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8557763
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Albert%20Sauveur
Albert Sauveur
Albert Sauveur (; 21 June 1863 – 26 January 1939) was a Belgian-born American metallurgist. He founded the first metallographic laboratory in a university. Sauveur was born in Leuven, Belgium. He studied at the Athénée Royal in Brussels, then the School of Mines, Liège and graduated at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1889. He remained in the United States thereafter, becoming a Professor of Metallurgy in 1905. After several years working in industry, where he pioneered the use of microscopes to study the internal structure of steel, Sauveur joined Harvard University as a Instructor in Metallurgy, becoming Professor of Metallurgy in 1905. From 1924 to 1939, he held the Gordon McKay Professor of Mining and Metallurgy title at the university. From 1939 on, ASM International started bestowing the Albert Sauveur Achievement Award, for achievements in materials science and engineering. He was a member of the US National Academy of Sciences, the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, the American Philosophical Society and the Iron and Steel Institute of Great Britain, the Iron and Steel Institute of America. He was awarded the Elliott Cresson Medal in 1913 and the Franklin Medal in 1939, both from The Franklin Institute and the Bessemer Gold Medal of the British Iron and Steel Institute in 1924. He died in Boston, Massachusetts in 1939, survived by his wife and 2 daughters.
2.421875
0
8557773
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stanislaus%20von%20Prowazek
Stanislaus von Prowazek
Stanislaus Josef Mathias von Prowazek, Edler von Lanow (12 November 1875 Jindřichův Hradec, Bohemia – 17 February 1915, Cottbus), born Stanislav Provázek, was a Czech biologist, zoologist and parasitologist, who along with pathologist Henrique da Rocha Lima (1879-1956) discovered the pathogen of epidemic typhus. As a student in biology at the University of Prague, he was influenced by the teachings of zoologist Berthold Hatschek and philosopher Ernst Mach. Other important influences to his career were immunologist Paul Ehrlich at the Institute for Experimental Therapy in Frankfurt (1901) and zoologist Richard von Hertwig at the University of Munich. With radiologist Ludwig Halberstädter, he described the inclusion bodies (Halberstädter-Prowazek bodies) of Chlamydia trachomatis, the agent that is the cause of trachoma. In 1906 he succeeded his late friend, Fritz Schaudinn, as director of the zoological section at the Institut für Schiffs- und Tropenkrankheiten in Hamburg. In 1908 he conducted research at the Instituto Oswaldo Cruz, outside of Rio de Janeiro, and from 1910, carried out investigations of infectious diseases in Sumatra, German Samoa, Yap and Saipan. Prowazek studied epidemic typhus in Serbia (1913) and Istanbul (1914). Later, while Prowazek and Rocha Lima were working in a German prisoner-of-war camp hospital in Cottbus, they both became infected with typhus. Prowazek died soon afterwards on February 17, 1915. Rocha Lima named the infectious agent of epidemic typhus—Rickettsia prowazekii—after his colleague.
2.578125
0
8557887
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Government%20Junta%20of%20Chile%20%281829%29
Government Junta of Chile (1829)
Government Junta of Chile () (December 24, 1829 - February 18, 1830) was the political structure established to rule Chile following the defeat of the Liberal army at the Battle of Ochagavía. It ruled the country until February 18, 1830, when Francisco Ruiz-Tagle assumed as the new Acting President. Creation When the Chilean Civil War of 1829 broke out between the conservative centralists and the liberal federalists, President Francisco Antonio Pinto was forced twice to leave the post of president to Francisco Ramón Vicuña. First, from July 14 to October 19, when Vicuña assumed as President Delegate, and then finally when he resigned on November 2 and Vicuña assumed power. On December 7, 1829 the conservative troops under General José Joaquín Prieto, commander of the southern army, approached Santiago from the South. The conservative army decided to halt the march onto Santiago for a while and camped a few miles outside the city. The government under Vicuña fled northward towards Coquimbo but were captured before arriving there. On December 14, 1829 General Prieto and his troops met the liberal army under Francisco de la Lastra and defeated them at the Battle of Ochagavía. After the battle, the two military leaders, Prieto and de la Lastra, signed a peace treaty which complicated the political situation further since the real decision power on the Liberal side was in the hands of Ramón Freire and not in the de la Lastra, who acted in this matter without previous consent. Meanwhile, President Vicuña and his ministers were imprisoned by the victorious conservative troops in Valparaiso. Chile was without a leader for a few weeks (from December 7 to 24, 1829) until a Government Junta was organized and took control, under a neutral José Tomás Ovalle (the only one who was acceptable to both sides), in order to avoid the continuance of hostilities. Members
2.71875
0
8558001
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lake%20Blalock
Lake Blalock
Lake Blalock (formally, the H. Taylor Blalock Reservoir) is a reservoir in Spartanburg County, South Carolina, located on the Pacolet River about five miles north of Spartanburg. After its creation was authorized in 1976 by the Commissioners of Spartanburg Water System, Blalock Dam was constructed in 1983. The existing earthen dam is approximately . long and high. It was originally designed for a normal operating pool of , and the lake had approximately of shoreline. The existing spillway has a crest length of . To increase the safe yield of the reservoir, Spartanburg Water System raised the level of Lake Blalock by , increasing the water surface elevation to in 2004. This project was completed in 2006 and involved overlaying the existing earthen dam with a layer of roller compacted concrete, approximately in thickness, and constructing a new RCC stilling basin. The existing spillway was also upgraded by furnishing and installing three hydraulically operated spillway crest gates, constructing a new cast-in-place concrete ogee crest, and constructing a bridge across the spillway. In addition, the project also cleared approximately 300 acres (42 miles of shoreline) around the perimeter of the reservoir.
2.515625
0
8558063
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lupus%20I%20of%20Aquitaine
Lupus I of Aquitaine
Lupus I (or Lupo I) was the duke of Gascony and part of Aquitaine in the Merovingian kingdom during the 670s. He may have started a dynasty, since the next-known duke of Gascony was Lupus II (fl. 769). Lupus was probably the successor of Felix, whose duchy seemed to encompass almost an identical territory to the kingdom of Charibert II. Sometime after 658, Lupus rebelled against Felix and later succeeded him. According to the Miracles of Saint Martial, the rebellion occurred during the mayorship of Ebroin. In 673, Lupus held Toulouse and Bordeaux at which time he allied with Flavius Paulus against Wamba, the king of the Visigoths, and attacked Béziers. Julian of Toledo, in his Story of Wamba, calls Lupus a "prince" (princeps), a title suggestive of royal rank. Sometime between 673 and 675, Lupus convoked a church synod in Bordeaux. For this he was styled vir inluster and duke, which suggests that at that time he was still a faithful subject of King Childeric II. In 675, however, he attempted to expand his Aquitanian dukedom by seizing Limoges. He was assassinated in the process. According to the Miracles of Saint Martial, he had tried to set himself up as king (in sedem regam se adstare).
2.390625
0
8558102
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The%20Reincarnation%20of%20Peter%20Proud
The Reincarnation of Peter Proud
The Reincarnation of Peter Proud is a 1975 American psychological horror film directed by J. Lee Thompson, and starring Michael Sarrazin, Margot Kidder, and Jennifer O'Neill. It follows a university professor who, after experiencing a series of bizarre nightmares, comes to believe he is the reincarnation of someone else. It is based on the 1973 novel of the same title by Max Ehrlich, who adapted the screenplay and is also the final film production from Cinerama Releasing Corporation. Plot Peter Proud, a college professor in Los Angeles, begins having recurring dreams he cannot explain. In one particular nightmare, Peter witnesses the murder of a young man by a woman while he swims naked in a lake near a hotel. As he screams his final words, "Marcia, don't!", she bludgeons him with an oar, and he drowns. In subsequent dreams, Peter witnesses brief vignettes from the man's life, including romances with two different women, and has visions of houses and landmarks that are unknown to him. Peter is haunted by his dreams and seeks medical treatment. He attends a sleep laboratory to try to decipher his dreams. However, the resident doctor, Sam Goodman, informs him that his dreams do not register as being dreams; in fact, they do not register at all. One evening while watching television, several of Peter's visions play out before him on a local documentary film titled The Changing Face of America. He sees an arch and church in the documentary that have figured prominently in his dreams. Peter starts to think that his dreams are scenes from a previous life; he calls the television station to discover the location. Upon learning that the location of his "visions" is in Massachusetts, Proud and his girlfriend Nora travel there.
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0
8558140
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Private%20speech
Private speech
Private speech is speech spoken to oneself. It can be done for communication, self-guidance, and behavioral self-regulation. Children have been observed engaging in private speech between ages two and seven. Although audible, private speech is neither intended for, nor directed at others. Private speech was first studied by Lev Vygotsky and Jean Piaget. In the past 30 years, private speech has received renewed attention from researchers. Researchers have noted a positive correlation between children's use of private speech and their task performance and achievement, a fact also noted previously by Vygotsky. It is when children begin school that their use of private speech decreases and "goes underground". History and theory Private speech is typically observed in children from about two to seven years old. Private speech or "self-talk" is observed speech spoken to oneself for communication, self-guidance, and self-regulation of behaviour. Private speech is often thought to enhance developing early literacy skills and help increase a child's task performance, success, and achievement. Numerous sources trace the first theories of private speech back to two early well-known developmental psychologists, Vygotsky and Piaget. Both of these psychologists mainly studied private speech in young children, but they had differing perspectives and terminology. In 1923, Piaget published The Language and Thought of the Child. In this book he recorded his observations of children talking to themselves in classrooms and termed it as "egocentric speech", the earliest concept of private speech. For Piaget, egocentric speech was a sign of cognitive immaturity. He thought egocentric speech would later develop into a fully mature and effective speech after a child gains a fair amount of cognitive and communicative skills.
3.203125
0
8558140
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Private%20speech
Private speech
In Thought and Language, Vygotsky argued that egocentric speech was a part of normal development of communication, self-guidance, self-regulation of behaviour, planning, pacing, and monitoring skills. Vygotsky explains that private speech stems from a child's social interactions as a toddler, then reaches a peak during preschool or kindergarten when children talk aloud to themselves. Private speech serves as "the social/cultural tool or symbol system of language, first used for interpersonal communication but later employed by the child overtly for intrapersonal communication and self-guidance." Private speech decreases during late elementary school years as children transition to using inner speech. Vygotsky's theory of private speech has been considered significant by more recent developmental psychologists and has served as a basis for research for over 75 years. Berk, Winsler, Diaz, Montero, Neal, Amaya-Williams, and Wertsch are amongst some of the current well-known developmental psychologists and researchers who have been specializing in the field of private speech. Although the concept dates back to the 1930s, private speech is still an emerging field in psychology with a vast amount of research opportunities. Benefits and uses for children Evidence has supported Vygotsky's theory that private speech provides many developmental benefits for children. Above all, private speech aids children in different types of self-guidance and self-regulation. More specific uses and benefits of private speech are listed below.
2.890625
0
8558140
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Private%20speech
Private speech
Behavioral self-regulation and emotion regulation Young children's behaviors are strongly influenced by the environment. For instance, the presence of an interesting new toy in the preschool classroom is likely to draw a child's attention and influence his or her play. Private speech helps children to verbally guide their own behavior and attention by helping them to detach themselves from stimuli in their environment. As private speech is very important for children to engage in at early ages, this speech should not be interrupted or limited by parental control. For example, a child may use private speech to direct themselves away from the distracting toy and toward the activity that the teacher told the child to do. Thus, private speech helps children to be less strongly influenced by their immediate environment and instead to self-control their behavior. The relationship between private speech and behavioral self-regulation is further demonstrated by research showing that children use more private speech when asked to do more difficult tasks or when asked to do tasks without the help of a teacher or parent. In other words, in circumstances when more behavioral self-regulation is required of a young child, the child is more likely to use private speech. Private speech has also been linked to three-year-old's' ability to engage in task-related goals when explicitly taught to use private speech as a strategy for this purpose. Young children also use private speech to help them regulate their emotions. One way that children regulate their emotions and comfort themselves through private speech is by mimicking their parents' comforting speech. For instance, a child may help themself calm down for sleep by repeating nighttime phrases that their parents have said to them previously to calm down. Young children who are better at controlling their emotions have also shown an increase in the amount of private speech they use.
3.125
0
8558140
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Private%20speech
Private speech
Memory, motivation, communication, and creativity Private speech is used by children spontaneously and is a learned strategy to enhance memory. Private speech is used as a repetitive strategy, to enhance working memory by maintaining information to be remembered. For instance, a child might repeat a rule or story to themselves in order to remember it. Children also use private speech to aid their ability to suppress certain responses or information, and instead use other, less common responses or information, a process known as inhibitory control. By expressing goals, opinions, feelings, and self-thoughts through private speech, private speech increases children's motivation. For instance, a child may talk themselves through a challenging task. This type of motivating private speech is associated with self-efficacy. Moreover, children have been observed using motivational private speech especially during difficult tasks, and using motivational private speech is related to improved outcomes on the task. Some researchers have hypothesized that private speech helps young children to master speech communication, by immersing themselves in speech more than they could with others. In doing so, children gain insight about their own communication abilities, practice communication, and build effective speech and communication skills. Children often use private speech during creative and imaginative play. For instance, children often talk to themselves when playing imaginative and pretend games. Private speech is related to more creative playthe more frequently children engage in private speech, the more creative, flexible, and original thought they display.
3.203125
0
8558140
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Private%20speech
Private speech
Research Current research is becoming focused on use of private speech in the early childhood classroom setting and teachers' practices and attitudes regarding children's private speech. Many studies have shown that preschool aged children engage in a considerable amount of overt private speech in their early childhood classrooms. Specifically, researchers have found that children use more self-talk when they are busy with a goal-directed task activity (e.g., completing a puzzle). It was also found that preschool aged children were least likely to use private speech in the presence of a teacher. Many methodological advancements and tools can now be used to better examine the role of speech in self-regulation. With these advancements, there will be more research in the future on children's awareness of inner and private speech. There is also a possibility that researchers will perform additional work on the early precursors of self-talk, early childhood interventions and better understanding the role language has on the formation of inner and private speech. In adults In a self-reported questionnaire, young adults reported high levels of private speech, particularly when engaged in tasks with cognitive, mnemonic, and attentional components. This suggests that private speech may be retained to some extent into adulthood, serving a similar purpose as it does in children. Adults who stutter are much less likely to do so during private speech.
2.625
0
8558245
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lviv%20High%20Castle
Lviv High Castle
The Lviv High Castle (, ; ) is a historic castle located on the top of the Castle Hill of the city of Lviv, Ukraine. It is currently the highest point in the city, above sea level. The castle currently stands in ruins. The High Castle is proximate to the centre of Lviv (see picture), formerly being surrounded by a fortification wall. The Castle Hill took its name from the High Castle (as opposed to the , once located on the east bank of the Poltva), which used to be located on the hill from the 13th century to the late 19th century. The castle was a main defensive fort of the city during its existence. History Before the castle was built, there were certainly defensive structures in Lviv, but their shape and exact location are unknown. As it follows from Rus' Chronicles, the first wooden structures were built by Leo I of Halych. In 1261 by a request of Mongol military leader Boroldai they were destroyed. Before 1283 they were rebuilt. Here was the treasury of the kingdom of Rus', including crowns, thrones and precious crosses with parts of the True Cross. According to chronicler Jan Długosz in 1340, when Lviv was captured by Casimir III of Poland, the king ordered city's fortifications to be dismantled. In 1351 Lithuanian prince Liubartas captured and burned down Lviv. Two years later in 1353 Liubartas again invaded the city this time destroying it completely. Casimir III built a new town on the Poltva River and granted it a Magdeburg rights in 1356. A new brick castle appeared on the hill in 1362 by the king Casmimir III. It became the residence of Polish nobles. In 1537, the castle witnessed a rebellion known as the Chicken War against Polish king Sigismund I the Old and his wife Bona Sforza. The castle was rebuilt and repaired many times. In the times of Khmelnytsky Uprising it was taken by Cossack forces of Colonel Maksym Kryvonis in October 1648. In 1704, when Lviv was occupied by Swedes the castle was heavily damaged. In 1777, Austrians initiated disassembling of fortifications around the castle.
2.53125
0
8558250
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Albert%20William%20Stevens
Albert William Stevens
Albert William Stevens (March 13, 1886 – March 26, 1949) was an officer of the United States Army Air Corps, balloonist, and aerial photographer. Biography He was born on March 13, 1886, in Belfast, Maine. He graduated from the University of Maine in 1909 with a master's degree in electrical engineering. While flying over South America in 1930, Stevens took the first photograph of the Earth in a way that the horizon's curvature is visible. To photograph through haze, Stevens often employed infrared-sensitive film for long-distance aerial photography. Accompanied by Lieutenant Charles D. McAllister of the Army Air Corps, Stevens took the first photograph of the Moon's shadow projected onto the Earth during a solar eclipse in August, 1932. On July 29, 1934, Stevens and two other Army Air Corps officers, Major William Kepner and Captain Orvil Arson Anderson, ascended in a specially-constructed balloon and gondola named Explorer I over north-western Nebraska in an attempt to exceed the current altitude record for manned flight. However, nearing the current record height, the balloon envelope ruptured, sending the gondola plunging to earth. Fortunately, all three crew were able to eventually exit and parachute to earth before the gondola crashed into a farm field. On November 11, 1935, Stevens, along with Captain Anderson, made a record balloon ascent from the "Stratobowl" (a natural depression) near Rapid City, South Dakota. There were 20,000 spectators, while millions of people listened to a live NBC radio broadcast. Their sealed gondola Explorer II floated to , nearly , a world altitude record unequaled until 1946 and a balloon record unequaled until 1956. Stevens was twice awarded the Distinguished Flying Cross – one award for each of his two famous balloon flights. He died on March 26, 1949, in Redwood City, California.
2.375
0
8558251
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Oh%2C%20Captain%21
Oh, Captain!
