monthly average concentration at Mauna Loa now exceeds 400 ppmv for the first time in human history. The current CO2 level is higher than it has been in at least 800,000 years.[2] Human activities currently release over 30 billion tons of CO2 into the atmosphere every year.[2] The resultant build-up of CO2 in the atmosphere is like a tub filling with water, where more water flows from the faucet than the drain can take away. Graph showing increasing Atmospheric CO2 at Mauna Loa Observatory from the 1950’s to 2010. Atmospheric carbon dioxide concentration has risen from pre-industrial levels of 280 parts per million by volume (ppmv) to over 401 ppmv in 2016. Since 1959 alone (shown here), concentrations have risen by more than 85 ppmv. The yearly rise and fall in the chart reflects the growth and decay or northern hemisphere vegetation. Click the image to view a larger version. Source: NOAA Image showing a bathtub. Sources of carbon are the faucet, while sinks of carbon are the drain. If the amount of water flowing into a bathrub is greater than the amount of water leaving through the drain, the water level will rise. CO2 emissions are like the flow of water into the world’s carbon bathtub. “Sources” of CO2 emissions such as fossil fuel burning, cement manufacture, and land use are like the bathtub’s faucet. “Sinks” of CO2 in the ocean and on land (such as plants) that take up CO2 are like the drain. Today, human activities have turned up the flow from the CO2 “faucet,” which is much larger than the “drain” can cope with, and the level of CO2 in the atmosphere (like the level of water in a bathtub) is rising. For more information on the human and natural sources and sinks of CO2 emissions, and actions that can reduce emissions, see the Carbon Dioxide page in the Greenhouse Gas Emissions website. Methane is more abundant in Earths atmosphere now than at any time in at least the past 800,000 years.[2] Due to human activities, CH4 concentrations increased sharply during most of the 20th century and are now more than two-and-a-half times pre-industrial levels. In recent decades, the rate of increase has slowed considerably.[2] For more information on CH4 emissions and sources, and actions that can reduce emissions, see EPAs Methane page in the Greenhouse Gas Emissions website. For information on how methane is impacting the Arctic, see the EPA report Methane and Black Carbon Impacts on the Arctic. Nitrous oxide Nitrous oxide is produced through natural and human activities, mainly through agricultural activities and natural biological processes. Fuel burning and some other processes also create N2O. Concentrations of N2O have risen approximately 20% since the start of the Industrial Revolution, with a relatively rapid increase toward the end of the 20th century.[2] Overall, N2O concentrations have increased more rapidly during the past century than at any time in the past 22,000 years.[2] For more information on N2O emissions and sources, and actions that can reduce emissions, see EPAs Nitrous Oxide page in the Greenhouse Gas Emissions website. Other greenhouse gases Tropospheric ozone (O3), which also has a short atmospheric lifetime, is a potent greenhouse gas. Chemical reactions create ozone from emissions of nitrogen oxides and volatile organic compounds from automobiles, power plants, and other industrial and commercial sources in the presence of sunlight. In addition to trapping heat, ground-level ozone is a pollutant that can cause respiratory health problems and damage crops and ecosystems. For more information on greenhouse gas emissions, see the Greenhouse Gas Emissions website, including an expanded discussion of global warming potentials and how they are used to measure the relative strengths of greenhouse gases. To learn more about actions that can reduce these emissions, see What You Can Do. Other climate forcers Particles and aerosols in the atmosphere can also affect climate. Human activities such as burning fossil fuels and biomass contribute to emissions of these substances, although some aerosols also come from natural sources such as volcanoes and marine plankton. Black carbon (BC) is a solid particle or aerosol, not a gas, but it also contributes to warming of the atmosphere. Unlike GHGs, BC can directly absorb incoming and reflected sunlight in addition to absorbing infrared radiation. BC can also be deposited on snow and ice, darkening the surface and thereby increasing the snow’s absorption of sunlight and accelerating melt. For information on how BC is impacting the Arctic, see EPA assessment Methane and Black Carbon Impacts on the Arctic. For more information on greenhouse gas emissions, see the Greenhouse Gas Emissions website. To learn more about actions that can reduce these emissions, see What EPA is Doing and What You Can Do. Changes in the suns energy affect how much energy reaches Earths system Graph comparing solar irradiance and difference in global surface temperature. Solar irradiance has been regularly cycling, while global surface temperatures have been steadily increasing. The suns energy received at the top of Earths atmosphere has been measured by satellites since 1978. It has followed its natural 11-year cycle of small ups and downs, but with no net increase (bottom). Over the same period, global temperature has risen markedly (top). Click the image to view a larger version. Source: USGCRP (2009). Changes occurring in the sun itself can affect the intensity of the sunlight that reaches Earths surface. The intensity of the sunlight can cause either warming (during periods of stronger solar intensity) or cooling (during periods of weaker solar intensity). The sun follows a natural 11-year cycle of small ups and downs in intensity, but the effect on Earths climate is small.