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Let's explain firstly the accessibility principle and how do we believe that inherently when we have this all amazing experimental learning, you're not allowing everyone to get the same. I think firstly there's a clear understanding that when people don't have the economic resources, they're dependent on the system. So specifically lower class families and kids in which they have less opportunities to complement their kids' education as taking them through an amazing travel to the CERN to learn about, I don't know, nuclear fission on how maybe another person in the same society could be able to. Is there an opp. to an obstacle that not able to get across that already exists on my side? What happens in the comparative is that on my side, I'm able to give them a basic system that at least is going to give them the basic tools to get up front society. |
In my worst case scenario in which families don't have the resources, they're still able to get better than when we ensure the basic needs. Is that we actually allowing the principle to happen? We believe the principle, as I said in my session, is a mandatory obligation of the system. When we allow it is that we believe it's inherently good. I'll take it out, |
<poi> |
all the resources are also dependent on whether or not I'm able to be interested in them. If I am overworked because I have to do two jobs because I'm lower class, this probably means that I'm not to be able to memorize all these things or be interesting access... |
</poi> |
Okay, I'll same exercise fall. Let's assume that people are better at learning and let's say they're better at understanding complex solving's and they have the amazing teachers as well, is trying to get that. That first is expensive, not everyone is accessible to that. That's the main point of my class of my cage understanding that has the same opportunities. But then secondly, that in this case scenario when we're allowing them to be specific, we're not allowing them to be better on the future. Their case specifically dependent on how are we going to get better education completely oversized what the next step is going to be as well as closing. Closing opposition in which the university, even if reform is available, the university is still not going to change. If we're going to allow people to be better and be smart, it's not going to be a system up for everyone. We're going to have people better prepared getting into all these universities and not allowing for other people to get these kind of opportunities. We're hindering people on their side of the case. |
Now let's take a quick look at the comparative and how I maybe able to do indicate this. I think with closing opposition, closing opposition tries to lay about how a reform may be possible and how inherently we're going to get a better education thanks to this. I believe firstly a better education is dependent on how it's going to affect what's the value of this education. If we explain that this education likely is not going to help the person get a better job or it's get a better development in society, it's inherently not doing anything for us. But in my side, if I'm sitting a kid in the geography class, but at least he's there and he's following a system, it's following something better in their future. Even if the future sucks, notice that in my worst case scenario, which my education sucks, I'm still beating the closing opposition idea of getting better education within getting better resources, better teachers, better opportunities. |
Let's take my opening. I'll take your POI after. I think first with my opening it's the same principle again. They try to say that things are still changing, things are still obligatory as a m as a mitigation to the opportunities that people may have and that inherently there's still going to be things that they're going to be doing. I believe that the that thatness is a specific mechanism that differentiates these two models. In my side, I'm going to be able to sit down the students and give them two classes a week for a year about geography. In their side, I'm not going to be able to or if I do, it's going to be twice or triple the amount of time. The compromise of time and the deadness of the topics is the difference in both educational systems. In my side, I'm able to at least have an understanding in the basic levels. Even in my worst case, memorizing, but at least the content is there and they're able to recall it if necessary. But on their side, even when they're better, they're not able to do all the other things that I still believe are necessary as a government to give their kids an education system. I'll take your POI. Sorry, |
<poi> |
why students love memorizing? |
</poi> |
They don't love memorizing. Your charge is to explain to me why even if I'm memorizing, even if it's worse, I'm telling you it's going to be better for the future. I don't care if the student gets better development if it does not directly mean that everyone is getting more opportunity at university. If my side allows even for a system that's archaic, it's a system after secondary school. It's the same for your side. You're not explaining how the reform is also going to affect university. Understanding that with my opening, I think in my opening it clearly characterizes the main things of learning structure. I feel in the voids that I feel are important as specifically like the interconnecting of topics and how inherently do not allow for a better understanding of it. |
But I believe the principal sense if the principle is somehow failed by analysis, I believe that we may explain their case a little bit better for all the reasons I'm sorry proud to, uh, propose. |
</gw> |
<ow> |
Like old houses actually lessees their School problem. Now the School problem is that the teachers' call has actually decreased in like a larger skill, which means that there are a lot of young teachers who actually don't have any manners and they actually have no deep understanding of the textbook. So, like in their houses, the students in their houses in the future can only rely on the textbook. This is what the whole never-proves to us why Textbook is good enough, then, like, than the lot of other resources in our houses, and proves to you why the half of this is actually not building up with your houses. |
And then hold your cases because it's actually the premise of their whole cases. So, actually think about school; actually control the school. This is actually all this conversation with this kind of thing. This means that the courses in their times rich and majoritarian, and like they are over-controlled by the state. Maybe they get some external money from the parents. |