Oh, Captain! is a musical comedy based on the 1953 film The Captain's Paradise with music and lyrics by Jay Livingston and Ray Evans and the book by Al Morgan and José Ferrer. The basis of the musical was the 1953 film The Captain's Paradise, which had been written by Alec Coppel and Nicholas Phipps. The musical updated the film's Gibraltar and Algiers setting to London and Paris. The production was dismissed by the critics as a "tired businessman's show", but the cast and choreography were much praised. A 5-minute dance sequence between Tony Randall (in the title role) and prima ballerina Alexandra Danilova is called "the best five minutes in the show" by Ken Mandelbaum. Background There was talk of adapting the movie into a musical as early as 1955. Danny Kaye was mentioned as a possible star and Lindsay and Crouse as possible adaptors. Later Bob Merrill was offered the job as composer and David Wayne was mooted as a possible star. Productions Oh, Captain! opened on Broadway at the Alvin Theatre (now the Neil Simon Theatre) on February 4, 1958, and closed on July 19, 1958, after 192 performances. The musical was directed by José Ferrer, with set and lighting design by Jo Mielziner, costumes by Miles White, hair design by Ernest Adler, dances and musical numbers created by James Starbuck, and musical director Jay Blackton. The original cast included Tony Randall as Captain Henry St. James, Abbe Lane, Susan Johnson, Jackie McKeever, Edward Platt, Paul Valentine, and Stanley Carlson. Abbe Lane was under contract to a rival studio, which refused to allow her to record the original cast album. Her songs were recorded by Eileen Rodgers. Lane did record two of her numbers on one of her subsequent solo albums. Hollywood musical star Dorothy Lamour made her Broadway debut when she replaced Lane for the last week of the Broadway run in July 1958. Ram's Head, the Stanford theatrical society, produced the show in 1962, starring Laurence Guittard.
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0
8558302
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/County%20Route%20111%20%28Suffolk%20County%2C%20New%20York%29
County Route 111 (Suffolk County, New York)
East of William Floyd Parkway (CR 46), CR 111 was intended to have an interchange and then curve south through Brookhaven State Park on land formerly owned by the Brookhaven National Laboratory. After the interchange with Middle Country Road (NY 25), it would shift eastward along the northern border of Brookhaven Lab, crossing the Robert Cushman Murphy County Park twice. In between this Suffolk County Preserve area, it would run through the grounds of the Grumman Calverton Naval Weapons Industrial Reserve Plant. It was to then follow along Wading River–Center Moriches Road (former CR 25) before heading south again toward the Peconic River. The road would join its existing section on the northeast corner of the westbound service road on the Long Island Expressway (I-495) at exit 70. Continuing southeast from the existing highway's southeastern end at the interchange with NY 27, CR 111 was to run southeast across the Pine Barrens. It would run roughly parallel to CR 71 (Old Country Road) before intersecting with it at the Montauk Branch of the Long Island Rail Road. It was then intended to replace CR 71 as it crossed Montauk Highway and headed through the village of Westhampton Beach towards the Atlantic Ocean coastline. Much of the right-of-way for the unbuilt portions of the highway is now part of a public nature preserve, with the Paumanok Path running along parts of the right-of-way. Safety improvements Local residents and political leaders have made considerable efforts to enhance the safety conditions on County Route 111 (CR 111), particularly during peak travel times in the summer season. CR 111 acts as a significant conduit for travelers moving between the Long Island Expressway (I-495) and NY 27, often resulting in traffic congestion during Friday and Sunday afternoons. This issue is particularly noticeable in Manorville, where CR 111 plays a vital role in linking local services and stores.
2.109375
0
8558358
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bahir%20Dar%20University
Bahir Dar University
Bahir Dar University (, BDU) is a public research university in Bahir Dar, capital of the Amhara Region, Ethiopia. The university, with two institutes in diploma programs until 1966, is credited to training distinguished scientists and notable public servants. BDU began offering bachelor's degree programs in 1966 and continues to expand its research and teaching in all fields and levels of study, including PhD programs. The official slogan of the university is "Wisdom at the source of the Blue Nile". Currently the university has five colleges, four institutes, seven faculties, two academies, and two schools. Sports The Bahir Dar University has a 25,000-capacity stadium on its campus, named Bahir Dar University Stadium, in Bahir Dar. It is used mostly for association football matches. It is also sometimes used for athletics. Establishment Bahir Dar University was created from the merger of two former higher institutions. The first was Bahir Dar Polytechnic Institute, which formed one of the faculties of the university, was established in 1963 under the technical cooperation between the Government of USSR and the Imperial Government of Ethiopia. The objective of the institute was to train skilled technicians in the fields of Agro-Mechanics, Industrial Chemistry and Metal, Textile, Electrical and Wood Technologies. The Institute had to undergo number of program changes within the area of technology until the commencement of the Engineering degree program 1996. Throughout these program changes, the institute did all what it could to supply the labor market with the best technicians who are now running most of the businesses in the industrial, educational, agricultural and other sectors.
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0
8558358
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bahir%20Dar%20University
Bahir Dar University
The other institution of higher learning was Bahir Dar Teachers College, which had been established more than three decades ago. Its original name was the Academy of Pedagogy, and it was created in 1972 by the tripartite agreement of the Imperial Government, UNESCO, and UNDP and started actual work in the following year under the auspices of the Ministry of Education and Fine Arts. Its general objective was to train multi-purpose primary education professionals capable of adopting primary education to rural life and rural development. Its specific objectives were to train primary school teacher trainers, supervisors, educational leaders, adult education organizers and community development agents. Soon after its beginning, however, the program only focused on offering pedagogics as a major area of study and Amharic, English, Geography and Mathematics as minor courses. Later, diploma programs were introduced when in 1996 the diploma offering departments were raised to degree level. All in all the college provided instructors to the different levels of the education sector through its regular and extension programs. The two institutions were integrated into Bahir Dar University following the Council of Ministers regulation no. 60/1999. The university was inaugurated on May 6, 2000, and the Polytechnic Institute and the Teachers College became the Faculty of Engineering and Faculty of Education, respectively. In addition, the university added two more faculties, that of Business and Economics and the faculty of Law, which were established in 2001 and 2003 respectively. Bahir Dar University was officially inaugurated in May 2001. The university is one of the largest institutions in Ethiopia, it is home to 52,830 students, dispatched in 104 undergraduates disciplines, 176 masters and 86 PhD programs. Enrollment The university projects an enrollment of over 53,000 students in the academic year beginning in October 2015. As of 2016, the university enrolled 52,830 students.
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0
8558371
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alclad
Alclad
As pure aluminium possesses a relatively greater resistance to corrosion over the majority of aluminium alloys, it was soon recognised that a thin coating of pure aluminium over the exterior surface of those alloys would take advantage of the superior qualities of both materials. Thus, a key advantage of Alclad over most aluminium alloys is its high corrosion resistance. However, considerable care must be taken while working on an Alclad-covered exterior surface, such as while cleaning the skin of an aircraft, to avoid scarring the surface to expose the vulnerable alloy underneath and prematurely age those elements. Due to its relatively shiny natural finish, it is often considered to be cosmetically pleasing when used for external elements, particularly during restoration efforts. It has been observed that some fabrication techniques, such as welding, are not suitable when used in conjunction with Alclad. Mild cleaners with a neutral pH value and finer abrasives are recommended for cleaning and polishing Alclad surfaces. It is common for waterproof wax and other inhibitive coverings to be applied to further reduce corrosion. In the twenty-first century, research and evaluation was underway into new coatings and application techniques. History Alclad sheeting has become a widely used material within the aviation industry for the construction of aircraft due to its favourable qualities, such as a high fatigue resistance and its strength. During the first half of the twentieth century, substantial studies were conducted into the corrosion qualities of various lightweight aluminium alloys for aviation purposes. The first aircraft to be constructed from Alclad was the all-metal US Navy airship ZMC-2, which was constructed in 1927 at Naval Air Station Grosse Ile. Prior to this, aluminium had been used on the pioneering zeppelins constructed by Ferdinand Zeppelin.
2.34375
0
8558463
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gurunsi%20people
Gurunsi people
Partition The people who speak closely related Gur languages and dialects and classed by the Mossi under the umbrella term Gurunsi form an arc of village communities mostly organised as defensive strongholds from the Koudougou residency west and northwest of Ouagadougou in colonial times to the northeast of current day Ghana. Historically, these groups were subjects of the Mossi kingdoms. This area became in the late 1890s part of a three-way competition between the colonial forces of the French, the British, and the Germans, trying to subdue Djerma warlords and fight also the warlike local population who resisted fiercely to maintain its autonomy, while vying to occupy as much territory as possible at the expense of rival colonial powers. Each of the three claimed part of the territory occupied by the Gurunsi villages, but the competition between the colonial powers was not resolved until the last year of the 19th century. After establishing the protectorates of Yatenga (1895) and Ouagadougou (1896), the French annexed Gurunsi lands in 1897. Eventually the Germans withdrew to Togoland (modern Ghana & Togo), and an 1898 Anglo-French agreement officially established the boundary with the Gold Coast (now Ghana). This partition divided Gurunsi peoples among French and British administrative systems, facilitating the political and cultural divergence of sub-groups on each side of the boundary. Gurunsi ethnic groups The term Gurunsi is used as a meta term to refer to a group of very loosely relate peoples. The ethnic groups classified as Gurunsi do not share a common language and have distinct cultural practices. Some of the largest Gurunsi ethnic groups are the Frafra, Nabt and Talensi in Ghana as well as the Ko, Lyele, Nuna, and Sisaala in Burkina Faso. The sub-groups Kassena and Nankani inhabit both Ghana and Burkina Faso. Art and architecture The Kassena people are known for their clay houses, which are built by the men. The women decorate the exteriors of the houses with geometric patterns.
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0
8558579
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Frank%20Stephen%20Baldwin
Frank Stephen Baldwin
Frank Stephen Baldwin (April 10, 1838 – April 8, 1925) was an American who invented a pinwheel calculator in 1875. He started the design of a new machine in 1905 and was able to finalize its design with the help of Jay R. Monroe who eventually bought the exclusive rights to the machine and started the Monroe Calculating Machine Company to manufacture it. Early years He was born on April 10, 1838, in New Hartford, Connecticut. In 1840 the family moved to Nunda, New York, where he attended the Nunda Institute for elementary school. In 1854 he was enrolled at Union College in Schenectady, New York, but left when his father had an accident that left him as an invalid for the rest of his life. Frank then took over the management of his father's architectural business. In 1855, Frank applied for a patent on an "arrowhead self-coupler" for railroad cars, but the patent was rejected. In 1860 an uncle in Carlyle, Illinois, designed a corn-planter and Frank assisted in applying for the patent. In 1861, he returned to Carlyle to build a model of the planter and to arrange manufacturing. During the American Civil War he enlisted in the Carlyle Home Guard, but only served for three months. In 1869, he went to St. Louis, Missouri, as manager of Peck's Planning Mills. It was around this time, that he invented an anemometer, for recording the direction of the wind. He also invented a "registering step" for street cars, that recorded the number of passengers entering a streetcar; and a "street indicator" geared from the axle of a trolley that showed each street in succession, from an illuminated box, as the car passed.
2.6875
0
8558695
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alexander%20Home%2C%201st%20Earl%20of%20Home
Alexander Home, 1st Earl of Home
Alexander Home, 1st Earl of Home and 6th Lord Home (c. 15665 April 1619), was a Scottish nobleman and Lord Warden-general of all the March. He succeeded as the 6th Lord Home, a Lord of Parliament in the Peerage of Scotland, in 1575, and he was created Earl of Home in the Peerage of Scotland in 1605. Career Early life Born about 1566, he was son of Alexander Home, 5th Lord Home, by his second wife. On the death of his father in 1575 he was placed under the guardianship of Andrew Home, commendator of Jedburgh. The custody of the castle of Home had been committed by the Regent Morton to the widow of the fifth baron. On 30 November 1578, she and her husband complained that the commendator refused to deliver it up. He was ordered to do so, but in December 1579 it was arranged that the castle should be retained by Lord Home and the commendator, his tutor, in his name. In 1581 Alexander Hume of Manderston and others were ordered to restore to Home certain lands. In July of the following year Home, as warden of the east marches, received a special commission to hold justiciary courts in his district. Home and his family were often opposed to the Hepburns, a rival border family whose head was the Earl of Bothwell; the feud between the Homes and the Hepburns was an old one, and it may have been the main reason why Home's father sided with the enemies of Mary during the period of her intimacy with Bothwell. This enmity led to several quarrels between Home and Bothwell. In February 1584 it was said that he was reconciled with Earl of Angus, after a quarrel about the lands of Cockburnspath, and wanted to marry a daughter of the Laird of Cessford (a sister of Robert Ker). James VI suggested instead he should marry Marie Stewart, the younger daughter of his favourite the Duke of Lennox, who was seven years old.
2.25
0
8558695
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alexander%20Home%2C%201st%20Earl%20of%20Home
Alexander Home, 1st Earl of Home
Ruthven raider Home was one of those who signed the agreement which resulted in the Raid of Ruthven. In November 1583 a violent brawl occurred between him and Francis Stewart, 5th Earl of Bothwell, in the streets of Edinburgh. Both were ordered into ward, and Home was not released till 20 January 1585. For a time he was a prisoner in Tantallon Castle, but in December was transferred to Edinburgh Castle by way of the Nether Bow, so that he might see exposed there the head of one of his dependents, David Hume, captain of Stirling Castle. Opposition to the Earl of Arran Despite hereditary jealousy of Bothwell, and his earlier violent quarrel with him, Home, soon after obtaining his liberty, co-operated with him in the scheme for the restoration of the banished lords and the overthrow of Regent Arran. Along with Bothwell, he fortified Kelso Castle, which became the rendezvous of the insurgents. He was one of those received into favour by the king after Arran's fall. In the complaint of the kirk's commissioners to the king in 1587, he is mentioned as one of the "Papists and idolators" who had been promoted by the king. At the meeting of parliament in this year a quarrel occurred between Home and Lord Fleming on account of the latter being allowed by the council to vote before the other lords. Home challenged Fleming to a duel, but the combat was prevented by the citizens of Edinburgh, and the king subsequently reconciled them.
2.125
0
8558695
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alexander%20Home%2C%201st%20Earl%20of%20Home
Alexander Home, 1st Earl of Home
Rivalry with Bothwell After the fall of Arran the old jealousy between Home and Bothwell broke out anew. When the king, in 1589, sailed to Denmark to convoy the Princess Anne to Scotland, they were specially charged to keep the peace towards each other. Home, however, for a time befriended Bothwell when that nobleman fell into disgrace with the king. On 7 January 1591, Home helped the Duke of Lennox attack John Wemyss of Logie, on Edinburgh High Street. He was banished from court for a short period. After Bothwell, on 22 June 1591, broke out of Edinburgh Castle, he dined the same evening with Home in Leith; and on account of his having openly joined Bothwell, proclamation was, on 2 August, made for his pursuit. Soon afterward he went to Blackness Castle, and was reported to have become an enemy of Bothwell. In November 1592 Home offered his support against Bothwell and was rewarded with Priory of Coldingham. However, he quarrelled with Sir Robert Ker of Cessford who had been given property in Kelso for showing similar support. On 17 November 1592 Margaret Douglas, the heavily pregnant wife of the rebel Earl of Bothwell, kneeled on the street before James VI as he was going to Edinburgh Castle, and after Lord Home and Lord Lindsay spoke in her favour she was allowed to kiss the king's hand. The king then spoke harshly of her and her husband. She was applauded and carried back to her lodging by well-wishers.
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0
8558743
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wet%20sub
Wet sub
A wet sub is a type of underwater vehicle, either a submarine or a submersible, that does not provide a dry environment for its occupants. It is also described as an underwater vehicle where occupants are exposed to ambient environment during operations. The watercraft is classified as medium-sized or small vessel. This type of submarine differs from other underwater personal transport devices by the fact that it has a hull around it and it is not a "bare bones" design. Usually, scuba divers ride outside the device as one would ride a motorcycle or in a semi-enclosed opening like a kayak or bobsled, although it can be designed to fully enclose its occupant(s) to reduce drag. An enclosed vehicle may also provide a dry viewing chamber for the occupant(s). The sub is generally propelled by an electric motor and is battery powered. The depth and endurance is typically limited by the requirements of the divers, particularly water temperature and breathable air. Military use Wet subs have been used to transport and deploy special operations forces in waters too shallow for an ordinary submarine, lay mines (particularly for attaching limpet mines directly to a ship), firing torpedoes, or gathering intelligence in harbors. They have also been used to plant listening and recording devices on undersea cables in Operation Ivy Bells. For military use, the operator will sometimes use a rebreather device so as not to leave a trail of bubbles. Military wet subs are deployed from a larger submarine or from a surface ship. The SEAL Delivery Vehicle (SDV) used by the United States Navy SEALs and British Special Boat Service is an example that is in use today. The SDV is used to insert Navy SEALs in shallow coastal waters or attack surface ships. The Motorised Submersible Canoe, developed by the British Special Operations Executive during World War II, is another example. Hobbyists
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0
8558752
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Toungoo%20dynasty
Toungoo dynasty
The Toungoo dynasty (, ; also spelt Taungoo dynasty, and also known as the Nyaungyan dynasty, was the ruling dynasty of Burma (Myanmar) from the mid-16th century to 1752. At its peak, the Toungoo Empire was the largest and strongest empire in Southeast Asia. The dynasty ruled in two periods: the First Toungoo Empire (1510–1599) and the Nyaungyan Restoration (1599–1752). Its early kings Tabinshwehti and Bayinnaung succeeded in reunifying the territories of the Pagan Kingdom for the first time since 1287 and in incorporating the Shan States for the first time, in addition to including Manipur, Chinese Shan States, Siam and Lan Xang. The empire collapsed in the 18 years following Bayinnaung's death in 1581. The dynasty quickly regrouped under the leadership of Nyaungyan Min and his son, Anaukpetlun, who succeeded in restoring a smaller, more manageable kingdom, encompassing Lower Burma, Upper Burma, Shan States and Lan Na by 1622. The Restored Toungoo kings, now based in Ava (Inwa), created a legal and political system whose basic features would continue under the Konbaung dynasty well into the 19th century. The crown completely replaced the hereditary chieftainships with appointed governorships in the entire Irrawaddy valley and greatly reduced the hereditary rights of Shan chiefs. Its trade and secular administrative reforms built a prosperous economy for more than 80 years. The kingdom entered a gradual decline due to the "palace rule" of its kings. Starting from the 1720s, the kingdom was beset with raids by the Meitei people of the Chindwin River, and a rebellion in Chiang Mai. Raids by the Meitei intensified in the 1730s, reaching increasingly deeper parts of central Burma. In 1740, the Mon people in Lower Burma began a rebellion, founding the Restored Hanthawaddy Kingdom. The Hanthawaddy armies captured Inwa in 1752 and ended the 266-year-old Toungoo dynasty.