[1] Changes in the shape of Earths orbit as well as the tilt and position of Earths axis can also affect the amount of sunlight reaching Earths surface.[1][2] The role of the suns energy in the past Changes in the suns intensity have influenced Earths climate in the past. For example, the so-called Little Ice Age between the 17th and 19th centuries may have been partially caused by a low solar activity phase from 1645 to 1715, which coincided with cooler temperatures. The Little Ice Age refers to a slight cooling of North America, Europe, and probably other areas around the globe.[2] Changes in Earths orbit have had a big impact on climate over tens to hundreds of thousands of years. In fact, the amount of summer sunshine on the Northern Hemisphere, which is affected by changes in the planets orbit, appears to drive the advance and retreat of ice sheets. These changes appear to be the primary cause of past cycles of ice ages, in which Earth has experienced long periods of cold temperatures (ice ages), as well as shorter interglacial periods (periods between ice ages) of relatively warmer temperatures.[1][2] Rates of Climate Change Have Varied Over Time Image of a glacier calving. Click to learn about how rates of climate change have varied over time. The recent role of the suns energy Changes in solar energy continue to affect climate. However, over the last 11-year solar cycle, solar output has been lower than it has been since the mid-20th century, and therefore does not explain the recent warming of the earth.[2] Similarly, changes in the shape of Earths orbit as well as the tilt and position of Earths axis affect temperature on very long timescales (tens to hundreds of thousands of years), and therefore cannot explain the recent warming. Changes in reflectivity affect how much energy enters Earths system When sunlight reaches Earth, it can be reflected or absorbed. The amount that is reflected or absorbed depends on Earths surface and atmosphere. Light-colored objects and surfaces, like snow and clouds, tend to reflect most sunlight, while darker objects and surfaces, like the ocean, forests, or soil, tend to absorb more sunlight. The term albedo refers to the amount of solar radiation reflected from an object or surface, often expressed as a percentage. Earth as a whole has an albedo of about 30%, meaning that 70% of the sunlight that reaches the planet is absorbed.[3] Absorbed sunlight warms Earths land, water, and atmosphere. The role of reflectivity in the past Natural changes in reflectivity, like the melting of sea ice, have contributed to climate change in the past, often acting as feedbacks to other processes. Volcanoes have played a noticeable role in climate. Volcanic particles that reach the upper atmosphere can reflect enough sunlight back to space to cool the surface of the planet by a few tenths of a degree for several years.[2] These particles are an example of cooling aerosols. Volcanic particles from a single eruption do not produce long-term change because they remain in the atmosphere for a much shorter time than GHGs.[2] The recent role of reflectivity Human changes in land use and land cover have changed Earths reflectivity. Processes such as deforestation, reforestation, desertification, and urbanization often contribute to changes in climate in the places they occur. These effects may be significant regionally, but are smaller when averaged over the entire globe. [1] USGCRP (2014). Climate Change Impacts in the United States: The Third National Climate Assessment. [Melillo, Jerry M., Terese (T.C.) Richmond, and Gary W. Yohe, Eds.] U.S. Global Change Research Program. [3] NRC (2010). Advancing the Science of Climate Changes . National Research Council. The National Academies Press, Washington, DC, USA. Climate Change Indicators Climate Change Indicators in the United States Contact Us New Indicators Report Released EPA has released the 2016 edition of Climate Change Indicators, which includes seven new indicators and a feature on climate and health. Wildfires at All-Time High U.S. wildfires burned more than 10 million acres in 2015, the largest annual amount of land burned since 1983. Learn more Arctic Sea Ice Remains at Record Lows The March 2016 maximum extent of Arctic sea ice remained virtually unchanged from last years record low. Learn more Ocean Life Shifting Northward The populations of some marine species are shifting to more northerly waters since the 1960s. Learn more About the Report Download PDF of full report Technical documentation Indicators fact sheet Frequent questions Order print copies or send inquiries: climateindicators@epa.gov Subscribe