So, what it means is that the first is that the people who have the power, the people who are in position, they actually have no sense to change. Why? Because there are actually no benefits for them. There might be some backlashes they face, but if there’s no chance that no one actually will blame you. The second is that because demographically it’s old, which means that there’s like the compactful calling that actually traditionals or how this connects with the youth, with like the young people. This is actually very important and there’s this kind of time lagging change. Even if you have someone propose that you have to change, there’s a long procedure to pass the policy, and there’s a little procedure to prepare the textbook. |
The first L is that even if there’s a chance, there might be like LS of backlashes. So this is also related to my first point to tell you why poli actually have no incentive to change textbooks. I will also prove to you why the textbook is old traditional, that kind of like, it’s not related to the new generation; it’s actually harming the people in their side of houses. |
This kind of analysis and also because I discuss things existing there, my lack of minority knowledge, all these things in context of, and this actually also like like like diminishes exposure to minority knowledge. So all the fears exactly tell you why the textbook would be bad in their houses and actually like take the premise of like in their houses. |
And certain is that, I want to point out that like students actually have no agency in any education systems because, like, at least in our side of houses, students have an agency to explore themselves. They actually have to like more information. You, like, even leave, like, he says that, yeah, like this is also engagement to the up bench. Like POI says that like the students cannot change subjects or this kind of thing. So, at least like maybe like the worst case is the students still cannot like find a good job. But at least the students in our houses spend like a significant time, like several years time, to explore what they really love because this is the time they choose at that moment. It’s the things they love at that moment, and they spend their time to actually study for it. |
And this is the most agency that your house can give, but their house they reach and have been coerced to learn something that they don’t like or they may go, like, sorry, no time, and then move on to my point. |
And this is like, so this and this is kind of like the engagement with the OG. OG talks about like the features that should have last time to explain, or this kind of thing, but this is not true. The first thing is that we believe that students, like teachers, actually have more time. Like in our houses, they actually can have a different interaction with the students because you ask theory; you have to focus up. You have to monitor their discussion. So, which means that you actually have time to discuss or to interact with the students. We can even observe their discussion, and this is actually more time for them than you set up like in their houses. The teacher is only standing on the stage and talking something, reading something on the PD or like on the textbook. |
And second is that there will be like students will be much more passionate because they have to be much more conscious about the information the students can get from the OU, like from the internet. So, which means that they will be like more interesting than, like, compared to how teachers have been reading the same content for maybe 10 years. |
And the point is that there will be more supervision also, those from the parents, at SCH because everyone knows that the students actually can now, like, it’s supposed to allow a lot of information. So, which means that it also gives, like, the parents and like government also have this awareness that they have to focus on this. You have more check and balance on this. |
Unfortunately, there will be pure discussion why this is so important. This also keeps the voice or like. This is also important how the rich students can actually bring more resources, and which this can share by the cars. But compared to the last year, like this person can never reach the resources shared by the people. |
And then, like, this is also why in our houses we improve to us. So why does come like information is so unique? So like why does have Progressive education models so unique? That’s because it actually gives students maximized agency to explore information. |
So, in our set of houses, you can actually get more information from various fields. So, why is this information so unique and so important? The person that I think about is, like, taking this for example: if you choose to learn environmentalism, you choose to learn for education, and then like the textbook doesn’t tell you where you should learn this, like where you should study in this university, which one is the better university, or which way you should learn them at best. |
So only through exploring the information on the internet, you know what you like, you know where to start, you know the future, you probably know all the things. And this kind of, like, maybe some typo, there might be some demonizing this kind of environmentalist, and there might be no emphasis or some misinformation about this. We have actually careful stand for national identity, and compared to their side of house, you can see how the Genz's tries to like afford to become an environmentalist. |
You can also see lots of minority knowledge, and this also triggers more discussion. And this is what our house proves that this is the unique thing that our model has. |
And move on to, like, because I think like CG is kind of derivative from their upper houses. So my point is that I have already stated their premise about their arguments are bad. So this already states that because like all the houses are kind of tangled with which one is can have a good quality of teachers. But we actually want, like, we actually solve the root problem. |
I’ll tell you why people in their houses, like, because the T are actually much worse, so which means that the quality is actually much lower. So we actually save the comment that L and also what I talk about there; they can like the like is about the also teach pack pH something, but that comes from symmetric because much better houses because you can actually obviously see like more discussion, like more interpret information. |
It must be a more interesting house and, um, and also so the contribution of CO is that first we actually feed the cover's bench the premise, and we should also never us why the things textbooks matter. And second is that we actually tell you why this unique, all information is so unique. So based on that, we’re proud to oppose. |
<pm> |