2.859375
0
8558760
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gilberto%20Molina
Gilberto Molina
Gilberto Molina Moreno (February 27, 1937 – February 27, 1989) was a major Colombian emerald magnate who was intimately connected to the notorious Medellín cartel and widely suspected of involvement in drug trafficking during the 1980s. Molina was born in Tudela, in the town of Paime, Cundinamarca. He spent his youth in the emerald mining zone in the cities of Muzo and Quipama in the department of Boyacá, centered about 120 km northwest of Bogotá, where he farmed cattle and worked as a butcher. Colombia's emerald mines are considered some of the richest in the world. He soon became involved with the emerald business as members of his family were members of a militia in charge of keeping the mines safe, called "La Pesada." He worked first searching for emeralds and then as guard, and he started making a name for himself, often being called the "emerald tsar". It was then that Molina met a young Gonzalo Rodríguez Gacha, "El Mexicano," who would become years later one of the most feared kingpins in the infamous Medellín Cartel. Rodríguez Gacha had moved to the area to look for a better life and he soon became part of Molina's group, as a hitman, and then as his head of security. It was also around his time that he associated with Víctor Carranza with whom he discovered a large mine, and with whom he became the main beneficiary of the mine concessions by the government, which allowed both him and Carranza to legalize their immense riches and consolidate their power. Once he became rich, Molina became a celebrity in Quipama, a town that he revitalized by building a number of public facilities and constructions, including among others a town hall, schools, a market place and an airport, estimated around $500,000. With his partner Carranza, he became involved in the so-called "Green Wars," armed conflicts among families over the control of the mines.
1.984375
0
8558820
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Buck%20Hill%20%28British%20Columbia%29
Buck Hill (British Columbia)
Buck Hill is a hill in east-central British Columbia, Canada, located north of Clearwater. It rises from the west slope of Trophy Mountain. Buck Hill is just outside the boundary of Wells Gray Provincial Park. Geology Buck Hill is a cinder cone in the Wells Gray-Clearwater volcanic field. It last erupted about 10,000 years ago during the last glaciation of the Clearwater Valley. A slurry of lava debris and water flowed away from the cone and hardened in Second and Third Canyons further down Trophy Mountain. After the eruption stopped, a glacier smoothed the sides of Buck Hill. Several craters can be found on the west side. Access Buck Hill is one of the most accessible volcanoes in the Wells Gray Park area because one can drive to its base. Access is via Trophy Mountain Road off Clearwater Valley Road (also called Wells Gray Park Road), then some old logging and mining roads to some pits where recent mining for decorative lava rock has occurred. It is not safe to climb Buck Hill as the pine bark beetle attack of 2005-2007 has left hundreds of dead trees that can fall even in a gentle wind.
2.46875
0
8558820
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Buck%20Hill%20%28British%20Columbia%29
Buck Hill (British Columbia)
History Buck Hill was named in the 1960s by Clearwater sheep rancher and guide, Ida DeKelver, for the numerous deer in the region. Emil and Ida DeKelver arrived in the Clearwater Valley in 1959 and settled on an 80-acre farm beside Candle Creek. At first, the DeKelvers raised dairy cattle. In 1962, they purchased a Trophy Mountain grazing lease and 100 ewes and rams from the Ronacher brothers. They soon expanded the herd to 300 and were very successful with the lush Trophy meadows. Their trail to the alpine followed Third Canyon Creek and passed just south of Buck Hill. Each spring and fall, it took three days to move their herd between the farm and the meadows. In 1969, mounting government pressure against grazing lease-holders persuaded the DeKelvers to switch to guiding and trail-riding on Trophy Mountain. They built a new trail up Spahats Creek which was much shorter than the Third Canyon route, although strenuous compared to today's stroll to the meadows. When logging started on Trophy Mountain in 1979 and roads were built almost to treeline, the DeKelvers' business was ruined and they retired to their Candle Creek farm. Ida DeKelver became the unofficial historian of the Clearwater Valley and created the Yellowhead Museum (now closed). She died at age 93 in 2017. Ida Falls near Buck Hill has been named in her memory and DeKelver Summit on Trophy Mountain commemorates Ida and Emil.
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0
8558855
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Heraclea%20Minoa
Heraclea Minoa
Heraclea Minoa (, Hērákleia Minṓia; ) was an ancient Greek city of Magna Graecia situated on the southern coast of Sicily near the mouth of the river Halycus (modern Platani), 25 km west of Agrigentum (Acragas, modern Agrigento). It is located near the modern town of the same name in the comune Cattolica Eraclea in Italy. Excavations have revealed several parts of the city which are now open to the public. Archaeology has shown that the city was founded in the middle of the 6th century BC as an outpost of the Greek colony of Selinus (modern Selinunte) and was finally abandoned around the beginning of the 1st century AD. Site The city is situated a few hundred metres southeast of the mouth of the river Platani (the ancient Halycus) in a defendable position atop the conspicuous promontory now called Capo Bianco with gently sloping sides down to the Platani valley to the north and sheer white cliffs to the ocean on the south side. The Heraclean promontory is mentioned by Strabo in his description of the coasts of Sicily, and which he correctly gives as 20 miles distant from the port of Agrigentum. History Two Myths Its two names were connected with separate myths regarding its origin. The first of these was that Heracles, having vanquished the local hero Eryx in a wrestling match, obtained thereby the right to the whole western portion of Sicily, which he expressly reserved for his descendants. The other was that somewhat later, Minos, king of Crete, having come to Sicily in pursuit of Daedalus, landed at the mouth of the river Halycus, and founded there a city, to which he gave the name of Minoa; or, according to another version of the story, the city was first established by his followers, after the death of Minos himself. Heraclides Ponticus adds that there was previously a native city on the spot, the name of which was Macara. No intimation is given by Diodorus of the names relating to the same spot. 6th century BC
2.640625
0
8558855
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Heraclea%20Minoa
Heraclea Minoa
Archaeological finds from the necropolis show the city was founded in the mid-6th century BC. The first written mention of the city is of a small town and a colony of the Greek settlement of Selinus (itself founded about 650 BC), bearing the name of Minoa. From its founding Minoa was in contention between Selinus (as its eastern outpost) and Akragas which wanted control of the Platani valley. In c. 510 BC Dorieus the Spartan (brother of Cleomenes I) came to Sicily with the intent of reclaiming the territory which he believed had belonged to his ancestor Heracles. But in fighting the Carthaginians and Segestans, he was defeated and slain and almost all his leading companions also perished. Euryleon, the only one of the chiefs who escaped, made himself master of Minoa which now, in all probability, obtained for the first time the name of Heraclea. From the time of this new settlement it seems to have borne the name of Heraclea, though coupled with that of Minoa for the sake of distinction. 5th–4th century BC The city was only briefly under the control of the Spartans and during the whole of the 5th c. BC it was under Akragan control and became very prosperous. However it was destroyed by the Carthaginians probably in 406 BC, through jealousy of its increasing power. When this took place is uncertain; it was probably in the 10th book of Diodorus, now lost. He makes no mention of any such event during the First Sicilian War (480 BC) when it might otherwise be supposed to have occurred. An inscription from the temple of Athena Lindia of Lindos on Rhodes attests the dedication of an ivory palladium as spoils from an undated victory of the Agrigentines over Minoa. The territory of Heraclea Minoa fell under Carthaginian control as a result of the treaty of 405 BC. but the absence of all mention of Heraclea suggests that either it did not then exist or must have been in a very reduced condition. It was won back in 397 BC by Dionysius in his first Punic war, but recovered by Carthage in 383 BC.
2.671875
0
8558855
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Heraclea%20Minoa
Heraclea Minoa
In the early 20th century, a mid-6th-early 5th century BC necropolis was discovered. A large-scale excavation by Professor Ernesto de Miro from 1950 uncovered late 4th–late 1st century BC dwellings and the late 4th century BC theatre. The absence of Arretine ware at the site strongly suggests that the city was abandoned by the beginning of the 1st century AD. Many cemeteries and tombs have been excavated in the nearby countryside and many of their grave goods are on display in the on-site museum. The theatre The theatre was built in the 4th-3rd c. BC into the hollow of a small hill with, unusually, the cavea facing south against the advice of Vitruvius. The side of the theatre is built onto the city walls. The sides of the auditorium are prolonged like a few other Greek theatres (e.g. Segeste, Athens). It did not have a real stage as in the orchestra the fixings for cables of a mobile wooden podium were found. The theatre was abandoned in the 2nd-1st c. BC when other buildings used the walls of the staircases. The soft building stone, as used throughout the city, has mandated a modern roof to protect the theatre from further erosion. Houses The oldest IV-III c. BC settlement is visible at present through two completely excavated houses: A and B. House A had a courtyard (atrium) equipped with a large cistern into which water from the compluvium pitched roofs drained. North of the courtyard was a domestic shrine (lararium) of which the quadrangular altar leaning against the northwest corner and the shrine for the lares in the east wall are preserved. The floor of the room is in cocciopesto decorated with white pieces while the walls retain remnants of the stucco decoration (Pompeian 1st style).
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0
8558918
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Edward%20Collier%20%28pirate%29
Edward Collier (pirate)
Edward Collier was an English buccaneer who served as Sir Henry Morgan's second-in-command throughout much of his expeditions against Spain during the mid-17th century. In command of one of the ships which took part in Sir Henry Morgan's raid on Portobello in 1668, he was given command of the 34-gun Oxford with a commission as a pirate hunter before the end of the year and eventually captured Captain la Veven and his ship, the Satisfaction. Rejoining Morgan in his later raids on Maracaibo and Gibraltar, an explosion aboard his ship would kill many of the officers in the expedition before his ship was sunk. Reportedly despondent over the loss of his ship, Collier left the fleet and was allowed to take command of the Satisfaction spending the next 18 months off the Mexican coastline. Eventually he was persuaded to join Morgan as he was planning his raid on Panama September 1670 and appointed vice-admiral of the expedition. As the expedition was being prepared, Collier was ordered to sail with six ship to Venezuela to obtain provisions and other supply as well as to gather information from locals. Arriving at Rio de la Hacha, he captured the Spanish stronghold and reportedly tortured his captives to reveal where the city's 200,000 pesos were located at. However, many of the prisoners died in captivity without revealing the whereabouts of the city's treasury and, after demanding provisions from the local population, Collier left Rio de la Hacha and rejoined Morgan's fleet in early December. At the time of their arrival at Panama in January 1671, Collier successfully led the left wing of the assault to capture the town. Proceeding to loot the town, Collier (or one of the pirates under his command) murdered a Franciscan friar before their return to Port Royal.
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0
8558948
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dallas%20Mill
Dallas Mill
Dallas Mill was a manufacturer of cotton sheeting in Huntsville, Alabama, United States. The first of four major textile mills in Huntsville, the mill operated from 1891 until 1949, before it was converted for use as a warehouse in 1955 and burned in 1991. The village, constructed to house workers and their families, was incorporated into the city in 1955. The mill and its mill village are listed on the National Register of Historic Places. History In the 1880s, business leaders in Huntsville sought to increase the industrial presence in what was otherwise a small town of around 5,000 residents. The North Alabama Improvement Company was formed March 17, 1886, and promoted investment in the city to Northeastern businesses. In 1890 Trevanion Barlow Dallas, a Nashville mill executive, agreed to construct a cotton mill in Huntsville. Early stockholders in the mill included Dallas, the North Alabama Improvement Company, Michael O'Shaughnessy (another Nashville industrialist who moved to Huntsville and constructed a home named Kildare, also listed on the NRHP), and Northern industrialists including the Milliken family, owners of textile giant Deering Milliken. The mill was incorporated in 1891 and began operation on November 16, 1892. When the mill opened, it contained 25,000 spindles, 704 looms, and employed 516 workers, making it one of the South's largest cotton mills. Just eight years later, the mill was doubled in size, to 50,000 spindles, 1,541 looms, 1,200 workers, and 300,000 square feet. The capital for the expansion came primarily from Milliken and Albert W. Green, who became the largest shareholders in the mill. The mill manufactured bleached and brown shirting and sheeting, and consumed approximately 20,000 bales of locally-grown cotton annually.
1.992188
0
8558948
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dallas%20Mill
Dallas Mill
In the summer of 1900, a female worker was allegedly raped by a Black man named Elijah Clark. The entire workforce of the mill left work, went to the local jail and lynched in front of six thousand spectators. The mill later paid for the damage done to the Huntsville Jail by their workers. The mill remained one of the largest employers in the area until the 1930s, when labor unrest began to disrupt all of Huntsville's cotton mills. From July 17 until September 22, 1934, a strike by the United Textile Workers of America brought violence to Huntsville. The mill was crippled by another strike in 1947; at the time of the strike, the mill employed 700 workers, but had dwindled to only 300 two years later. The mill operated on a partial basis until July 1949. Its assets were sold at auction, and the building was purchased by two Boaz businessmen for $175,000. They leased it to the Genesco Shoe Company, who used it as a distribution warehouse from 1955 until 1987. The mill was used as a warehouse for a real estate developer until the building was destroyed by a fire on July 24, 1991. Architecture The main mill building was designed by Providence, Rhode Island architectural firm Lockwood, Greene & Co. in the Italianate style. The building was originally around , but was expanded to long in 1900. A low-pitched gable roof projected two feet from the sides. Windows were set about from the outer wall. Two square brick towers with pyramidal roofs housed water tanks and projected above the roof. Two brick chimneys from the boiler room sat behind the main building. Each of the five stories had a central drive shaft, off of which pulleys were attached to power the machinery. The floors were supported by turned wood columns. The wooden window sashes pivoted such that the top third pivoted inward and the bottom two-thirds pivoted about its center so they could be left open even during rain. The new and old halves of the building were separated by firewalls and a central staircase and elevator.
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0
8558977
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cinema%20of%20Egypt
Cinema of Egypt
In 1940, the entrepreneur and translator Anis Ebeid established "Anis Ebeid Films", as the first subtitling company in Egypt and the rest of the Middle East, bringing hundreds of American and World movies to Egypt. Later he entered the movie distribution business too. Egyptian cinema flourished in the 1940s, with the number of films produced increased to 16 films in the 1944–45 season. This was due to the entry of investments after World War II into the film industry, and greater purchasing power of citizens. From 1945 to 1951, production increased to 50 films per year. By 1949, there were 244 cinemas and five studios with 11 shooting areas. Egyptian films played an important role in linking Arab society and marketing Egyptian culture. More than any other method, it spread the Egyptian dialect. This status was affected by the waves that occurred in Arab relations, sometimes strengthening and sometimes weakening them, which led to an ebb and flow in the distribution of Egyptian film in Arab countries. A boycott of Egyptian films occurred at intermittent periods in the 1950s due to political tensions between Arab states in the Arab Cold War. In 1944, the Al-Ahram Studio was established in the Giza district of Cairo, and became one of the most prestigious film (and later TV) production studios in the Middle East, in competition with Studio Misr. In the 1950s, Egypt ranked third in the world in number of films produced. In 1950, Studio Misr produced the film Baba Aris, the first Egyptian film entirely in natural color, starring Naima Akef, Fouad Shafik, Camelia, and Shoukry Sarhan.
2.671875
0
8558977
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cinema%20of%20Egypt
Cinema of Egypt
Political changes in Egypt after the overthrow of King Farouk in 1952 initially had little effect on Egyptian film. However the government under President Gamal Abdel Nasser sought control over the industry after turning to socialism in the 1960s. Egyptian cinema reacted quickly to the July 1952 revolution, political films encountering the foreign influence started to be produced with films talking about patriotism and nationalism were in demand at the time. Hussein Sedki presented the film Down with Colonialism a few months after the revolution, in a natural and automatic reaction to the idea of national enthusiasm that was existed at that time, especially since the film worked on the nature of colonialism and not the internal matter related to the corruption of parties as happened after that, and the national feeling was very important to remain present, especially during the period of armed struggle against English colonialism, which began before the 1952 revolution with the abolition of 1936 Treaty when it was canceled by El-Nahas Pasha in October 1951. The tone of the films that worked on the July revolution increased, such as the 1955 film God is With Us, Ezz El-Dine Zulficar's Return My Heart in 1957. Other films were related to the feudal class and the pasha class, such as The Blazing Sun by Youssef Chahine, and the idea of corrupt, or otherwise pashas. The Egyptian cinema flourished in the 1950s.
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0
8558977
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cinema%20of%20Egypt
Cinema of Egypt
In 1960, the Studio Misr was nationalised, and other studios soon followed, including Al-Ahram, along with distribution companies. Only Studio Nasabian remained in private ownership. In 1962, the Ministry of Culture and National Guidance took over the whole industry, causing inefficiencies and a drop in production and in film exports. The General Cinema Foundation was established to produce feature films, which led to a decrease in the average number of films from 60 to 40 films per year, and by 1966 the number of theaters also decreased from 354 in 1954 to 255 houses. By 1966, the entire Egyptian film industry had been nationalized. In the words of Ahmed Ramzi, a leading man of the era, the cinema industry "went to the dogs". In this era, an emerging generation of film stars came to prominence such as: Shoukry Sarhan, Soad Hosny, Salah Zulfikar, Rushdy Abaza, Nadia Lutfi, Faten Hamama, Omar Sharif, Kamal el-Shennawi, Shadia, Mariam Fakhr Eddine, Lobna Abdel Aziz, Abdel Halim Hafez, Huda Sultan, Hind Rostom, Farid Shawqi, Zubaida Tharwat, Ismail Yassine, Magda, Laila Fawzi, Ahmed Mazhar, and Sabah. Egyptian films shown in the 1960s can be divided into three sections: films that deal with the subject of poverty, raising the value of work, and praising socialist society, such as the film Soft Hands directed by Mahmoud Zulfikar, films that condemned opportunistic models and social diseases such as bribery, corruption, and theft crimes, such as Miramar, and films that dealt with issues of people's political participation, condemned negativity. Other films also addressed topics of democracy, connection to the land, and resistance, such as the film The Rains Dried.