to indicator updates Climate Change Indicators in the United States Key Findings Launch Link The Earth’s climate is changing. Temperatures are rising, snow and rainfall patterns are shifting, and more extreme climate events like heavy rainstorms and record high temperatures are already happening. Many of these observed changes are linked to the rising levels of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases in our atmosphere, caused by human activities. EPA partners with more than 40 data contributors from various government agencies, academic institutions, and other organizations to compile a key set of indicators related to the causes and effects of climate change. The indicators are published in EPA’s report, Climate Change Indicators in the United States, available on this website and in print. Explore the indicators below. Explore Climate Change Indicators Icon for Greenhouse Gases Climate Change Indicators Greenhouse Gases Summary U.S. Greenhouse Gas Emissions Global Greenhouse Gas Emissions Atmospheric Concentrations of Greenhouse Gases Climate Forcing Icon for Weather and Climate Climate Change Indicators Weather and Climate Summary U.S. and Global Temperature High and Low Temperatures U.S. and Global Precipitation Heavy Precipitation Tropical Cyclone Activity River Flooding* Icon for Oceans Climate Change Indicators Oceans Summary Ocean Heat Sea Surface Temperature Sea Level Coastal Flooding* Ocean Acidity Climate Connections Climate Change and Human Health Temperature and Drought in the Southwest Land Loss Along the Atlantic Coast Ice Breakup in Two Alaskan Rivers Cherry Blossom Bloom Dates in Washington, D.C. Trends in Stream Temperature in the Snake River* * = new in 2016 Icon for Snow and Ice Climate Change Indicators Snow and Ice Summary Arctic Sea Ice Antarctic Sea Ice* Lake Ice Snow Cover Icon for Health and Society Climate Change Indicators Health and Society Summary Heat-Related Deaths Heat-Related Illnesses* Heating and Cooling Degree Days Lyme Disease West Nile Virus* Length of Growing Season Ragweed Pollen Season Icon for Ecosystems Climate Change Indicators Ecosystems Summary Stream Temperature* Great Lakes Water Levels and Temperatures Bird Wintering Ranges Marine Species Distribution* Leaf and Bloom Dates David Dillard Temple University (215) 204 – 4584 Temple University and Google Sites Research Guides AND Discussion Group Directory Social Work and Social Issues Discussion Group Tourism Discussion Group Digital Scholarship Discussion Group Copyright Research Guide Copyright, Intellectual Property and Plagiarism Sources Fair Use Articles by David Dillard Information Literacy (Russell Conwell Guide) Twitter: davidpdillard Temple University Site Map Bushell, R. & Sheldon, P. (eds), Wellness and Tourism: Mind, Body, Spirit, Place, New York: Cognizant Communication Books. Wellness Tourism: Bibliographic and Webliographic Essay David P. Dillard Rail Transportation Improve Your Chances for Indoor Gardening Success Groups.io Links: You receive all messages sent to this group. View/Reply Online (#451): View All Messages In Topic (1): Leave a Reply WordPress.com Logo Google+ photo Twitter picture Facebook photo Connecting to %s
Iranian officials have expressed hope that residents of the country’s western provinces will have fewer problems with dust particles this year due to the heavy precipitation anticipated in Iraq. The observed environmental changes in Iran and neighbouring countries reduce the possibility of such optimism and appear to indicate that in the coming year and for at least a number of years to come, this unpleasant phenomenon will remain a part of people’s lives in many regions of Iran. The problem of dust particles in Iran has been exacerbated in recent years, and many regions — especially western and southern provinces — face grave problems as a result and have to shut down entire cities on some days. Ziaeddin Shojai, the head of the Environment Department’s task force to fight dust particles, says the frequency of dust particle attacks has increased by over 15 percent in the past 12 years. At a press conference in April 2014, he said, however, that a 70- to 73-percent rise in precipitation in Iraq will mean fewer days of dust particle problems in Iran. What is the source of dust particles? There is no definite answer as to the absolute cause of the dust particles that storm Iran. Many Iranian official bodies including the Department of the Environment and Parliament regard the neighbouring countries of Iraq, Jordan and Syria as the source of these dust storms. Shojai says satellite photos show that the dust particles originate from the larger region of Mesopotamia and travel to Iran. In recent years, the scope of the dust particles has even reached Tehran, the capital, which, in addition to pollution and poisoned air, has also had to deal with dust particles. There is, however, a difference of opinion between Iranian authorities and those in other countries. Iran’s Department of the Environment maintains that the neighbouring countries refuse to assume responsibility in this matter. Iran has on several occasions offered to enter into a collaborative plan with Iraq to combat the problem of dust