Transition smoothly a bit of characterization. Then, these are liberal university students as organizers who opposed Hasina's authoritarian rule. Specifically, they were opposed to the spoil system that gave jobs and social benefits to the descendants of people involved in the 1971 Liberation War. They took the cause to the street recently, and their national military cracked down, and therefore the government has been overthrown ever since. |
First argument: Democratic consolidation. The goal of this debate is on OG; you want a stable transition to democracy. Context: Bangladesh is at an extremely pivotal and fragile moment of transition. This is a post-revolutionary state. The military still has huge amounts of influence, and large factions of the military still have ties to the Hasina government. On top of this, Bangladesh is also a relatively impoverished country with high levels of ethnic and religious divisions and tensions. Therefore, there is a lot of instability currently brewing within the region. |
What then happens when student organizers directly run for political roles? We say this is quite bad for a couple of reasons. One, it actively reduces the buy-in to the prospect of a future democratic government, especially the perception of it, which often impacts how it plays out in the long run. Why? Because often, youth have religious conservatives and rural populations in Bangladesh, and on top of that, people and supporters with loyalty to the old regime who are deeply skeptical of these people running for office. |
Why the specific concern with this crowd of student organizers running is that it alienates a substantial amount of people who fear that the student organizers are not striving for a truly democratic government but instead just authoritarianism run by the opposition party themselves. |
What is the impact of this mechanism? This often means that there is likely going to be less buy-in for institutions, i.e., for example, people don't pay as much taxes, and that's a big problem for Bangladesh right now. Or, second, it is easy for radical opposition parties to characterize student-led parties or governments as radical and violent. If you view these parties as radical and violent, you are more likely to vote for a radical alternative, nationalist, or Islamist party. |
You do things like exacerbate ethnonationalism in politics; you actually do more instability. Second, this is also bad because it reduces electoral competition. How does this actually happen? Because many people involved in the protests are almost assuredly going to vote for these student leaders when they run. Why is it the case? Because often they have already built a cult of personality when organizing these revolutions. |
They all have a charisma, which is what allows them to organically rise to the top of these revolutions in the first place, and there is a track record of their efforts and their success. Most importantly, these leaders are also likely to run in the same party or government to actively capitalize on the July Revolution support, which is unprecedentedly large compared to any efforts they have made in the past. |
Why is this terrible then? Because this actively increases the fear of further democratic backsliding. If you are already a person on defense and skeptical of the revolution, when there is less support for these figures that cannot really be challenged in any meaningful way because the AL government and their credibility are down the drain, you fear they become the Nena, even if they never end up like that. |
This is a comparative argument. Why? Because in the counterfactual, there are still going to be parties that run to appeal to these student voters, these student protesters. But there are going to likely be more competing parties and political figures because they cannot all unite under the silver bullet that we took down the AL government. |
They are all going to have to do so much more to differentiate themselves to make sure they are proposing real policy. But also, second, these leaders face less political accountability on their side. The students who led the protests are, while very able people, not actually infallible. Power tends to corrupt even when there are good intentions. |
In some cases, when you give large amounts of power to a small group, they often have selfish incentives to engage in things like ethnic favoritism. You may view that you need some level of majority support to make sure that you can stay in government to pass the policies you want to pass because you genuinely believe ideologically these are good policies that you want to help the Bangladeshi people. |
You often sometimes might engage in corruption because you believe there is no way out to get funds besides actively appealing to the military. In some cases, even if you think that these are all done for good causes, this often leads to democratic backsliding, even when intentions are not harmful. |
Often I say that, sure, these leaders are good. We agree they’re probably good, but when they get into power, things often change. We argue that change is likely, especially in these circumstances of large amounts of instability. But third, what this means is that leaders cannot be held accountable to the ballot box, and this is no longer that different from the old regime. |
This is terrible. The counterfactual is that we likely think there is a multiplicity of parties, and leaders are likely going to contest in these elections. Student leaders likely support a variety of parties. Political competition is good. Why? Because you often have to appeal to more groups, more minorities. |
It is harder for you to alienate them, you often prevent backsliding, and they hold each other accountable, which is crucial in a moment of democratic transition. Second argument before that closing. |
<poi> |
So if the anti-discrimination student movement doesn't run, what other force has the institutional capacity to form a party? Or is it just going to be lots of sort of small independent groups cooperating also, that up fighting against each other? |
</poi> |
Well, I mean, I think this is a question to be answered in the round. I'm not exactly sure right now. Ryan will do it. |
Second argument: This reduces immediate political instability. It is not even clear that we will get elections or when we will get elections. Therefore, we need stability to make sure the transitional government at least works in the interim because these are lives of people at stake. There are families to feed, and there are people we need to house. |
Why does this actively benefit the conditional government then? Because here's a comparative: it is far more likely they get a military coup on opposition. The way you should weigh this argument is that even if this happens, like 30% more likely, that is a huge risk we would not wish to take because often that leads to blood on the streets. |
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