2.59375
0
8558977
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cinema%20of%20Egypt
Cinema of Egypt
Notable 1970s titles include; Sunset and Sunrise, The Guilty, I Want a Solution, Whom Should We Shoot?, Alexandria... Why?, Shafika and Metwali. Hassan Ramzi's 1975 Egyptian film Al-Rida’ al-Abyad was released in the Soviet Union in 1976, selling tickets in the country. This made it the highest-grossing foreign film of the year and the seventh highest-grossing foreign film ever in the Soviet Union. This also made it the highest-grossing Egyptian film of all time, with its Soviet ticket sales surpassing the worldwide ticket sales of all other Egyptian films, achieving revenue over $28,700,000 in 1975. Transitional period: 1980s–1990s The 1980s saw the Egyptian film industry in decline; however, the industry saw huge box-office jumps. A new wave of young directors emerged who were able to overcome the prevailing production traditions and create serious cinema. They were called the Neo-Realism Movement or the generation of the eighties. From this generation were Atef El Tayeb, Khairy Beshara, Mohamed Khan, Raafat Al-Mihi, Ali Abdelkhalek and others. Also, a new generation of films stars such as: Ahmed Zaki, Nour El-Sherif, Adel Imam, Mahmoud Abdel Aziz, Nabila Ebeid, Nadia El Gendy, Yousra, Laila Elwi, Elham Shahin, and Sherihan, emerged during that period. In the 1980s, Egyptian cinema produced notable films, such as; The Shame, An Egyptian Story, The Bus Driver, The Peacock, The Innocent, The Collar and the Bracelet, A Moment of Weakness, The Wife of an Important Man, and Escape. In the mid-eighties, specifically at the beginning of 1984, the number of films produced suddenly increased to 63 films.
2.5
0
8558977
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cinema%20of%20Egypt
Cinema of Egypt
In the 1990s, however, saw the rise of what came to be called "contractor movies". Actor Khaled El Sawy has described these as films "where there is no story, no acting and no production quality of any kind... basic formula movies that aimed at making a quick buck." the number of films produced also declined: from nearly 100 films a year in the industry's prime to about a dozen in 1995. This lasted until summer 1997, when Ismailia Rayeh Gayy (translation: Ismailia back and forth) shocked the cinema industry, enjoying unparalleled success and large profits for the producers, introducing Mohamed Fouad (a famous singer) and Mohamed Henedi, then a rather unknown actor who later became the number one comedian star. Building on the success of that movie, several comedy films were released in the following years. The 1990s notable titles include; Alexandria Again and Forever, War in the Land of Egypt, The Kit Kat, The Shepherd and the Women, Terrorism and Kebab, The Terrorist, Five-Star Thieves, Road to Eilat, The Emigrant, Nasser 56, Destiny, Land of Fear, and The City. Since mid-1990s, Egypt's cinema has gone in separate directions. Smaller art films attract some international attention, but sparse attendance at home. Popular films, often broad comedies such as What a Lie!, and the extremely profitable works of comedian Mohamed Saad, battle to hold audiences either drawn to Western films or, increasingly, wary of the perceived immorality of film. The 1990s also saw Egyptian cinema participating in the martial arts genre with actors such as Youssef Mansour who became famous for his films that relied on martial arts.
1.9375
0
8558977
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cinema%20of%20Egypt
Cinema of Egypt
21st century Between 1896 and 2021, over 4,000 films were produced in Egypt. With the beginning of the 21st century, a new generation of film stars appeared, the most famous of whom were Mona Zaki, Ahmed El Sakka, Menna Shalabi, Karim Abdel Aziz, Hend Sabry, Ghada Adel, Ahmed Ezz, Ahmed Helmy, Yasmine Abdulaziz, Mohamed Saad, Tamer Hosny, Mai Ezz Eldin, Nour, Hany Ramzy, Nelly Karim, Basma, and Dalia El Behery. They starred in many films and were able to achieve success and fame within a short period of time during that period. A few productions, such as 2003's Sleepless Nights, intertwined stories of four bourgeois couples and 2006's Imarat Yacoubian (The Yacoubian Building) bridge this divide through their combination of high artistic quality and popular appeal. In 2006, the film Leisure Time was released. A social commentary on the decline of Egyptian youth, the film was produced on a low budget and had attendant low production values. The film, however, became a success. Its controversial subject matter, namely, the sexual undertones in today's society, was seen as confirmation that the industry was beginning to take risks. A major challenge facing Egyptian and international scholars, students and fans of Egyptian film is the lack of resources in terms of published works, preserved and available copies of the films themselves, and development in Egypt of state and private institutions dedicated to the study and preservation of film. The Egyptian National Film Centre (ENFC), which theoretically holds copies of all films made after 1961, is according to one Egyptian film researcher, "far from being a library, houses piles of rusty cans containing positive copies." The year 2007, however, saw a considerable spike in the number of Egyptian films made. In 1997, the number of Egyptian feature-length films created was 16; 10 years later, that number had risen to 40. Box office records have also risen significantly, as Egyptian films earned locally around $50 million.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cinema%20of%20Egypt
Cinema of Egypt
Commercially, Egypt nowadays have several bankable stars, for the last two decades, box-office performers are generally the same, except some new comers of younger generations. Egyptian cinema revenues are split roughly in equal half's between Egyptian films and American films, varying slightly from year to year, according to Egyptian Center for Economic and Social Rights Article, which charted ticket sales from 2015 to 2019. In 2019, cinemas generated EGP 1.2 billion in revenue, up from EGP 843 million the previous year. In 2019, 33 Egyptian films were made, raking in USD 72 million (c. EGP 1.1 billion), a modest number compared to say, 2000 Bollywood films in 2018 and 660 American films in 2017). It is, however, still the highest in the Middle East, according to ECES. In 2020, that number increased by EGP 143 million (USD 9.1 million). Significance Of the over 4,000 short and feature-length films made in MENA region between 1908 and 2007, more than three-quarters were Egyptian films. Egypt is the most productive country in the Middle East and Africa in the field of film production, and the one with the most developed media system. Despite its successes, the Egyptian film industry faced many challenges, including the struggle to maintain its unique voice and the struggle to maintain creative freedom with many censorship prohibitions, whether social, religious or political. However, Egyptian cinema is the most vibrant and popular in the Middle East and North Africa.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cinema%20of%20Egypt
Cinema of Egypt
Along with a long history, Egyptian cinema has a unique style. Egyptian films and cinematography set a different standard. Arabs like the Egyptian films, besides the dominant Hollywood films, Arabic audience see the Egyptian society through their films. Also, supporting the Palestinian cause through films gained sympathy with the industry as a whole. The first film to address the Palestinian cause was the 1948 film A Girl from Palestine, directed by and starring Mahmoud Zulfikar, and Soad Muhammad in the leading female role. Another film that tackled the issue was Land of Heroes in 1953, directed by Niazi Mustafa, which discussed the problem of corrupt weapons in the 1948 Arab–Israeli War. Other several films discussed the Palestinian cause such as the 1999 film A Girl From Israel starring Mahmoud Yassin and Farouk El Fishawy. Over the past two decades the politics of Egyptian cinema have been shaped by broader issues such as economic globalization and concepts of national identity. Some films have addressed overtly political themes, including the American Dream injustices inflicted on the Palestinians, and Islamist protest movements. The character of such films is often strongly influenced by the overarching context in which they are produced, such as; Closed Doors in 1999. "Egyptian cinema is different in many aspects," says Sherif El Bendary, an Egyptian filmmaker with over two decades of experience in the industry." "It is the only one in the region that can be labelled as an industry. And by that, I mean investing money and generating revenue." Egyptian director and cinematographer Mohamed Siam says that "Egyptian cinema's rich history and uncertain future is what makes it so dynamic, There is a lot of local talent with new underground filmmakers aspiring to get involved with their innovative projects."
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cinema%20of%20Egypt
Cinema of Egypt
Egyptian film industry was never connected to Hollywood, inspired and affected but not connected, it is a regional force, maybe a film star such as Omar Sharif performed in Cairo and Hollywood and few others, but Egyptian actors mainly are always content with their success and fame on the regional level whether African or Arab, on the contrary of Tunisian and Moroccan industries for instance, however, filmmakers are different regarding their own keenness for international audiences such as Youssef Chahine and Mohamed Diab. Despite that, Cairo still tops the list of cinematic performances in Egypt and the Arab world. The Arab world can see different worlds with those who speak a language close to its language, which is the Egyptian Arabic, through which it recognizes the existence of a rich, ancient, and complete civilization that once ruled the world. Role of Women Egyptian cinema is considered one of few industries in the world that has a woman as its pioneer, women had a prominent role in Egyptian film, whether in acting, singing, directing, or even creating the soundtrack. Many of these women emerged in Egypt and marked their place in history. The 1927 film Laila was the first Egyptian feature-length film, produced by and starring Aziza Amir, one of the pioneers of the Egyptian film industry. Bahiga Hafez played the lead role and created the soundtrack of Zaynab, the 1930 film based on a novel of the same name by Mohammed Hussein Heikal and produced by Youssef Wahbi and directed by Mohammed Karim. Fatima Rushdi was one of the pioneers of theatre in writing, directing and acting, and her band was famous. Afterwards, she became a movie star, and her beginning in cinema was through the 1928 film A Tragedy Above the Pyramid, and The Marriage in 1932. Her most notable role was in the 1939 film The Will, which is considered the first in the list of the Top 100 Egyptian films in the history of Egyptian cinema.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cinema%20of%20Egypt
Cinema of Egypt
Egyptian belly dancer and film actress Samia Gamal is credited with bringing belly dancing from Egypt to Hollywood and from there to the schools of Europe. In 1954, she famously starred as a belly dancer in the American Eastmancolor adventure film, Valley of the Kings, and the French film Ali Baba and the Forty Thieves. From the early stages of Egyptian cinema, women assumed leadership positions, helping build and develop the new industry in the 1900s. Despite, the heavy hand of the state in leading the industry, introducing men in the management positions, women were adopted as a symbol of nationalism. The list of Egyptian cinema pioneers includes many names. Assia Dagher was called "The Iron Lady" as she produced over 50 films for Egyptian cinema and won many awards. Egyptian actress Bushra said in a press release; "Egyptians are proud that the first nucleus of cinema in Egypt was led by women". Furthermore, in the last quarter of the 20th century, governmental influences resulted in a shortage of production resources, and private sector was the main source of production. Although commercial films suffered, social-issue, and realistic films have restored hope for feminist initiatives and put the Egyptian film industry on the path to recover from decline in early 1980s.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cinema%20of%20Egypt
Cinema of Egypt
Egyptian cinema occupied a distinguished position on the international scene, and its female stars won several awards. In this regard, Spanish actress Cuca Escribano stated: "I know that Egyptian cinema has a long history, just as is the case with Indian cinema, but unfortunately very few Egyptian films reach us." She added: "And let me add something that I knew here in Egypt, which is that the role of women in the beginning of Egyptian cinema was great, while in Spain, fifty years ago, the percentage of women's participation in the Spanish film industry may not have exceeded ten percent." In the golden age of the industry, a number of films played a significant role in portraying the important role of women in society, discussed women societal problems, offered solutions and even change mind sets. In the 1940s, film industry expanded in Egypt and the names of female cinema pioneers emerged, especially in production and acting. Prominent women contributed to presenting women's issues and social concerns as main topics for public discussion through distinguished cinematic works. In the 1950s, through a new generation of actresses such as Faten Hamama in the 1952 film Miss Fatimah, produced by Mahmoud Zulfikar and directed by Fatin Abdel Wahab, where the female lead role was able to work as a lawyer encouraging the women to tackle males in their areas of expertise at the time. Lobna Abdel Aziz in her 1959 films I Am Free, plays a college girl who is frustrated with the predominantly male patriarchal system in Egypt at the time, the film captures much of the feminist sentiments of the 1960s and its widespread in Egypt. The men in her life further reinforce the themes of male dominance in the film with their restriction on her life.
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Cinema of Egypt
Nassibian Studio (incorrectly spelt Nassabian or Nasabian in some sources) was built in 1937 by the Syrian-Armenian investor Hrant Nassibian, between Building 12 and Building 14 in Mahrany Street, in the Faggala district of Cairo,. Nassibian put work into developing the industry rather than just make a quick profit. The studios included a set, a film-processing laboratory, and an editing unit; they were smaller than Misr, but very well equipped. Nassibian sold the studios in 1952, after the July revolution, and left the country. and had had produced 145 films by the 1980s. It created serious competition to Studio Misr for the first time. Several films were filmed in the street outside the studio and in the homes of neighbours and in Building 12, including Fi Baytena Ragol (A Man in Our House), directed by Henry Barakat and starring Omar Sharif. The studio was nationalised by the Nasser government in the 1960s and taken over by the state-run Ramses Film Company, which produced fewer and fewer films and became primarily a printing and processing lab. However in the 1970s it produced social comedies such as the 1974 Al-Hafeed (The Grandson), directed by Atef Salem and filmed in Building 12. Others among the approximately 140 films produced by the studio included The Bride of the Nile, The Fatwa, Shafiqa and Metwally, and Bab Al Hadid (Cairo Station, 1958). In the early 1980s the studio was abandoned and was destroyed by fire, apart from one wall. The Jesuit School bought the site and built El Nahda Association for Cultural and Scientific Renaissance (aka Renaissance Society, or Jesuit Cairo), which sponsored the creation of the Jesuit Cinema School. They undertook significant renovations, which included the construction of the Nassabian Theatre. The building, which was regarded as a prominent symbol of culture in the capital, was again gutted by fire in November 2021. At the time, the cinema school was headed by Marwa Abdullah El Sayed.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National%20Native%20Title%20Tribunal
National Native Title Tribunal
The National Native Title Tribunal (NNTT) is an independent body established under the Native Title Act 1993 in Australia as a special measure for the advancement and protection of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples (Indigenous Australians). It manages applications for and administration of native title in Australia. Description The National Native Title Tribunal comprises a President and Members appointed by the Governor-General of Australia under the Act to make decisions, conduct inquiries, reviews and mediations, and assist various parties with native title applications in Australia, and Indigenous land use agreements (ILUAs). The NNTT is supported by the Native Title Registrar, also appointed by the Governor-General. The statutory office-holders of the Tribunal each have separate and specific functions and responsibilities to perform under the Act. It is a Commonwealth Government agency, which helps people reach native title outcomes by agreement. The Federal Court of Australia makes determinations on whether native title exists, or not. Since July 2012 the Federal Court has had responsibility for the corporate administration of the NNTT. The President and Members of the Tribunal, assisted by the Registrar, under delegation from the Registrar of the Federal Court of Australia (the Court) are responsible for managing the administrative affairs of the NNTT. Organisational structure The President is responsible for managing the Tribunal's administrative affairs. The Governor-General appoints the President and Tribunal Members for specific terms of not longer than five years. Members are involved in: providing assistance and information helping people to understand native title and its processes Indigenous land use agreement negotiations and future act hearings and processes. The Registrar has specific responsibilities under the Native Title Act 1993 and is responsible for the management of employees.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Monastery%20of%20Saint%20Macarius%20the%20Great
Monastery of Saint Macarius the Great
The Monastery of Saint Macarius The Great also known as Dayr Al-ʾanbā Maqār () is a Coptic Orthodox monastery located in Wadi El Natrun, Beheira Governorate, about north-west of Cairo, and off the highway between Cairo and Alexandria. The monastery is attributed to Saint Macarius the Great, a disciple of Saint Anthony the Great, the founder of Christian monasticism. Macarius retreated to the Wadi El-Natrun desert and is believed to have established his hermitage there in the last third of the 4th century AD. The monastery was once overseen by Pope Shenouda III, following the resignation of Bishop Michael of Assiut, who had served as its abbot for 65 years. After Pope Shenouda’s death in March 2012, the monks requested the reinstatement of Bishop Michael as abbot. He returned to lead the monastery in April 2012 but resigned permanently shortly after. On March 10, 2013, Anba Epiphanius was appointed abbot, a position he held until his assassination on July 29, 2018. The monastery spans an area of approximately 11.34 square kilometers, including its farmlands and associated buildings. It houses seven churches—three within the main complex and four atop the fortress. Additionally, the monastery includes monk cells (known as kelia), a communal dining hall attached to a kitchen, a small museum, a hospital, an power station, a printing press, and a library containing rare manuscripts. There are also accommodations for non-monk staff working within the monastery.