particles; however, Iraq’s internal problems have so far blocked any progress in these plans. Why are being dust particles produced in the Middle East? Despite a lack of consensus as to the cause of dust particles in the larger Middle East region, a general belief links them to climate change in the region and particularly to the drying of wetlands and the mismanagement of water resources. A series of natural and human causes have led to the drying of wetlands in Mesopotamia. The abandonment of agricultural land for economic and security reasons and the drying of dams have turned large areas of Iraq into sources of clay earth, which add to the problem of dust particles during windy and stormy conditions. Shojai says 5.6 million hectares of land stretching from Iraq and Syria to Jordan are now sources of these dust particles. Iran’s part in generating dust particles While a large portion of the dust particles are being brought into Iran by storms traveling over the neighbouring countries, Iran’s own role in generating dust particles must not be overlooked. Drought and long stretches of water shortage in Iran together with the mismanagement of water resources have led to the destruction of many of the country’s wetlands, and many more are on the verge of drying completely. The southeastern province of Sistan-Baluchistan is heavily affected by this phenomenon. Should they come to terms with dust particles? The head of the Environment Department’s task force to fight dust particles says overcoming them is a long-term task, adding that in the short term, people must learn how to live with them. He says that in China, a similar effort to combat dust particles and stabilize 2.5 million hectares of desertified land in Mongolia took more than 25 years. He therefore believes that what can be done in the short term is to prepare people and industries to reduce the damages resulting from this phenomenon. Such short-term strategies include : public health education; assistance to industries to help produce adequate filters to prevent dust particles from getting into air conditioning shafts; heavy-duty masks could be used by the public, and standardized regulations could be established for public gathering places such as schools.
Fact–value distinction From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia (Redirected from Fact-value distinction) Jump to navigation Jump to search The fact–value distinction is the distinction between things that can be known to be true and things that are the personal preferences of individuals. David Hume's skepticism[edit] The fact–value distinction emerged in philosophy in the Enlightenment. In particular, David Hume (1711–1776) argued that human beings are unable to ground normative arguments in positive arguments, that is, to derive ought from is. Hume was a skeptic, and although a complex and dedicated philosopher, he shared a political viewpoint with early Enlightenment philosophers such as Thomas Hobbes (1588–1679) and John Locke (1632–1704). Specifically, Hume, at least to some extent, argued that religious and national hostilities that divided European society were based on unfounded beliefs. In effect, Hume contended that such hostilities are not found in nature, but are a human creation, depending on a particular time and place, and thus unworthy of mortal conflict. Naturalistic fallacy[edit] The fact–value distinction is closely related to the naturalistic fallacy, a topic debated in ethical and moral philosophy. G. E. Moore believed it essential to all ethical thinking.[1] However, more recent contemporary philosophers like Phillipa Foot have called into question the validity of such assumptions. Others, such as Ruth Anna Putnam, argue that even the most "scientific" of disciplines are affected by the "values" of those who research and practice the vocation.[2][3] Nevertheless, the difference between the naturalistic fallacy and the fact–value distinction is derived from the manner in which modern social science has used the fact–value distinction, and not the strict naturalistic fallacy to articulate new fields of study and create academic disciplines. Moralistic fallacy[edit] The fact–value distinction is also closely related to the moralistic fallacy, an invalid inference of factual conclusions from purely evaluative premises. For example, an invalid inference "Because everybody ought to be equal, there are no innate genetic differences between people" is an instance of the moralistic fallacy. As for the naturalistic fallacy one attempts to move from an "is" to an "ought" statement, with the moralistic fallacy one attempts to move from an "ought" to an "is" statement. Nietzsche's table of values[edit] Virtually all modern philosophers affirm some sort of fact–value distinction, insofar as they distinguish between science and "valued" disciplines such as ethics, aesthetics, or the fine arts. However, philosophers such as Hilary Putnam argue that the distinction between fact and value is not as absolute as Hume envisioned.[6] Philosophical pragmatists, for instance, believe that true propositions are those that are useful or effective in predicting future (empirical) states of affairs.