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Monastery of Saint Macarius the Great
The monastery is renowned for the purported presence of the relics of John the Baptist and the prophet Elisha within the main Church of Saint Macarius. These relics were reportedly discovered during unofficial restoration and expansion works in 1976, overseen by Father Matta El-Meskeen. The find was officially announced in November 1978, sparking controversy, particularly among Muslims, who believe that prophets' bodies do not decay. Moreover, existing Islamic shrines already attributed to these prophets further complicated the matter. Additional controversy arose following a separate discovery in Bulgaria in 2010, where relics claimed to belong to John the Baptist were unearthed beneath an ancient church. The monastery also contains relics of other saints and patriarchs, adding to its religious and historical importance. Etymology The monastery is attributed to Saint Macarius the Great, also known as Abu Makar or Macarius. He is one of three saints who share this name, the others being Macarius of Alexandria, founder of the Kellia settlement, and Macarius, Bishop of Edkau. Saint Macarius the Great is the founder of this monastery and the pioneer of monasticism in the Wadi El-Natrun region. Born around the year 300 AD (approximately 1,724 years ago), Macarius the Great was the first to establish monastic communities in the Scetis Desert, now known as Wadi El-Natrun. He passed away around 397 AD (approximately 1,627 years ago). The name Macarius has ancient Egyptian roots, derived from the Demotic term Makhro, meaning "true of voice," signifying honesty and integrity. In Coptic, the name is pronounced Makari, later refined to Makareh with the addition of a final H to reflect a more developed articulation. This evolved into Maqarah or Makar in Arabic, which remains the commonly used form, faithfully reflecting its Coptic origin. In Greek, the name was adapted with the addition of Waw (letter), becoming Makarios. History
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Monastery of Saint Macarius the Great
Ancient history The exact date of the foundation of the Monastery of Saint Macarius, or even the beginning of the monastic settlement in the area, cannot be determined with precision. However, its emergence as an early monastic community in the Wadi El-Natrun desert can be traced to the latter third of the 4th century AD, specifically following the death of Saints Maximus and Domitius in 384 AD (approximately 1,640 years ago) by Saint Macarius of Egypt, who was the spiritual father to more than 4,000 monks of different nationalities. The monastery has been continuously inhabited by monks since its 4th-century founding. Several Christian saints and fathers of the early Church were monks at the Monastery of Saint Macarius, including Saint Macarius of Alexandria, Saint John the Dwarf, Saint Paphnutius the Ascetic, Saint Isidore, Saint Arsenius, Saint Moses the Black, Saint Poemen, Saint Serapion among others. The monastic community began with a single cell belonging to Saint Macarius the Great himself. This cell, initially a cave roofed with Djerid and papyrus, was located west of the current monastery near the site of the present Monastery of Baramus. Over time, disciples and followers gathered around him, constructing their own cells at some distance from Macarius's original cell. As the number of aspiring monks increased, Macarius left the growing community to settle in what is now the site of the Monastery of Saint Macarius, leading to the establishment of the Monastery of Baramus as well. With the influx of new disciples, a church was built for communal prayers. Adjacent to the church were essential facilities, including a water well, a bakery, and a kitchen for cooking. Over time, the monastery expanded to include storage rooms, a guesthouse, and a refectory for the monks to share the Agape Meal or "Meal of Love." In the 5th century AD, the monastic community of Scetis (Wadi El-Natrun) faced repeated raids by Berber tribes. The first attack occurred in 407 AD
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(approximately 1,617 years ago), followed by a second raid in 434 AD (approximately 1,590 years ago). These invasions brought widespread looting, destruction, and loss of life, prompting the monastic communities to construct defensive towers. These towers served as fortifications where monks could seek refuge during attacks. They were equipped with essential supplies, such as food stores, a water well, and a small church for prayer. The Monastery of Saint Macarius built its first defensive structure, known as the "Bayamon Fortress," shortly before the third Berber raid in 444 AD. The fortress was located near the monastery and was designed to protect both the monks and the monastery's valuable possessions, including manuscripts and other artifacts. During this raid, 49 elders sought refuge in the Bayamon Fortress but were killed by the Berbers near its walls. Their remains were initially buried in a nearby cave but were later transferred in the 7th century to a church within the monastery dedicated to their memory. This event underscored the need for fortified structures, shaping the development of monastic architecture in the region. At the end of the 5th century AD, Emperor Zeno of the Eastern Roman Empire provided financial support for the monasteries of Wadi El-Natrun. This was in honor of his daughter Hilaria, who had secretly fled the imperial palace and later became a nun in the desert region. Zeno’s patronage facilitated renovations and expansions in the monasteries, including the construction of fortified towers, churches, and various monastic buildings with marble columns. He also ordered the reconstruction of the Church of Saint Macarius.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Monastery%20of%20Saint%20Macarius%20the%20Great
Monastery of Saint Macarius the Great
During the tenure of Pope Jacob I, construction began on a church dedicated to Saint Shenouda, located south of the Benjamin Altar within the Church of Saint Macarius. Additionally, the Church of Saint Macarius was rebuilt after 825 AD (approximately 1,199 years ago) due to earlier damage. In 847 AD (1,177 years ago), during the patriarchate of Pope Joseph I, another church was constructed in the monastery, named the Church of the Apostles, situated north of the main church. By the mid-9th century, the monastery housed three churches: the Great Church of Saint Macarius (the Benjamin Altar), the Church of Saint Shenouda to its south, and the Church of the Apostles to its north. Records from 853 AD (1,171 years ago) also mention a fourth church, dedicated to Saint Spheros, which was described as remote and isolated from the other churches. In 866 AD (1,158 years ago), during the time of Pope Shenouda I, Bedouin tribes raided the monasteries and attacked pilgrims gathered at the Monastery of Saint Macarius. This led to destruction, prompting the Pope to initiate the construction of a fortified stone wall around the main church, the other churches, monastic cells, the tower, the well, and storage facilities. The fort itself was repaired, and new cells were built within the enclosure in 870 AD (1,154 years ago). Over time, the original front wall of the monastery fell into disrepair and collapsed in the mid-18th century. It was subsequently rebuilt, but the new wall encompassed an area less than half the size of the original. Beyond the walls, the surrounding area was dotted with monastic settlements, or manshoubiyat, that thrived until the 14th century. These settlements were closely associated with the central Church of Saint Macarius and contributed to the monastery’s vitality during this period.
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Monastery of Saint Macarius the Great
In 884 AD, during the patriarchate of Pope Michael III, Khumarawayh ibn Ahmad ibn Tulun visited the Monastery of Saint Macarius. This marked the first visit by a Muslim ruler to the monasteries of Wadi El-Natrun since the Islamic conquest of Egypt. In 1005 AD (approximately 1,019 years ago), a new church was constructed south of the Benjamin Altar, named the Southern Church of Saint Macarius. This was necessitated by the previous church being renamed in honor of Saint Benjamin. In 1069 AD (955 years ago), the Berber Luwata tribe raided the monastery and other Wadi El-Natrun monasteries despite their fortified walls. However, unlike previous raids, the Berbers did not inflict damage on the structures. In 1172 AD (852 years ago), Pope Mark III undertook the restoration of the monastery's outer walls. In 1264 AD (760 years ago), Sultan Al-Zahir Baybars visited the monastery. Similarly, Pope Benjamin II visited in 1330 AD (694 years ago) en route to the Monastery of Saint Bishoy to oversee repairs following termite damage to its wooden structures. Around 1413 AD (611 years ago), the relics of Saint John the Short were transferred to the Monastery of Saint Macarius after his original monastery's roof collapsed due to termite damage. The monastic life in Wadi El-Natrun gradually declined in the following centuries. Restoration efforts for the Monastery of Saint Macarius began in 1929 AD (95 years ago), marking the start of a revival in the region. Modern history In 1969, the monastery entered an era of restoration, both spiritually and architecturally, with the arrival of twelve monks under the spiritual leadership of Father Matta El Meskeen. These monks had spent the previous ten years living together entirely isolated from the world, in the desert caves of Wadi El Rayyan, about south of Fayoum.
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Monastery of Saint Macarius the Great
The northern section has a quadrilateral layout, featuring an open courtyard with a well at its center, though the well water is no longer potable. A brick water wheel, built in 1911, is also located here. Along the eastern and northern sides of the courtyard are rows of monk cells (known as kelia) and the Church of Saint Macarius. To the east, a guesthouse was constructed, along with a modern row of monk cells. To the west of the courtyard stands the Church of the Forty-Nine Martyrs of Scetis. Adjacent to it is a room known as the Myron cell, historically used for preparing holy chrism oil. The southern section contains the fortress, a prominent feature of the monastery. Beneath its southern wall lies the monks' burial site, known as the taphos. The Church of Saint Abaskhiron is situated on the northern side of this section, while the western side houses the refectory, where communal meals are taken. Under the leadership of Pope Shenouda III, the 117th Coptic Orthodox Patriarch, developments were made at the Monastery of Saint Macarius. Sixteen new groups of monk cells were constructed, each group containing six cells. A new refectory was built, equipped with a modern kitchen, and a library was established, which is now the largest monastic library in the region, dedicated to preserving surviving manuscripts and rare books. Attached to the northern side of the library is a museum storage room showcasing artifacts discovered during the monastery’s restoration. These include rare marble pieces such as columns, capitals, bases, and altar slabs, which are considered among the rarest in the world. Additionally, the museum displays baptismal basins, colored pottery, and ceramic vessels.
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The monastery now includes a small hospital with an attached pharmacy on its southern side. It also operates a printing press that publishes works by the monks and issues a monthly magazine, Markos. A dedicated power station supplies electricity to the monastery and its facilities, including the residences of workers at the monastery’s farm. The monastery's farm was developed on 1,000 feddans of Land restoration, gifted by former President Anwar Sadat. The farm produces a variety of crops, including sugar beets, figs, melons, olives, and dates. It also supports livestock production, including cattle and poultry farming. The monastery owns additional land on Egypt’s north western coast along the Alexandria-Marsa Matruh road, further extending its agricultural and developmental projects. Alqalali The monk cells (qallali) serve as the primary living quarters for the monks. The monastery contains numerous cells, many of which were constructed in recent times. Among these are cells surrounding the courtyard on the western, eastern, and northern sides. Each cluster typically consists of six or seven ground-level cells. These cells are structured with two rooms: an inner and an outer chamber. Historical Overview of the Cells Northern Cells: Likely date back to the 16th or 17th century. Eastern Cells: Believed to have been constructed during the 18th century. Patriarch's Cell: Located at the southern end of the row facing the main entrance, this small structure is known as the Patriarch’s Cell, dating back to the 6th century. Parallel to the Patriarch’s Cell is another chamber once said to have housed the remains of the 49 martyrs slain during a Berber raid. These relics were later moved to their dedicated church within the monastery. Additionally, the monastery preserves a few cells from the 18th century, maintained as examples of historical monastic living quarters. These are situated south of the Church of Saint Macarius. The Refectory (Al-Ma'eda)
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Monastery of Saint Macarius the Great
The refectory, or communal dining hall, serves as the monks' dining area within the monastery. It can be accessed through a doorway located at its northwestern corner. The current structure dates back to the 11th or 12th century. Unlike most Coptic monasteries, where the refectory is typically adjacent to the western wall of the main church, the refectory at Saint Macarius occupies an unusual position. It is speculated that it might have originally been connected to the Church of Saint Abaskhiron Al-Qellini. Historical records suggest that the refectory was larger before its destruction. The monks rebuilt it in its current form during the 11th or 12th century, though it now occupies a fraction of its original size. Fence and extensions Originally, the monastery was built within an irregular rectangular area, surrounded by high walls with an average height of 14 meters. The width of the wall at the monastery's entrance was no less than 3.5 meters. The walls were devoid of any decorations, except for a large cross etched on the whitewashed surface of the southern wall's exterior. However, the area of the monastery was reduced by half after the collapse of the northern and eastern walls. This occurred during a period when the number of monks was relatively low, leading to the abandonment of the original space and the rebuilding of the northern and eastern walls in their current locations. This change is believed to have taken place before 1330, as referenced in the description of Pope Benjamin II's visit to the monastery, where he passed through the arched entrance, a remnant of the old structure. The eastern wall of the monastery contains two entrances, which is unusual since most monasteries typically have their entrance in the northern wall. During restoration work in 1969, the monk Matta El Meskeen discovered the original ancient door of the monastery in the northern section of the eastern wall, equipped with a brick arch. However, the door was disassembled at the time.
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Monastery of Saint Macarius the Great
Given that having two entrances is uncommon in monasteries, it is likely that the first entrance led to the grain silos and storage areas, located in the southern section within the walls, which housed the monastery's utilities. The second entrance was probably reserved for ceremonial processions in the Church of St. Macarius. The room built above the northern entrance still remains, though the guard building has since disappeared. The current dome over the entrance, constructed of red brick, dates back to 1911. Additionally, the southern entrance in the eastern wall, which is now sealed, retains traces of a ruined cell on its northern side. This cell, once covered by a semi-dome, is believed to have been the dwelling of the gatekeeper monk. The Monastery's Fortress The fortress of the monastery is a square structure, with each side measuring 21.5 meters in length and a height of 16 meters. Its walls are constructed from large, unpolished stone blocks, and the exterior is coated with a layer of plaster. This fortress was designed to provide protection for the monastery during times of attack, reflecting the need for defense in the region. The fortress of the monastery was constructed between the years 1069 and 1196. Evidence supporting this timeline includes the fact that the last destruction of the fortifications of the Wadi El-Natrun monasteries occurred during a Berber raid in 1069. Additionally, a Syriac inscription found on the southern wall of the Archangel Michael Church within the fortress dates back to 1196. The architectural features of the fortress belong to the 11th century. Its arches, constructed with brick, are similar in style to those of the Mosque of Al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah in Cairo. The domes resemble those in Upper Egypt, specifically in the tombs of Al-Bajawat in the Kharga Oasis, and are also akin to those in the monastery of the Virgin Mary - Syrians in Wadi El-Natrun.
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Monastery of Saint Macarius the Great
The fortress consists of three levels: a ground floor and two upper floors. Each floor is divided into two sections: the eastern part, which occupies two-thirds of the space, and the western part, which occupies the remaining third. A corridor runs along the north-south axis, connecting different rooms on each floor. Ground Floor: The ground floor has three large, double rooms in the eastern section. Each room is divided into two parts by two massive stone pillars, each supporting a pointed arch made of red bricks. The six sections are covered with semicircular vaulted ceilings. These rooms likely served as storerooms for grain. The western rooms included one with an oil press. First Floor: The first floor has the only entrance to the fortress located in the northern section, which is a small rectangular door currently unused. A fixed wooden bridge, previously movable, provides access to the entrance. The southern part of the first floor includes a small bathroom. The eastern section houses the Virgin Mary Church, while the western section contains three rooms. The central room of these is home to the last remaining wine press in the fortress, while another room serves as a secret storage space for unused pottery. Second Floor: The second floor once housed the monastery's library. Currently, the eastern section contains three churches, separated by walls. This fortress is a structure, both in terms of its defensive purpose and its historical architecture, reflecting the needs and practices of monastic life in medieval Egypt. Monastery churches The monastery, excluding the fortress, contains three churches out of a total of seven: Anba Makar Church, the Church of Abaskhiron the Soldier, and the Church of the Elders. Anba Makar Church
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Monastery%20of%20Saint%20Macarius%20the%20Great
Monastery of Saint Macarius the Great
The main church of the monastery consists of a transverse nave that extends from north to south, with three sanctuaries. The building of the church is the remains of an older structure. Between 1976 and 1978, a sanctuary was added to the south of the council cell, named the Sanctuary of the Three Youths, which has the same shape and size as the central sanctuary. During the 12th and 14th centuries, there were four sanctuaries: two to the north and two to the south of a central room that served as a council chamber. In 1929, the church’s nave and the monastery’s current minaret were added. The middle and northern sanctuaries date back to the medieval period and are dedicated to St. Benjamin and St. Mark the Evangelist, respectively, while the southern sanctuary was the "Council Cell," which was located between the sanctuaries in earlier times. The nave of the church is rectangular in shape, which is typical of Coptic churches. In the western wall of the nave, there are two modern doors, each with wide arches that lead to the old fortress. The nave has been nearly completely renovated with the addition of columns and reinforced concrete arches to strengthen it. It is noteworthy that the wooden coffin containing the relics of the three Macariuses was transferred to the Church of Abba Skeryon, where the relics of John the Short are kept. The bodies of the three Macariuses are now preserved in a new shrine in the second nave of the church, alongside the bodies of the patriarchs.
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8559061
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Monastery%20of%20Saint%20Macarius%20the%20Great
Monastery of Saint Macarius the Great
Regarding the three sanctuaries, the central sanctuary has a modern screen dating back to 1866. It is covered by a low dome supported by vaulted arches at the corners of the sanctuary. The altar is covered with a marble slab. Two doors were opened in the central sanctuary, one leading to the northern sanctuary and the other to the southern sanctuary. The southern sanctuary dates back to the late 14th century. Its dome is modest in construction, supported by vaulted arches. The altar slab is made of broken pieces of marble arranged without any particular order. The northern sanctuary is currently unused. Although much of its entrance width has been reduced, the external boundary of the original arch is still visible, along with red and white painted brickwork framed in a rectangular outline with a square opening above it. This sanctuary lacks an altar, and its original dome has been replaced by a smaller, poorly constructed dome. The northern sanctuary was consecrated in the name of Saint John the Short, whose body is still preserved in a wooden shrine in the choir. There is no clear evidence to determine the exact date of the church's construction, but it is likely to have existed before the collapse that occurred in the mid-14th century. It is also mentioned that Pope Benjamin II visited and supervised repairs in the monastery. The vaults covering the nave and choir, along with their northern door, date back to the 13th century. In contrast, the central and southern sanctuaries display architectural features that suggest they were built after the 14th century. Overall, the church contains both original elements and later additions. The two vaults covering the southern part of the choir and nave, along with the dividing wall between them, are later additions, while the southern parts of the choir and nave themselves are modern additions. Church of the Elders
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Monastery%20of%20Saint%20Macarius%20the%20Great
Monastery of Saint Macarius the Great
For centuries, an oral tradition passed down among the elders of the Monastery of Saint Macarius held that a burial site for Prophets John the Baptist and Elisha, along with other saints, was located near the northern wall of the Church of Saint Macarius. This belief centered around a small, protruding column, in front of which incense was regularly offered as a mark of reverence, despite the burial site itself being obscured. In 1976, during the Great Lent, restoration and expansion works commenced on the Church of Saint Macarius. As part of these efforts, large amounts of debris were removed to reach the church’s original floor. During the excavation, a noticeable protrusion was uncovered on the northern wall, resembling an arch coated with blue plaster. Beneath it, a large wooden box, measuring over two meters in length, was found. This box turned out to be the coffin of Father Joseph, a 19th-century abbot of the monastery and brother of Pope Demetrius II. After the coffin was removed, skeletal remains were discovered more than a meter and a half below the surface. Some remains were found as complete skeletons, arranged according to the Coptic burial rite, while others were neatly stacked. Beneath these bones was a layer of reddish soil, believed to be the remnants of decomposed wooden coffins, suggesting that the relics had originally been interred in wooden containers, which had disintegrated over time. The relics were carefully collected and temporarily placed in a wooden box. Plans were made to construct a proper shrine to house the remains, ensuring their respectful preservation and continued veneration.
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8559061
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Monastery%20of%20Saint%20Macarius%20the%20Great
Monastery of Saint Macarius the Great
In April 1976, during Holy Tuesday, Pope Shenouda III visited the Monastery of Saint Macarius. Father Matta El-Meskeen informed him of the discovery of a burial site traditionally believed to contain the relics of Prophets John the Baptist and Elisha. Father Matta invited the Pope to stay an additional day to personally transfer the relics to a new reliquary, but the Pope declined. He questioned why the discovery had not yet been made public, to which Father Matta responded that there was insufficient evidence to conclusively attribute the relics to the prophets. The Pope replied, "There is also no evidence to deny it!" He suggested assigning Deacon Nabeh Kamel Dawood, a historian, to study the matter using manuscripts from the Patriarchate, despite the wealth of manuscripts housed within the monastery itself. The discovery was eventually announced in the press on November 13, 1978, without the monastery's direct involvement. According to Coptic Orthodox tradition, the relics of John the Baptist and Elisha were initially transferred from Palestine to Alexandria. Pope Athanasius the Apostolic safeguarded them in a garden, intending to build a proper church, but he passed away before doing so. His successor, Pope Theophilus I, established a church on the site of the former Serapeum temple in Alexandria. The Coptic Church commemorates the unveiling of their relics annually on the 2nd of Baouna in the Coptic calendar. In 451 AD, Bishop Macar passed away, and his body was interred alongside those of John the Baptist and Elisha. This was based on a vision experienced by a mute individual, who described seeing the spirits of the prophets embracing Bishop Macar's soul. Consequently, the Coptic Church honors his memory on the 27th of Babah annually.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hryhory%20Kytasty
Hryhory Kytasty
Compositions and arrangements Kytasty is known as a composer who captured the spirit of the Ukrainian emigration who were branded Displaced Persons from Eastern Europe, reflecting the aspirations of the Western Ukrainian Diaspora. His musical arrangements and compositions can be divided up into three periods: I) Soviet period (from 1934 to 1942) 2) War and post war period (from 1942 to 1958) 3) Diaspora period (from 1958 to 1984). Initially he composed works which reflected the needs and tastes of the Soviet environment in which he was educated and lived, composing soviet political works such as the Song of the NKVD and the Chekist and folkloric arrangements that reflected the government's approach to Ukrainian culture and song. In the World War II and immediate post–World War II period, he composed and arranged songs which reflected the struggle of the Ukrainian people against communist dictatorship and tyranny. His compositions from this period are considered to be very nationalistic. In his third period, when it became apparent that the Soviet Union would not flounder soon, his compositions became more subtle and lyrical and reflected a longing for his homeland. (Yak davno), (Ne shkoduyu) and lost youth. His instrumental bandura works demonstrate a knowledge of effective devices on the bandura. Recordings Hryhory Kytasty's first recorded arrangement was "Oj nastupyla ta chorna khmara" recorded by the Kyiv Bandurist Chorus directed by Danylo Pika in 1939 (record number B8691). The reverse of the record has "Oj za hory zza lymanu" arranged by M. Mykhailov (record number B8692). Kytasty's arrangement of the Ukrainian folk song "A mij mylyj umer" was recorded by the Kyiv State Bandurist Chorus and released in 1937 (#5168). Before World War II Kytasty recorded as a member of a bandura quintet an instrumental Polka with D. Pika, V. Savchenko, S. Minialo, and O. Kostetsky. This recording was released a number of times in 1937 and 1940 (record # 5169 and 5149).
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8559073
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Caledonia%20%28typeface%29
Caledonia (typeface)
Caledonia is a serif typeface designed by William Addison Dwiggins in 1938 for the Mergenthaler Linotype Company and commonly used in book design. As a transitional serif design, one inspired by the Scotch Roman typefaces of the early nineteenth century, Caledonia has a contrasting design of alternating thick and thin strokes, a design that stresses the vertical axis and sharp, regular serifs on ascenders and descenders. Dwiggins chose the name Caledonia, the Roman name for Scotland, to express the face's basis on Scotch Roman typefaces. However, though Dwiggins began with the thought of copying the classical Scotch Romans, eventually he drew more inspiration from the Bulmer design of William Martin. The G is open and the R has a curved tail. The t is unbracketed. Italic characters p and q have no foot serif. The character set, as drawn by Dwiggins, was wide, including ranging (old style) figures, lining figures, and small capitals in the text and bold weights. A Greek version of the face is available. Historian of printing G. Willem Ovink describes Caledonia as "one of the most crisp and sprightly modern types". Hot metal type Machine composition Caledonia was made initially for machine composition with foundry type only made later, and then only in Germany. The following variants were designed by Dwiggins and released by Linotype: Caledonia + Italic (1938) Caledonia Bold + Bold Italic (1940)
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Japanese%20occupation%20of%20Burma
Japanese occupation of Burma
The Japanese occupation of Burma was the period between 1942 and 1945 during World War II, when Burma was occupied by the Empire of Japan. The Japanese had assisted formation of the Burma Independence Army, and trained the Thirty Comrades, who were the founders of the modern Armed Forces (Tatmadaw). The Burmese hoped to gain support of the Japanese in expelling the British, so that Burma could become independent. In 1942, Japan invaded Burma and, on 1 August 1943, nominally declared the colony independent as the State of Burma. A pro-Japanese government led by Ba Maw was installed. However, many Burmese began to believe the Japanese had no intention of giving them real independence. Aung San, father of future opposition leader and State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, and other nationalist leaders formed the Anti-Fascist Organisation in August 1944, which asked the United Kingdom to form a coalition with the other Allies against the Japanese. By April 1945, the Allies had driven out the Japanese. Subsequently, negotiations began between the Burmese and the British for independence. Under Japanese occupation, 170,000 to 250,000 civilians died. Background Some Burmese nationalists saw the outbreak of World War II as an opportunity to extort concessions from the British in exchange for support in the war effort. Other Burmese, such as the Thakin movement, opposed Burma's participation in the war under any circumstances. Aung San with other Thakins founded the Communist Party of Burma (CPB) in August 1939. Aung San also co-founded the People's Revolutionary Party (PRP), renamed the Socialist Party after World War II. He was also instrumental in founding the Freedom Bloc by forging an alliance of Dobama Asiayone, ABSU, politically active monks and Ba Maw's Poor Man's Party.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Japanese%20occupation%20of%20Burma
Japanese occupation of Burma
After Dobama Asiayone called for a national uprising, an arrest warrant was issued for many of the organisation's leaders including Aung San, who escaped to China. Aung San's intention was to make contact with the Chinese Communists but he was detected by the Japanese authorities who offered him support by forming a secret intelligence unit called the Minami Kikan, headed by Colonel Suzuki with the objective of closing the Burma Road and supporting a national uprising. Aung San briefly returned to Burma to enlist twenty-nine young men who went to Japan with him to receive military training on Hainan, China, and they came to be known as the "Thirty Comrades". When the Japanese occupied Bangkok in December 1941, Aung San announced the formation of the Burma Independence Army (BIA) in anticipation of the Japanese invasion of Burma in 1942. For Japan's military leadership, the conquest of Burma was a vital strategic objective upon the opening of hostilities with Britain and the United States. Occupation of Burma would interrupt a critical supply link to China. Also, the Japanese knew that rubber was one of the few militarily vital resources in which the United States was not self-sufficient. It was thought critical that the Allies be denied access to Southeast Asian rubber supplies if they were ever to accept peace terms favourable to Japan. Japanese occupation The BIA formed a provisional government in some areas of the country in the spring of 1942, but there were differences within the Japanese leadership over the future of Burma. While Colonel Suzuki encouraged the Thirty Comrades to form a provisional government, the Japanese military leadership had never formally accepted such a plan. Eventually, the Japanese Army turned to Ba Maw to form a government.
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8559131
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Japanese%20occupation%20of%20Burma
Japanese occupation of Burma
During the war in 1942, the BIA had grown in an uncontrolled manner, and in many districts officials and even criminals appointed themselves to the BIA. It was reorganised as the Burma Defence Army (BDA) under the Japanese but still headed by Aung San. While the BIA had been an irregular force, the BDA was recruited by selection and trained as a conventional army by Japanese instructors. Ba Maw was afterwards declared head of state, and his cabinet included both Aung San as War Minister and the Communist leader Thakin Than Tun as Minister of Land and Agriculture as well as the Socialist leaders Thakins Nu and Mya. When the Japanese declared Burma, in theory, independent in 1943, the Burma Defence Army (BDA) was renamed the Burma National Army (BNA). It soon became apparent that Japanese promises of independence were merely a sham and that Ba Maw was deceived. As the war turned against the Japanese, they declared Burma a fully sovereign state on 1 August 1943, but this was just another façade. Disillusioned, Aung San began negotiations with Communist leaders Thakin Than Tun and Thakin Soe, and Socialist leaders Ba Swe and Kyaw Nyein which led to the formation of the Anti-Fascist Organisation (AFO) in August 1944 at a secret meeting of the CPB, the PRP and the BNA in Pegu. The AFO was later renamed the Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League (AFPFL), and roundly opposed the Japanese fascism, proposing a fairer and more equal society.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Monastery%20of%20Saint%20Mina
Monastery of Saint Mina
Most versions of the story state that the location of the tomb was then forgotten until its miraculous rediscovery by a local shepherd. A shepherd was feeding his sheep in that location, and a sick lamb fell on the ground. As it struggled to get on its feet again, its scab was cured. The story spread quickly and the sick who came to this spot recovered from whatever illnesses they had just by lying on the ground. The Ethiopian Synaxarium describes Constantine I sending his sick daughter to the shepherd to be cured, and credits her with finding Mina's body, after which Constantine ordered the construction of a church at the site. Some versions of the story replace Constantine with the late-5th century emperor Zeno, but archaeologists have dated the original foundation to the late 4th century. According to the Zeno version, his daughter was leprous and his advisors suggested that she should try that place, and she did. At night Saint Mina appeared to the girl and informed her that his body was buried in that place. The following morning, Zeno's daughter was cured and she related her vision about the saint to her servants. Zeno immediately ordered Mina's body to be dug out and a cathedral to be built there. A large city was also built there and named after the saint. Sick people from all over the world used to visit that city and were healed through the intercessions of Saint Mina, who became known as the Wonders' Maker. Today, numerous little clay bottles on which the saint's name and picture are engraved are found by archeologists in diverse countries around the Mediterranean world, such as Heidelberg in Germany, Milan in Italy, Dalmatia in Croatia, Marseille in France, Dongola in Sudan, and the holy city of Jerusalem. Visitors would buy these bottles, usually containing oil or water for blessing, and take them back to their relatives.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Monastery%20of%20Saint%20Mina
Monastery of Saint Mina
Destruction of the city of Saint Mina The city of Saint Mina was destroyed during the Arab invasion of Egypt in the seventh century (source needed.) The cathedral was also damaged. The remains of the city was listed as a UNESCO World Heritage Site. Recent agricultural efforts in the area have led to a significant rise in the water table, which has caused a number of the site's buildings to collapse or become unstable. The site was added to the list of threatened World Heritage Sites in 2001. The New Monastery and Cathedral of Saint Mina As soon as Pope Cyril VI of Alexandria became Pope and Patriarch on Saint Mark's Throne in 1959, he began to put the foundations for a great monastery close to the remains of the old city. Pope Cyril VI had a particular relationship to Saint Mina and venerated him as his personal patron saint. The first abbot of the modern monastery was the late Mina Ava-Mina, a well-respected figure within the Coptic community. Today, the Monastery of Saint Mina is one of the most famous monasteries in Egypt. The relics of Saint Mina, as well as that of Pope Cyril VI of Alexandria lie in this monastery. Abbot Kyrillos (Cyril) was the bishop and abbot of the Monastery of Saint Mina.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wake%20Forest%20Demon%20Deacons
Wake Forest Demon Deacons
The Wake Forest Demon Deacons are the intercollegiate athletic teams that represent Wake Forest University, located in Winston-Salem, North Carolina. They compete at the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) Division I level as a member of the Atlantic Coast Conference (ACC). Wake Forest has won a total of 10 national championships in six different sports; six of these championships have come since 2002. Wake Forest is sometimes referred to as being a part of "Tobacco Road" or "The Big Four", terms that refer to the four North Carolina schools that compete heatedly against each other within the ACC; these include Duke University, North Carolina, and North Carolina State, as well as Wake Forest. Originally, Wake Forest's athletic teams were known as The Old Gold and Black or the Baptists, due to its association with the Baptist Convention (from which it later separated itself). However, in 1923, after a particularly impressive win against Trinity College (predecessor of Duke University) a newspaper reporter wrote that the Deacons "fought like Demons", giving rise to the current team name, the "Demon Deacons". The Athletics Director was Ron Wellman, who won multiple Athletic Director of the Year Awards for his work during the 2007–2008 school year. In 2019, Wellman announced his retirement, effective May 1, 2019. On March 2, 2019, Wake Forest named alum John Currie as its new athletics director, and later promoted to vice president in July 2024. Teams Football
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Egyptian%20cuisine
Egyptian cuisine
Egyptian cuisine makes heavy use of poultry, legumes, vegetables and fruit from Egypt's rich Nile Valley and Delta. Examples of Egyptian dishes include rice-stuffed vegetables and grape leaves, hummus, falafel, shawarma, kebab and kofta. Others include ful medames, mashed fava beans; koshary, lentils and pasta; and molokhiyya, bush okra stew. A local type of pita bread known as (Egyptian Arabic: ) is a staple of Egyptian cuisine, and cheesemaking in Egypt dates back to the First Dynasty of Egypt, with Domiati being the most popular type of cheese consumed today. Egyptian cuisine relies heavily on vegetables and legumes, but can also feature meats, most commonly squab, chicken, and lamb. Lamb and beef are frequently used for grilling. Offal is a popular fast food in cities, and foie gras is a delicacy that has been prepared in the region since at least 2500 BCE. Fish and seafood are common in Egypt's coastal regions. A significant amount of Egyptian cuisine is vegetarian, due to both the historically high price of meat and the needs of the Coptic Christian community, whose religious restrictions require essentially vegan diets for much of the year. Tea is the national drink of Egypt, and beer is the most popular alcoholic beverage. While Islam is the majority faith in Egypt and observant Muslims tend to avoid alcohol, alcoholic drinks are still readily available in the country. Pork consumption is also not allowed for Egyptian Muslims, and therefore, it is only allowed for Egyptian people who are not Muslim. Popular desserts in Egypt include baqlawa, basbousa, and kunafa. Common ingredients in desserts include dates, honey, and almonds.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Egyptian%20cuisine
Egyptian cuisine
Common meats featured in Egyptian cuisine are pigeon, chicken and duck. These are often boiled to make the broth for various stews and soups. Lamb and beef are the most common meats used for grilling. Grilled meats such as kofta (), kabab () and grilled cutlets are categorically referred to as mashwiyat (). Offal, variety meats, is popular in Egypt. Liver sandwiches, a specialty of Alexandria, are a popular fast-food in cities. Chopped-up pieces of liver fried with bell peppers, chili, garlic, cumin and other spices are served in a baguette-like bread called eish fino. Cow and sheep brain are eaten in Egypt. Foie gras, a well-known delicacy, is still enjoyed today by Egyptians. Its flavor is described as rich, buttery, and delicate, unlike that of an ordinary duck or goose liver. Foie gras is sold whole, or is prepared into mousse, parfait, or pâté, and may also be served as an accompaniment to another food item, such as steak. The technique involves gavage, cramming food into the throat of domesticated ducks and geese, and dates as far back as 2500 BC, when the ancient Egyptians began keeping birds for food. Cheeses Cheese is thought to have originated in the Middle East. Two alabaster jars found at Saqqara, dating from the First Dynasty of Egypt, contained cheese. These were placed in the tomb about 3,000 BC. They were likely fresh cheeses coagulated with acid or a combination of acid and heat. An earlier tomb, that of King Hor-Aha, may also have contained cheese which, based on the hieroglyphic inscriptions on the two jars, appears to be from Upper and Lower Egypt. The pots are similar to those used today when preparing mish. Cheeses include domiati (), the most widely-eaten in Egypt; Areesh cheese () made from laban rayeb; Rumi cheese (), a hard, salty, ripened variety of cheese that belongs to the same family as Pecorino Romano and Manchego. Bread
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Egyptian%20cuisine
Egyptian cuisine
Bread made from a simple recipe forms the backbone of Egyptian cuisine. It is consumed at almost all Egyptian meals; a working-class or rural Egyptian meal might consist of little more than bread and beans. The local bread is a form of hearty, thick, gluten-rich pita bread called eish baladi (Egyptian Arabic: ; . The word "" comes from the Semitic root with the meaning "to live, be alive." The word itself has the meaning of "life, way of living...; livelihood, subsistence" in Modern Standard and Classical Arabic; folklore holds that this synonymity indicates the centrality of bread to Egyptian life. In Egypt, the government subsidizes bread, dating back to a Nasser-era policy. In 2008, a major food crisis caused ever-longer bread lines at government-subsidized bakeries where there would normally be none; occasional fights broke out over bread, leading to 11 deaths in 2008. Egyptian dissidents and outside observers of the former National Democratic Party regime frequently criticized the bread subsidy as an attempt to buy off the Egyptian urban working classes in order to encourage acceptance of the authoritarian system; nevertheless, the subsidy continued after the 2011 revolution. On a culinary level, bread is commonly used as a utensil, at the same time providing carbohydrates and protein to the Egyptian diet. Egyptians use bread to scoop up food, sauces, and dips and to wrap kebabs, falafel, to keep the hands from becoming greasy. Most pita breads are baked at high temperatures (450 °F or 232 °C), causing the flattened rounds of dough to puff up dramatically. When removed from the oven, the layers of baked dough remain separated inside the deflated pita, which allows the bread to be opened into pockets, creating a space for use in various dishes. Common breads include: Bataw () Eish baladi () Eish fino () Eish merahrah () Eish shamsi () Feteer meshaltet () Starters and salads
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Egyptian%20cuisine
Egyptian cuisine
Cuisine and religious practice Although Ramadan is a month of fasting for Muslims in Egypt, it is usually a time when Egyptians pay a lot of attention to food variety and richness, since breaking the fast is a family affair, often with entire extended families meeting at the table just after sunset. There are several desserts served almost exclusively during Ramadan, such as kunafa () and qatayef Atayef (). In this month, many Egyptians prepare a special table for the poor or passers-by, usually in a tent in the street, called Ma'edet Rahman (, ), which literally translates to "Table of the Merciful", referring to one of the 99 names of God in Islam. These may be fairly simple or quite lavish, depending on the wealth and ostentation of the provider. Observant Christians in Egypt adhere to fasting periods according to the Coptic calendar; these may practically extend to more than two-thirds of the year for the most extreme and observant. The more secular Coptic population mainly fasts only for Easter and Christmas. The Coptic diet for fasting is essentially vegan. During this fasting, Copts usually eat vegetables and legumes fried in oil and avoid meat, chicken, eggs and dairy products, including butter and cream. Beverages Tea
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rotary%20tool
Rotary tool
A die grinder or rotary tool is a handheld power tool and multitool used for grinding, sanding, honing, polishing, or machining material (typically metal, but also plastic or wood). All such tools are conceptually similar, with no bright dividing line between die grinders and rotary tools, although the die grinder name tends to be used for pneumatically driven heavy-duty versions whereas the rotary tool name tends to be used for electric lighter-duty versions. Flexible shaft drive versions also exist. The die grinder name comes from one of their earliest and archetypal applications, tool and die work, where they were used to create the precise contours of dies or molds. Especially before the advent of widespread CNC usage, they were heavily relied upon for contouring via manual skill comparable to a sculptor's. CNC now provides much of the contouring for die and mold interior surfaces, but die grinders are still very useful for hundreds of cutting needs, from sculpture-like contouring in the absence of CNC, to cut-off of bar stock, to any of the cutting and grinding needs of fabrication, such as in the work of welders, boilermakers, millwrights, ironworkers (steel erectors), sheet metal workers (such as auto body workers and HVAC technicians), to woodworking (especially cabinet making), hacking, and other hobby or business pursuits. Die grinders are often used for engraving, cylinder head porting, and general shaping of a part. Die grinders typically rotate at a high speed, typically 25,000 rpm. This is much faster than most cutting tools. As such, one must use accessories rated for such a high rpm to avoid the tool shattering.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rotary%20tool
Rotary tool
Other common PPE in die grinder use includes: Other eye and face protection, such as safety goggles or a face shield, which is simply a polycarbonate window, hanging from a headband, between one's face and the work. All eye protectors come in clear versions as well as various levels of shading (for grinding that produces enough sparks to warrant shading, like torching or welding do). Hearing protection, such as ear plugs or headphones (die grinders are often quite loud, even just running unloaded, but even more so while cutting). Skin protection, such as work gloves (and in some special applications, fire-retardant clothing because of the sparks, although the sparks are usually harmless in most applications). Protection for the respiratory and alimentary tracts (mouth, throat, lungs, gut), such as simple paper masks or, in special applications, a respirator. Masks may be trivial in many applications but important in others. Any abrasive cutting generates dust, from both the abrasive itself and from the workpiece. Depending on the materials and amounts, masks may be needed. Safety features built into the tool Most pneumatic die grinder throttles (also called triggers) feature a spring-loaded "kickstand" mechanism between the throttle lever and the body of the grinder. This prevents the throttle from opening (being pressed down towards the body of the grinder) without operator intervention and inhibits accidental activation. It is similar in principle to the safety catches used on many handguns. Tools with electric motors often have electrical safety features such as grounded cases (wired to a grounding conductor, which uses the grounding prong on a plug) or double insulation. Some may have both, but this is uncommon, because regulatory requirements require only one or the other.