[7] Far from being value-free, the pragmatists' conception of truth or facts directly relates to an end (namely, empirical predictability) that human beings regard as normatively desirable. Other thinkers reject an absolutist fact–value distinction by contending that our senses are imbued with prior conceptualizations, making it impossible to have any observation that is totally value-free, which is how Hume and the later positivists conceived of facts. Functionalist counterexamples[edit] Several counterexamples have been offered by philosophers claiming to show that there are cases when an evaluative statement does indeed logically follow from a factual statement. A. N. Prior points out, from the statement "He is a sea captain," it logically follows, "He ought to do what a sea captain ought to do."[8] Alasdair MacIntyre points out, from the statement "This watch is grossly inaccurate and irregular in time-keeping and too heavy to carry about comfortably," the evaluative conclusion validly follows, "This is a bad watch."[9] John Searle points out, from the statement "Jones promised to pay Smith five dollars," it logically follows that "Jones ought to pay Smith five dollars." The act of promising by definition places the promiser under obligation.[10] Moral realism[edit] Philippa Foot adopts a moral realist position, criticizing the idea that when evaluation is superposed on fact there has been a "committal in a new dimension".[11] She introduces, by analogy, the practical implications of using the word "injury". Not just anything counts as an injury. There must be some impairment. When we suppose a man wants the things the injury prevents him from obtaining, haven’t we fallen into the old naturalist fallacy? See also[edit] 1. ^ Casimir Lewy 1965 - G.E. Moore on the naturalistic fallacy 2. ^ Putnam, Ruth Anna. "Perceiving Facts and Values", Philosophy 73, 1998. JSTOR 3752124 This article as well as her earlier article, "Creating Facts and Values", Philosophy 60, 1985 JSTOR 3750998, examines how scientists may base their choice of investigations on their unexamined subjectivity, which undermines the objectivity of their hypothesis and findings 3. ^ Smart, J.C. "Ruth Anna Putnam and the Fact-Value Distinction", Philosophy 74, 1999. JSTOR 3751844 6. ^ Putnam, Hilary. "The Collapse of the Fact/Value Dichotomy and Other Essays, Cambrdige, MA : Harvard University Press, 2002" (PDF). Reasonpapers.com. Retrieved 2013-10-03. 8. ^ Alasdair MacIntyre, After Virtue (1984), p. 57 9. ^ ibid., p. 68. 10. ^ Don MacNiven, Creative Morality, pp. 41–42. 11. ^ Philippa Foot, “Moral Beliefs,” Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society, vol. 59 (1958), pp. 83–104. 12. ^ ibid., p. 96. 13. ^ ibid., p. 97�.
How Sex Minimizes Uncertainty 2 thoughts on “How Sex Minimizes Uncertainty • The dust particle already does certain things before it begins predicting, and when it begins to predict, it predicts that it will continue to do those things. Consequently it does them even more than before. In the same way, consider the belief that you will eat something sometime within the next week. Why do you believe that? For one thing, historically you have pretty much been eating every day, and you have no reason to think something else will happen. Suppose instead, you decide you aren’t going to eat for a week. It’s not inconceivable that you will be right, but it’s pretty unlikely. At some point during the week you will probably eat anyway. This is like the dust particle deciding to go upwards: it might succeed, but it will be even more likely to succeed if it decides to do what it was going to do anyway. In the same way, you will be more likely to be right if you think you are going to eat, than if you think that you are not going to eat. The same thing applies to eating on a lower level. Eating presumable developed from some earlier kind of energy transfer which was already happening. Once an animal acquired some sort of prediction engine, its prediction was more likely to be right if it predicted it would continue to transfer energy, than if it predicted that it wasn’t going to do so. Leave a Reply You are commenting using your account. Log Out / Change ) Google+ photo Twitter picture Facebook photo Connecting to %s
Applied cost An applied cost is a cost that has been applied to a cost object, such as a product, department, or activity. A predetermined allocation rate is typically used to assign costs to cost objects. The allocation rate is based on the planned amount of the cost pool and a planned activity level. As an example of applied cost, a manufacturing firm estimates its factory overhead costs and production volume for the upcoming year and divides the planned volume by the planned overhead costs to derive an allocation rate. This rate is then applied to the units produced in the upcoming year. If the actual costs and production volumes turn out to be different, an adjustment to the allocation rate may be made partway through the year. This allocation is required by generally accepted accounting principles to ensure that the cost of all inventory is fully loaded with overhead costs. Related Courses Accounting for Inventory Cost Accounting Fundamentals
Carbohydrates Flashcards Preview Nutrition > Carbohydrates > Flashcards Flashcards in Carbohydrates Deck (36): What is a carbohydrate? A monomer or polymer of simple sugar units or saccharides How are carbohydrates typically described? In terms of the number of saccharide units they contain - mono, di, oligo (a few), or polysaccharides What are the 3 major subdivisions of dietary carbohydrates? 1. Sugars 2. Starches Both of which are readily digested and absorbed in the small intestine 3. Non-starch polysaccharides - these are resistant to digestion by gut enzymes and are therefore considered to be the unavailable carbohydrate. However they can yield up tp 2 kcal/g if they are fermented by bacteria in the large intestine. How much energy do the available carbohydrates yield? 3.75kcal per gram Which carbohydrates are monosaccharides? fructose - fruit sugar galactose - milk sugar glucose from starch and disacchairdes Which sugars are di and oligosaccharides? sucrose - cane or beet sugar - (glu-fru) lactose - milk sugar (glu-gal) Products of starch digestion Of the polysaccharides which are starches? Polymers of glucose digested by alpha-amylase Which carbohydrates are non-starch polysaccharides (NSP)? Soluble and insoluble plant carbohydrates resistant to alpha-amylase but fermented by gut bacteria What is the relative sweetness of the major dietary sugars? The relative sweetness of sugars and artificial sweeteners is graded in relation to sucrose (relative sweetness 100) Lactose 30 Glucose 50 Sucrose 100 Fructose 170 Describe lactose Disaccharide found exclusively in milk In most non-europeans populations lactase activity declines after about 4 years of age in most human populations - reducing the capacity to digest and absorb milk - primary lactase non-persistence Lactose intolerance can also develop after intestinal infection or inflammation. - secondary lactase deficiency Describe sucrose Digested by enzyme sucrase - located in small intestine Found in fruit and veg and in large quantities in sugar beet and sugar cane Readily available in purified forms e.g. sugar, treacle, syrup Term sucrose is used synonymously with sugar Describe saccharin Artificial sweetener Absorbed and excreted unchanged large intakes increase incidence of bladder tumours in rats Bitter after taste Destroyed by heating so cannot be used in cooking Describe aspartame Artificial sweetener Dipeptide made up of the amino acids aspartic acid and phenylalanine Not heat stable In patients with phenylketonuria they lack the ability to metabolise dietary phenylalanine and so it can accumulate in the brain causing severe brain damage and learning disabilities Some concern that consuming large quantities may cause brain damage in those without PKU. Describe sucralose Made from sugar - three of the hydroxyl groups or sucrose are replaced with chlorine atoms. Tastes very similar to sugar The compound is about 600 times sweeter than sucrose and most passes through the gut unchanged Heat resistant Do artificial sweeteners result in reduced energy consumption? In theory they save sugar calories e.g. a diet soft drink would save 75 calories vs the sugar version. However obesity rates have continued to rise since they became widely used They don't provide any energy and have no satiating effect and therefore people tend to replace the lost sugar calories with more of their usual food mix, unless they are consciously restricting caloric intake. What are sugar replacers? They have a similar sweetness to sucrose Typically sugar alcohols - e.g. xylitol, sorbitol They yield fewer calories than sugar due to being incompletely absorbed or metabolised They are used in similar amounts to sugar so provide the mouthfeel and textural properties Don't promote dental caries Large amounts in the bowel have an osmotic effect and increase bacterial fermentation resulting in diarrhoea and flatulence What sugar exposure is the most cariogenic? Between meals Frequent consumptions of small amounts is more harmful than the same amount eaten in one go sticky sugar is worse e.g. toffees How do dental caries form? The bacteria Streptococcus mutans in plaque produce acids by fermenting carbohydrates, especially sugars, in food. When the mouth is acidic enough (pH < 5.2) demineralisation of teeth occurs resulting in holes in the hard outer layer or enamel, thereby exposing the soft under layers of dentine, which allows decay to proceed rapidly throughout the tooth. It's not a one way process and remineralisation occurs, with the balance between the two determining susceptibility to decay. Describe NSPs Structural components of plant cell walls - cellulose and hemicellulose, and viscous soluble substances found in cell sap e.g. actin and gums The term is used interchangeably with the term dietary fibre (but this also includes lignin and resistant starch What is the dietary reference value for NSPs? What are the 2 major fractions of NSPs? Soluble - form gums when mixed with water Insoluble - cellulose and heme-cellulose Discuss the fermentation of NSPs Soluble NSPs are more readily fermentable Cellulose remains largely unfermented The by-products of fermentation are gases and short-chain fatty acids (acetate, butyrate and propionate) The