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8559371
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1st%20Independent%20Mixed%20Brigade%20%28Imperial%20Japanese%20Army%29
1st Independent Mixed Brigade (Imperial Japanese Army)
The 1st Independent Mixed Brigade or 1st Mixed Brigade (獨立混成第1旅團) was an experimental combined arms formation of the Imperial Japanese Army. In July 1937, at the beginning of the Second Sino-Japanese War, the brigade was known as the Sakai Brigade, for its commander, Lt. General Koji Sakai. The brigade participated in Battle of Taiyuan in late 1937. After being promoted lieutenant general Masaomi Yasuoka took command from 1938 to 1939. The tank component, all but the 4th Tank Battalion, was pulled from the brigade in 1938. Major General Suzuki Teiji assumed command in 1941. By 1944 defense of the Japanese homeland prompted the creation of the inner line of defense extending northward from the Carolines, the Marianas, and the Ogasawara Islands. The brigade was assigned to the 31st Army under General Hideyoshi Obata. There the 1st Mixed Brigade and the 2nd Mixed Brigade became part of the 109th Division, commanded by General Tadamichi Kuribayashi. The 1st Mixed Brigade was stationed on Chichi-jima with the division headquarters and the 2nd Brigade was moved to Iwo jima overseen by Kuribayashi. The brigade consisted of the following units: 1st Independent Infantry Regiment 4th Tank Battalion 12 Type 89 medium tanks 13 Type 95 light tanks 12 Type 94 tankettes 4 armored engineer vehicles 1st Independent Artillery Battalion 1st Independent Engineer Company
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Capital%20One%20Tower%20%28Louisiana%29
Capital One Tower (Louisiana)
The Capital One Tower was a skyscraper located in Lake Charles, Louisiana, USA. It was the tallest building in the city and a dominant feature of the downtown skyline. The building was designed by Lloyd Jones Brewer Associates of Houston and was constructed by Miner-Dederick of Houston and F. Miller and Sons of Lake Charles at a cost of $40 million. Construction began in March 1981 with groundbreaking in January 1982. The building was opened in 1983 and stood 22 stories and tall with of space. The four-acre lot included an attached parking garage. The building was originally called the CM Tower, for Calcasieu Marine National Bank, then renamed the Hibernia tower after Hibernia National Bank purchased Calcasieu Marine. It was then changed to Capital One Tower after Capital One Bank acquired Hibernia in 2005. Badly damaged by Hurricane Laura in August 2020, the tower stood empty until it was demolished in September 2024. Facilities At 22 floors, the tower dominated the Lake Charles skyline, with the City Club restaurant on the top floor offering panoramic views. It housed many professional offices. Floor navigation Two escalators in the atrium (one up and one down) served as access between floor 1 (ground floor) and floor 2 near the bank area. Eight passenger elevators provided access to the upper floors and were grouped in two banks of four, with each bank having two cars facing each other linked by a hall. The west bank served floors 2, 15-21, and the eastmost two cars also served floor 1. Access to these elevators from floor 1 was inside the north entrance behind the security desk. The east bank of elevators served floors 2–14. A stairway behind each elevator bank also provided access to all floors, as did a freight elevator. A walkway bridge connected floor 2 of the tower to floor 3 of the parking garage. Two passenger elevators and two stairways in the parking garage served floors 1-5 of the garage. Hurricane damage
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sequoia%20Field%20Airport
Sequoia Field Airport
Sequoia Field Airport is a county-owned, public-use airport located eight nautical miles (15 km) north of the central business district of Visalia, a city in Tulare County, California, United States. Facilities and aircraft Sequoia Field covers an area of at an elevation of 313 feet (95 m) above mean sea level. It has one runway designated 13/31 with an asphalt surface measuring 3,012 by 60 feet (918 x 18 m). For the 12-month period ending January 6, 2010, the airport had 12,000 general aviation aircraft operations, an average of 32 per day. At that time there were 15 aircraft based at this airport: 40% single-engine, 27% multi-engine, 20% helicopter and 13% ultralight. History In preparation for the eventual U.S. entry into World War II, the United States Army Air Corps sought to expand the nation's combat air forces by asking civilian flight schools to provide the primary phase of training for air cadets. Consequently, it contracted with nine civilian flying schools to provide primary flying training, with the graduates being moved on to basic and advanced training at regular military training airfields. The original airfield had 2,300' turf runway. Sequoia Field had possibly up to six auxiliary airfields in the local area. The only one located here is Three Rivers Auxiliary Field, , which was an all-way open field. No remains of it exist. Pilot training Activated on 4 October 1941, Sequoia Field was assigned to the United States Army Air Forces Western Flying Training Command, 35th Flying Training Wing as a primary (level 1) pilot training airfield. The 8th Flying Training Detachment, Army Primary Flying School was Commanded by a Major L.D. Dreisbach
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Sequoia Field Airport
The Electronics School, situated at Camp Wawona until 14 July 1945, was assigned to Camp Sequoia on that date to provide a fundamental theoretical background for radar operations. Personnel assigned to the school designed and constructed laboratory equipment and prepared lesson plans. Camp Sequoia was evidently closed at the end of World War II, as it does not appear in any Station Lists or Airfield Directories after 1 December 1945. The facility was turned over to civil control in February 1947 through the War Assets Administration (WAA). Several wartime buildings still remain in use. Current use Today, Sequoia Field is a modern general aviation airport. Much of the former containment area has been converted to the Tulare County Men's Correctional Facility, and many of the World War II buildings are still in use. Two World War II hangars from the military flight training field remain and are in use for general aviation aircraft. The airfield has a modern runway, although aircraft parking is noted to use part of the former wartime parking area.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jeannie%20Suk
Jeannie Suk
Jeannie Suk Gersen (born 1973) is an American legal scholar at Harvard Law School. She became the first Asian American woman awarded tenure at Harvard Law School in 2010. Biography Suk attended Hunter College High School, graduating in 1991. In 1995, Suk received her B.A. in literature from Yale University, and a D.Phil at St Hugh's College, Oxford, in 1999, as a Marshall Scholar. In 2002, she graduated with a J.D. degree from Harvard Law School. After law school, she clerked for Judge Harry T. Edwards of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit, and Justice David Souter of the U.S. Supreme Court during the 2003 term. She then worked as a prosecutor in the Manhattan District Attorney’s Office. In 2006, Suk became an assistant professor at Harvard Law School, making her the second woman of minority background to join the faculty (after Lani Guinier). In 2010, Suk was granted tenure; she was the first Asian American woman awarded tenure in the law school's history. She is currently the John H. Watson, Jr. Professor of Law. Awards She was named one of the "Best Lawyers Under 40" by the National Asian Pacific American Bar Association and a "Top Woman of the Law" by Massachusetts Lawyers Weekly. She was awarded the prestigious Barry Prize for Distinguished Intellectual Achievement by the American Academy of Sciences and Letters in 2024. Bibliography Her writing focuses on criminal law and family law. In 2016, she co-wrote an article with her husband on modern regulation of sex that argued most practices are counter-productive. She has also published on intellectual property protection for fashion design. Suk is a contributing writer for New Yorker magazine. Books Postcolonial Paradoxes in French Caribbean Writing: Césaire, Glissant, Condé, Oxford University Press, 2001. . At Home in the Law: How the Domestic Violence Revolution Is Transforming Privacy, Yale University Press, 2009. . A Light Inside: An Odyssey of Art, Life and Law, Kong & Park, 2013.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Christopher%20Yelverton
Christopher Yelverton
Sir Christopher Yelverton (1536 – 31 October 1612) was an English judge and Speaker of the House of Commons. Ancestry Christopher Yelverton came from an ancient Norfolk family, tracing their descent back to Andrew Yelverton, who held considerable estates there in the reign of Edward II. His great-great-grandfather William Yelverton I married, first, Anne, a daughter of John Paston I (1421-1466) and Margaret Mautby, of Paston Hall, Norfolk. The William Yelvertons II, III and IV (Christopher's father) seem to be descended from William Yelverton I's second marriage, to Eleanor Brewse of Rougham. Christopher's father, William Yelverton IV of Rougham, Norfolk, married Anne, daughter and heiress of Sir Henry Fermor of East Barsham in Norfolk, "by whom he acquired large landed possessions." Early life He was the third son of William Yelverton of Rougham, Norfolk. He matriculated at Queens' College, Cambridge, in 1550. Parliamentary career: Member of Parliament and Speaker Yelverton was returned as knight of the shire for Northamptonshire in 1593. He was subsequently returned as MP for Brackley, Northamptonshire, in 1563, for Northampton in 1571, 1572 and 1597 - in which year his son Henry was also returned for the same constituency.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Christopher%20Yelverton
Christopher Yelverton
On 24 October 1597, Christopher Yelverton was elected Speaker of the House of Commons during the reign of Elizabeth I at a Parliament summoned to deal with "the exhaustion of the Queen's exchequer". Following precedent in modestly requesting to be excused, Yelverton went to extraordinary lengths to cite his unfitness for the role: Neither from my person nor my nature doth this choice arise: for he that supplieth this place ought to be a man big and comely, stately and well-spoken; his voice great, his courage majestic, his nature haughty and his purse plentiful and heavy; but, contrarily, the stature of my person is small, myself not so well-spoken, my voice low, my carriage lawyer-like and of common-fashion, my nature soft and bashful, and my purse thin, light, and never yet plentiful. Notwithstanding his diffidence, Yelverton was a conspicuously successful Speaker. He exercised moderation and discretion to defuse tensions between Parliament and the Crown. His Puritan tendencies were well known. He was an eloquent orator, though his contributions to debates show him to have been as much concerned with careful legal drafting as with rhetorical showmanship, and his conduct as Speaker was marked by a lawyerly concern to establish proper procedures for the conduct of the business. Legal career He was recorder of Northampton from 1568 to 1599, JP for Northamptonshire from about 1573, and called to the bar and elected treasurer of Gray's Inn in 1579 and 1585. He was Reader in 1574 and 1584, when his subject was the statute of 1540 relating to execution for debt. He was created serjeant-at-law in 1589, served as Queen's Serjeant from 1598 to 1602, and was a Justice of the Court of King's Bench from 1602 to 1612.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Christopher%20Yelverton
Christopher Yelverton
Yelverton was an excellent technical lawyer and was regarded as a good judge, one of the few to escape criticism by Sir Robert Cecil, principal secretary, in his memorandum on the state of the judicial bench in 1603. As Queen's Serjeant he led the prosecution in Westminster Hall on 19 February 1601 of those involved in Essex's rebellion. He was also one of the judges ruling on the Postnati case in 1608. In addition, he had a broader interest in legal culture, passing on to his son a collection of legal manuscripts; and, like many other lawyers of his generation, he made his own reports of cases. These reports remained unpublished and the well-known Yelverton report is by his son Henry Yelverton. For all his finesse as Speaker Yelverton was a man of considerable toughness. He was appointed second justice at Lancaster in 1598. As justice of the assize on the northern circuit and JP of many northern counties from 1599, he was in the forefront of the common lawyers' attack on the Council of the North. Friction developed in 1600, when he snubbed Ralph Eure, 3rd Lord Eure, vice-president, who was sitting with Sir John Savile as justice of jail delivery. Matters came to a head in 1601 when he required the lord president, Sir Thomas Cecil, 2nd Lord Burghley, to leave the court. Legal opinion was at first behind Yelverton, but in June 1602 he was summoned to the Star Chamber and publicly reprimanded for his conduct. There were more complaints about him but he weathered the criticism. Elizabeth I did not bestow a knighthood on him and it was left to James VI and I to do so. The king was more generous still, making him KB on 23 July 1603. Yelverton's tribute to the rule of law To illustrate the sixteenth-century reverence for the rule of law, Christopher Brooks quotes part of Yelverton's speech made in 1589 at Gray’s Inn, marking his promotion to serjeant-at-law:
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gulfton%2C%20Houston
Gulfton, Houston
Before 1950, Gulfton consisted of farm land and much of the area belonged to Westmoreland Farms. In the mid-1950s, the Shenandoah subdivision was established; consisting of sixteen city blocks of ranch-style homes. Shenandoah was located adjacent to the land which would later become the site of the Gulfton apartment complexes. Decades later these communities would clash as the apartments surrounding Shenandoah deteriorated and property values became threatened. Due to the large parcels of land available and the grid road pattern, Gulfton was well-suited for the construction of large apartment complexes. In the 1960s, a number of large apartment buildings were built. More complexes were added during the 1970s as Houston prospered from the oil boom. These apartments catered to young, predominantly Caucasian workers from the Rust Belt regions of the Northeastern and Midwestern United States employed in the burgeoning oil industry. Americans came from the South, the Midwest, New York, and California to live in the area of complexes. The complexes also housed some individuals from western and eastern Europe, Iran, Japan, Jordan, Lebanon, Saudi Arabia, Mexico, South America, Philippines, and Vietnam. Few native Houstonians lived in the housing complexes. The apartments were given names meant to be fancy, such as "Napoleon Square" and "Chateau Carmel." Some complexes gave free videocassette recorders to renters who signed leases for one year. According to Jim Gaines, director of the Jesse H. Jones Center for Economic and Demographic Forecasting at Rice Center, a Rice University-affiliated urban research center, the development of these apartment complexes was not well planned or coordinated. There was often little interest in building a quality product as developers were primarily concerned with generating quick revenue and capitalizing on the deregulation of financial institutions, tax laws favoring apartment construction, inflation, and a housing shortage in the Houston metropolitan area. 1980–1992
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gulfton%2C%20Houston
Gulfton, Houston
Many of the new Gulfton residents found limited access to government services such as food stamps and municipal and county health care. By July 1989, the Gulfton area was designated by Houston's city council as a "Community Development Target." These provided low-income communities with increased city services supplemented with federal funding. This drew a response from the Houston Resident Citizens Participation Council (HRCPC), a citizen commission that monitored funding for low-income residents. Board members formally protested city council against diverting support funds from the "old poor" in existing low-income areas to the "new poor" in newly created communities. The HRCPC members argued that the original "Community Development Targets" were not fully served prior to the service areas expanding and budgets shrinking. The council had no authority to force any changes in public policy. Rose Mary Garza, then the principal of Cunningham Elementary School, stated that some government officials were reluctant to expand services to Gulfton as they believed the low-income apartments would be bulldozed. During his time city council member Goodner lobbied for a satellite health department clinic for apartment renters. Robert Fisher, professor and chair of Political Social Work at the Graduate School of Social Work at the University of Houston, and Lisa Taaffe, a project manager for Houston's "Communities in Schools," stated in "Public Life in Gulfton: Multiple Publics and Models of Organization," a 1997 article, that the development and decline of Gulfton originated from a, "purely short term, relatively spontaneous speculative process." They state that the process focused on building apartment complexes, clubs, and warehouses for short-term profit without providing supporting infrastructure such as parks, libraries, recreation centers, small blocks, and sidewalks.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gulfton%2C%20Houston
Gulfton, Houston
In 1985, recent Salvadoran immigrants opened the Central American Refugee Center (CARECEN) to provide legal services for central American immigrants. Between 1988 and 1992 CARECEN cooperated with the Central American Refugee Committee (CARC) to publicize and advocate issues related to the Salvadoran Civil War and the immigration of Salvadorans to the United States. In 1988, various religious representatives created the Gulfton Area Religious Council (GARC) open for any Christian church to join. GARC advocated assistance for Gulfton residents and established focused programs. Taafe and Fisher suggest that GARC focused on relieving the symptoms of poverty instead of removing its causes. Representative Goodner, described as "conservative" by Fisher and Taafe, organized a March 3, 1989, town hall meeting which sparked the creation of an organization called the Gulfton Area Action Council (GAAC). The GAAC was made up of business owners who advocated the reduction of recreational drug use, local crime, and the improvement of the neighborhood, in an effort to restore property values.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gulfton%2C%20Houston
Gulfton, Houston
In the late 1980s, the Southwest Houston Task Force was established as a coalition of representatives from the City of Houston government, health and human services organizations, businesses, schools, religious organizations, and Gulfton-area residents. The Task Force held two meetings related to the proposal for the establishment of a municipal health clinic in Gulfton. The organization's meetings led to the opening in 1991 of the Sisters of Charity Southwest Health Clinic, the Gulfton area's first major health clinic. Jointly operated by the GAAC and the City of Houston, the clinic provided pre-natal and child care services. Fisher and Taafe state that the organization "lost its focal issue" after the clinic opened. After performing a "community needs assessment" and identifying "local leaders", the organization disbanded in early 1992. During the same year the Salvadoran Civil War ended but CARECEN continued to provide legal services, publications, and advocacy for Central American immigrants. They also began campaigning the federal government to provide permanent legal residency to the Salvadoran refugees. 1992–2009 In August 1992, Mike McMahon of the GAAC and Francisco Lopez of CARECEN founded the Gulfton Area Neighborhood Organization (GANO). In 1995, CARECEN merged with GANO as both organizations had board members and goals in common. Fisher and Taafe said in the 1997 article Public Life in Gulfton: Multiple Publics and Models of Organization that the merger into GANO made cooperation between the members of the combined "progressive" GANO and Shenandoah Civic Association with the more "conservative" GAAC unlikely. By 1993, Gulfton received 500 new street lights, paved streets, and new sidewalks as part of the City of Houston's "Neighborhoods to Standard" program.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gulfton%2C%20Houston
Gulfton, Houston
In 1997, Gulfton received a federal designation as a National Weed & Seed site from OJJDP and TDPRS designation which provided the community with close to $7 million dollars in grant funding that would target criminal activity while providing social services for at-risk youth and families in the 77081 zip code. Nyelene Qasem, Gulfton Weed & Seed Coordinator, established the Gulfton Community Learning Center, Campo del Sol Summer Day Camp Program, the Campo del Sol After School Program and the Gulfton Education Center, in strategically located areas of Gulfton in an attempt to provide ESL classes, Citizenship classes, gang intervention, apartment outreach/community policing efforts and Computer classes-all free of charge, to any resident interested in attending. From 1999–2004, the Gulfton Community Learning Center and the Gulfton Education Center provided free computer classes to over 800 community residents. From 1998-2004, more than 3,000 children between the ages of 6 and 18 attended the free summer day camp offered at Burnett Bayland Park. The Campo del Sol After School program provided teens from Jane Long Middle School after school enrichment programming and TAKS tutorials from 3:00 p.m. to 6:00 p.m. Many of the collaborative efforts were noted by the Houston Chronicle, Telemundo, PBS, La Voz and smaller newspapers from the area.