short chain fatty acids can be absorbed and used as an energy substrate What physiological effects does increasing dietary NSP have? Slows rate of glucose absorption - thought to be due to the mechanical effects of the soluble NSPs Reduced transit time and increased stool volume - bacterial mass and water - which also softens May lower cholesterol - may prevent absorption or reabsorption of dietary cholesterol and bile acids High starch diets tend to have lower energy density Which foods are predominantly soluble and insoluble NSPs? Insoluble - wheat, rice and maize bran Oats and most fruits and veg - contain higher proportions of soluble NSP Do NSPs prevent the absorption of micronutrients? Yes NSP (and some substances associated with is) tend to bind or chelate minerals thus hindering their absorption.If the NSP is fermented in the colon then this releases bound minerals. What is resistant starch? Starch that resists digestion by alpha-amylase and enters the large bowel undigested Its fermented in the large bowel and behaves like a fermentable component of NSP What are the 3 reasons why a starch is resistant to digestion? -it's inaccessible to digestive enzymes because it's enclosed within unbroken cell walls or in partly milled grains or seeds -some forms of raw crystalline starch e.g. in raw potatoes or green bananas are resistant to amylase digestion. During cooking it gelatinises and becomes digestible but during cooling some of it recrystallises (retrogradation) and becomes indigestible again -retrograded starch in food that has been cooked and cooled is indigestible. What is a glycemic carbohydrate? One that is digested to sugars and absorbed in the small intestine What is the generic formula for carbohydrates? Carbs are stored energy, synthesised by plants from CO2 and water using the suns energy Which carbohydrates do humans make? Limited capacity to make carbohydrates Lactose and oligosaccharides can be made for milk The storage carbohydrate glycogen is also made from glucose and is found in the liver and muscles What is maltose? A disaccharide derived from starch and found in sprouted wheat and barley What is an oligosaccharide? A carbohydrate with a degree of polymerisation between 2 and 10. Although carbs with a DP of 2 are considered disaccharides and the continuation with polysaccharides is somewhat blurry. What are the 2 food groups of oligosaccharides? 1. Maltodextrins which are derived from starch and contains alpha-glucans. They are widely used by the food industry as sweetness, fat substitutes and to alter texture of foods. 2. Oligosaccharides that aren't alpha-glucans. These include raffinose and stachyose. They are sucrose joined to varying numbers of galactose molecules and are found in a variety of plant seeds including peas, beans and lentils. This group also includes inulin and fructo-oligosaccharides. They are fructans and are the storage carbodydrate in artichokes and also to smaller degrees in wheat, rye, asparagus and onions,leeeks and garlic. Describe fructans Storage carbohydrate in artichokes, asparagus, leeks, onions, garlic, wheat and rye. Their chemical bonds are not susceptible to pancreatic or brush border enzymes and they are therefore non digestible. They have unique properties in the gut and are known as prebiotics. What is an intrinsic sugar? One that is incorporated into a plant cell wall, that is occurs naturally and is accompanied by other nutrients. Extrinsic - sugars added to food Lactose doesn't really fit into either and the term non milk extrinsic sugar has been used for extrinsic sugars What are 'free sugars'? A term recommended by the WHO to describe mono and disaccharides added by manufacturers and consumers, plus the sugar in honey, syrups and fruit juices
The Giver \| Study Guide Lois Lowry Download a PDF to print or study offline. Study Guide Cite This Study Guide How to Cite This Study Guide quotation mark graphic Course Hero. "The Giver Study Guide." Course Hero. 26 Sep. 2017. Web. 23 July 2018. <>. In text (Course Hero) Course Hero. (2017, September 26). The Giver Study Guide. In Course Hero. Retrieved July 23, 2018, from In text (Course Hero, 2017) Course Hero. "The Giver Study Guide." September 26, 2017. Accessed July 23, 2018. Course Hero, "The Giver Study Guide," September 26, 2017, accessed July 23, 2018, The Giver \| Chapter 3 \| Summary Father brings the newchild Gabriel to the family dwelling for extra nurturing. Lily gleefully points out that the little boy has pale eyes, like Jonas's. Jonas is annoyed by the comment, not only because it is considered rude to point out an individual's differences, but also because pale eyes are very rare in the community, where almost everyone's eyes are dark. Jonas considers, though, that the color gives a certain look to the person who has it: depth, as if one were looking into a clear river "down to the bottom, where things might lurk that hadn't been discovered yet." As Lily coos over Gabriel, she comments that she might like an Assignment as a Birthmother. She thinks newchildren are cute and has heard that Birthmothers have an easy life. Her comment elicits an uncharacteristically sharp rebuke from Mother, who says there's "very little honor" in that Assignment. She tells Lily that the Assignment lasts for "three lazy years" and three births, then these women become Laborers until they enter the House of the Old. Father also points out that Birthmothers never get to see the newchildren, which are immediately put in the care of the Nurturers like him. Listening to Lily's chatter, Jonas thinks that perhaps she should be a Speaker, the self-important individuals who are always sending out reminders that "hair ribbons are to be neatly tied at all times," or that "snacks are to be eaten but not hoarded." These public announcements are usually aimed at specific individuals. The reminder about snacks, for example, was meant for Jonas, who took an apple home with him after a bewildering experience. While using the apple in a game of catch with Asher, Jonas had seen the apple's appearance briefly change in midair. Yet when he caught it, it was the "same perfect sphere it had always been." This happened four times, and Jonas had brought the apple home to examine it and try to understand what happened. He never was able to figure it out. Jonas shakes the memory from his mind, and the family returns to the quiet, reflective time that takes place as it does every night, "in the family unit, in the dwelling, in the community," as preparation for the next day. Chapter 3 is a deceptively uneventful chapter. Little happens other than Jonas's family welcoming the newchild, Gabriel, into their home. But Lily's conversation with her parents, along with Jonas's own thoughts, expose additional dark corners of their perfect society. Up to this point, readers knew that family units are determined by the Elders, but there was no indication of where the children come from. In Chapter 3 it becomes clear that certain women are assigned as breeders, required to produce three children in three years. They never even see the children they give birth to and are not rewarded at the end of what is obviously a very crucial Assignment. Instead, they become Laborers for the rest of their lives, eventually entering the House of the Old when they are no longer able to work. Jonas's thoughts reveal a few other disturbing details about this society. Apparently, no action is too small or insignificant to escape scrutiny. A loose hair ribbon is cause for a reprimand, as is the taking of an apple. The fact that such behaviors are even noticed means that every individual is under constant, relentless observation. There is even a subtle suggestion that people's thoughts, or perhaps reality itself, are somehow being manipulated by those in power. Jonas's quick visions of the changing apple, when it suddenly is no longer "a perfect sphere," is the first hint that things may not be as they seem. The fact that only Jonas appears to be able to see the shift also suggests there is something different about him. Cite This Study Guide
It's too bad plants can't sue for slander. Petunias (Petunia spp.) got a bad rap somewhere along the line and you'll frequently hear people say that these bright and beautiful flowers are toxic to dogs. But while Fido chowing down a bedful of petunias might put his human in a poisonous mood, that's the only toxic effect likely from the consumption of these bright blossoms of the summer garden. Pretty Plants Are Not All Poisonous Just like the old "truism" that all pretty girls lack brain power, the saying the all pretty plants are poisonous is simply false -- and the petunia is the poster child to prove it. Nothing could be lovelier than these bright and lively blossoms, filling the garden with sweet fragrance from spring until the first frost. The ease of cultivating the trumpet-shaped beauties doubles a gardener's pleasure. All you have to do is fill a sunny bed or border with well-drained soil and transplant the petunia starts. Petunias are hardy in U.S. Department of Agriculture plant hardiness zones 10 through 11 but can be grown as annuals anywhere. Eating Petunias Is Not Advisable for Dogs Given the hordes of dogs that are brought into vet's offices every year after eating toxic plants, it is not wise to assume that canines can identify poisonous plants by instinct. The ASPCA makes it very clear that petunias are not toxic to dogs, cats or other animals, but their website contains a very lengthy list of other, equally pretty plants that are mildly or lethally toxic. For that reason, it's not a good idea to allow or encourage dogs to lunch on flowers. In addition, too much foraging isn't good for a dog's digestive track. If your dog seems ill after spending time in the garden, consider a visit to the vet. Keeping Dogs -- and Petunias -- Out of Trouble Let sleeping dogs lie, by all means, but not in your petunia beds. With a little effort, you can protect your petunias as well as Fido from harm. Your options for keeping the two apart are They start with good puppy training to set boundaries in the yard, but physical boundaries are not a bad idea either. Good fencing can separate pooch and garden. Surrounding your flowering plants with a hedge of thorns is another possibility. Or you can make a separate, enclosed dog play area inside the garden.

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