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Gulfton, Houston
The 2000 census identifies Gulfton as a "hard to enumerate" tract with the densest neighborhood in the City of Houston, estimated at 45,000 people in approximately . Some community leaders believed that the actual population was closer to 70,000. In a 2006 National Center for School Engagement report, Susana Herrera, the program coordinator for Houston's Truancy Reduction Demonstration Project, indicated that social service agencies and government officials estimated Gulfton's population to be 60,000, with 20,000 juveniles. Under-representation in the census was likely as many of the area's immigrants, especially those residing in the country illegally, may have been distrustful of the government's attempt to obtain personal information. Jaime de la Isla, the assistant superintendent of the Houston Independent School District, said in 2000 that it was possible that the district lost significant amounts of money because residents of Gulfton were not counted in the 1990 United States Census, and that the district receives federal funds for bilingual programs, free and reduced lunch, and special education based on numbers in the U.S. census. Steve Murdock, a demographer for the state of Texas, said that "[t]he major problem in an undercount is not an immigration issue. It's always difficult to count any population that is highly mobile, poor and living in a diversity of households." , 31% of residents in Gulfton had an annual income of less than $15,000 ($ in today's money). By January 30, 2007, some 45% of the families included small children. By that same date, many Gulfton families earned less than $25,000 U.S. dollars ($ in today's money) per year and were dependent on public assistance. By 2006, the median family income in Gulfton was $18,733 ($ in today's money) or 30% less than the city of Houston's median income level.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gulfton%2C%20Houston
Gulfton, Houston
In the 2000s Gulfton was divided between two city council districts, District C and District F, while in the 1990s all of Gulfton was in district F. By December 3, 1991, increased crime and demographic shifts in southwestern Houston neighborhoods led to many political rivals competing for the city council seat of District F. The City of Houston operates the Southwest Multi-Service Center within the Southwest Management District (formerly the Greater Sharpstown district), adjacent to Gulfton. The city's multi-service centers provide child care, elderly residents programs, and rental space. The complex includes the Houston Public Library (HPL) Express Southwest library extension. The center also houses the Mayor's Office for Immigrant and Refugee Affairs and the Mayor's Citizens' Assistance Office (CAO) Southwest Satellite Office. Construction of the center was scheduled to begin in February 2005. The Mayor of Houston, Bill White and Council Member Khan dedicated the center on Monday February 19, 2007, which cost an estimated $4.1 million (2007 rates).
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gulfton%2C%20Houston
Gulfton, Houston
The Houston Parks and Recreation Department operates the Burnett Bayland Park and Burnett Bayland Community Center in Gulfton. The complex has an outdoor basketball court, a hike and bicycle trail, a playground, a lighted athletics field, and a water park. No recreation centers existed in Gulfton prior to the opening of Burnett Bayland. In 1995 Mike McMahon, executive director of Gulfton Area Neighborhood Association (GANO), criticized the city for not establishing any libraries, multi-service centers, parks, or recreation centers in Gulfton. However, through the collaborative effort of Gulfton Weed & Seed and Gulfton Youth Development, members of the Gulfton Youth Leadership Council attended Superneighborhoood meetings to lobby for an enclosed area at Burnett Bayland Park, where many of the youth attended Campo del Sol or soccer games; they also lobbied for a multi-purpose center to be established to assist all members of the Gulfton area. Through their efforts, money was allocated for Burnett Bayland to be rebuilt with an enclosed community center as well as money being allocated for a multipurpose center to be built. Many of these youngsters were previously gang involved youth who were headed to a juvenile delinquency center prior to their involvement with Weed & Seed and Gulfton Youth Development. Many of the participants graduated from high school and many began taking classes at HCC, something many never thought possible at the time. County representation Harris County Precinct Three serves Gulfton, while Harris County Constable Precinct Five and Constable Precinct One also provide services.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gulfton%2C%20Houston
Gulfton, Houston
In 1995 GANO activist Francisco Lopez, an El Salvador refugee, said, "Gulfton is what Denver Harbor is to Mexicans. Any recent Latin American immigrant has a relationship to Gulfton." Lopez added that the immigrants mainly remain in the area because of the Fiesta Mart and other businesses that cater to the immigrant population. Lopez explained that many people originally expected Gulfton would provide a transient location for immigrants, who would then leave for other neighborhoods. By 1995 many had stayed in Gulfton and become long term residents even switching apartments but not leaving the area. In 2010 Katharine Shilcutt of the Houston Press said "Gulfton now possesses such a wide range of ethnic cuisines, restaurants and grocery stores, it can almost be seen as a microcosm of Houston." The popularity of soccer (football) in the neighborhood flourished after the Southwest Houston Soccer Association was established in the 1990s. Prior to its establishment, a few adult teams existed, but no youth league. In 1995, Silvia Ramirez, a soccer coach, said in a newspaper article that a lack of confidence in English language abilities and long work hours prevented many area residents from creating soccer leagues. The same article quotes citizens who believe that playing soccer prevented them from joining gangs. In 2007, Diana De La Rose, principal of Jane Long Middle School, said that soccer was popular among Gulfton-area students. In 2010 the Houston Dynamo soccer team proposed the construction of a stadium near Gulfton. Instead the BBVA Compass Stadium began construction in East Downtown.
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Gulfton, Houston
Neighborhood Centers Inc. began work in the Gulfton and Sharpstown areas around 30 years before 2011. In 1998 Neighborhood Centers opened El Puente (The Bridge), a privately operated community center on the grounds of the Napoleon Square Apartments, a complex which had a predominantly Spanish-speaking population. El Puente is located in three apartment units that had been converted into office space and play areas. Two of the apartment units are connected to each other. The center's goal is to provide community support to replace the community support that the immigrants had previously received in Latin America. As of 1999, ten different agencies provided services at El Puente and 135 families signed up to receive the services. As of 1999, at the center, the Houston Public Library provided literacy classes, Houston Community College provided English classes, the Houston Independent School District provided preschool services for three- and four-year-olds, the University of Houston Graduate College of Social Work arranged assessments for graduate students studying social work, and the Sisters of Charity's Southwest Clinic provided prenatal and preventive medical services. In 2003 the Chrysalis Dance Company provided dance sessions at El Puente, used to teach English to mothers and children. Maricela Grun, the coordinator of the complex, said in 1999 that the center was needed because children had few activities available. She said that "The children have very little to do. They're just confined to their apartments." In 2007, the group announced that it would build the Gulfton Neighborhood Campus at the intersection of Rookin Street and High Star Drive, once it raises the $20 million ($ in today's money) needed.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gulfton%2C%20Houston
Gulfton, Houston
After the 1980s economic decline and changes in the local demographics, crime increased in Gulfton. By 1988, many Houstonians referred to the neighborhood as the Gulfton Ghetto. The area derived its name from Gulfton Drive which was described by Kim Cobb of the Houston Chronicle as, "one of the area's more notorious streets." In a 1988, a Houston Chronicle article cited police officers patrolling the Gulfton area who could identify complexes where they often arrest criminals. In April 1992, Houston Mayor Bob Lanier named Gulfton as one of ten Houston neighborhoods targeted by a city revitalization program. One aspect of Lanier's project consisted of building barricades around the Shenandoah subdivision to reduce traffic and crime. The Shenandoah Civic Association and some members or the GAAC supported the measures and pursued the street closures. The Gulfton Area Neighborhood Organization (GANO) and other advocacy groups opposed the barricades. Members of these community groups considered the measures to be racially motivated. They voiced the opinion that the closures would not provide effective crime control, was a waste of city funds, and the closures would potentially harm local businesses.
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Gulfton, Houston
After the demographics changed, youth street gangs appeared in Gulfton. the Gulfton area has gangs such as "Southwest Cholos," "La Primera," "La Tercera Crips," "Somos Pocos Pero Locos," and "Mara Salvatrucha" (MS-13). Charles Rotramel, the director of a nonprofit group called "Youth Advocates," said that Gulfton's dense conditions, lack of features intended for children, and lack of recreational and athletic programs helped form the gang cultures. He added that other factors included fathers being absent, including many who were imprisoned, and mothers who had issues like drug and alcohol addictions or mothers who worked for jobs with very lengthy working hours. In 1993, the "Southwest Cholos" began to appear in Gulfton. The gang did not have a traditional leadership structure like those in New York City and Los Angeles. Several police officers said that the gang engaged in criminal activities. Controversy erupted in 1995 after six teenagers and two adults sustained injuries in a drive-by shooting near Jane Long Middle School. Police believed that the shooting was related to street gangs and arrested a 13-year-old Sharpstown Middle School student in connection with the shooting. The Gulfton Area Neighborhood Organization had demanded for years that the City of Houston expand its anti-crime activities. Sarah Turner, a spokesperson for the mayor, insisted that the city had taken corrective action.
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Gulfton, Houston
During the same year, the State of Texas announced it would provide $500,000 worth of grant funds to Gulfton-area agencies for crime prevention programs. The state targeted Gulfton because the zip code had 419 juvenile probation referrals, the highest for any zip code in Harris County. After the grant was established, GANO, the Shenandoah Civic Association, and GARC worked together to reduce juvenile crime. In 1995, Nelson Reyes, a counselor for immigrants from Mexico and El Salvador at the Gulfton Area Neighborhood Organization, said that local parents had positive attitudes about living in Gulfton as they made more money than they did in their home countries, but Gulfton-area children felt impacted by the area crime. Rose Mary Garza, the principal of Benavidez Elementary School in 1995, stated that she hated hearing the term "Gulfton Ghetto," which was still in common use at the time, as the community was trying to move away from that stereotype. Crime rates in Gulfton decreased that year and Captain Charles Bullock, commander of the Southwest Patrol on Beechnut Street said that an increased police presence caused the crime rates to decrease. In the 1990s City of Houston officials started the "Weed and Seed" program, where funds would be used to replace criminal activity with positive community activities. The City of Houston spent $800,000 in five years on Gulfton. Items funded through "Weed and Seed" included "United Minds," a leadership program for teenagers, the Las Américas Education Center built on the Las Américas Apartments property, the Gulfton Community Learning Center, and a computer lab at an area park. Adrian Garcia, the anti-gang office director of the Mayor of Houston, said in 2002 that the "Weed and Seed" program restored a sense of community and safety to Gulfton, which "was never engineered for family life," without "heavy-handed police tactics."
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Gulfton, Houston
A University of Houston professor, Peter Nguyen, remarked in 2005, "You almost get a different sense of feeling once you cross over to Bellaire." Bellaire is an incorporated city consisting of single-family houses and a reputation for safety. Nguyen said that he believed the city should increase efforts to reduce crime in Gulfton. He added that it would be difficult to engage Gulfton's population of "working people", living "day to day", to participate in anti-crime activities like crime watches. Bruce Williams, a Houston Police Department Captain, states that it is difficult to fight crime with the reductions in manpower. Williams said that U.S. federal government agents began working with the Houston Police Department to arrest serious gang criminals in Gulfton, including Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13) members who were operating in the neighborhood. In 2007, Tammy Rodriguez, head of the Gulfton Super Neighborhood department for the City of Houston, and the Fondren Patrol Division announced that the division would expand its Police Apartments Clergy Team (PACT) into three Gulfton complexes. PACT places married couples who are active in churches into the apartment complexes so they can work with tenants. The PACT program initially focused on the Napoleon Square and Chateaux Carmel complexes. In August 2009 a gang war erupted between the Southwest Cholos and other area gangs causing violence to increase in Gulfton and surrounding areas. Anti-Graffiti efforts were undertaken by Gulfton Weed & Seed and the Mayor's Anti-Gang Office to reduce the amount of gang graffiti in the area. A community mural was completed by at-risk youth on the side of Kroger's in 1999 as part of a collaborative effort between the Orange Show, Gulfton Weed & Seed and the United States Attorney's Office. The mural was featured in the Houston Chronicle and on several major news outlets. In 2005 M. J. Khan, then the city council member of District F, promoted an anti-graffiti campaign within his district.
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In 1953, Cunningham Elementary School, the first elementary school to serve Gulfton, was built with a capacity for 300 students. Braeburn Elementary School opened in 1956. Long Middle School, which serves Gulfton, opened in 1957. In 1979, Cunningham Elementary School had 436 students, well over its original capacity of 300. 75.5% of them were White, 14% qualified for free lunch, and 15% qualified for reduced cost lunch. Due to the increasing population and the sudden conversion of adults-only complexes to family oriented, Cunningham Elementary School became overcrowded by 1986 with its enrollment increasing from around 500 in 1985 to more than 900 the next year. By 1988, Gordon Elementary School, a campus in Bellaire, Texas, re-opened to serve as a reliever school to Cunningham and to a non-Gulfton school. By September 3 of that year, 1,268 students were enrolled at Cunningham; 72% were classified as Hispanic and 99% were on free or reduced-cost lunch programs. Many of the children arrived from Central American countries experiencing civil strife, and therefore many had received an inadequate education prior to coming to the United States. In 1989, Cunningham's overcrowding was described as being "unanticipated." In 1988 the U.S. federal government passed the Fair Housing Act, which, under most circumstances, prohibits any policy that excludes families with children from living in an apartment complex. Abbe Boring, the principal of Cunningham in 1992, said that the student population increased when formerly singles-only apartments were required to allow families to rent complexes. In September 1991 Braeburn and Cunningham were two of 32 HISD schools that had capped enrollments; in other words, the schools were filled to capacity and excess students had to attend other schools. By 1992, Cunningham had around 1,200 students and 51 temporary classroom units. Immediately prior to the opening of Benavidez, Cunningham had 1,400 students.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gulfton%2C%20Houston
Gulfton, Houston
Benavidez Elementary School, which opened on Tuesday, January 21, 1992, relieved Cunningham of around 675 students and 29 teachers. Benavidez, along with two other schools, was a part of a $370 million Houston ISD school construction project, which originated from a school bond approved in March 1989. Rose Garza, the principal of Benavidez, said that the committee determining the name of the school named it after Roy P. Benavidez, a soldier in the Vietnam War who was given the Medal of Honor, because the school wanted to name the school after a Hispanic who could serve as a positive role model to the mostly Hispanic student body that occupied the school when it opened. HISD officials said that the district had little difficulty opening the three schools in the middle of the year, since the same teachers had been teaching the same students while they occupied the previously overcrowded schools in the preceding fall. On its opening day Benavidez referred 400 students to other schools due to overcrowding. After Benavidez opened, Benavidez and Cunningham each had about 700 students. In 1994, Benavidez had 1,065 pupils and it had to send 200 children to different schools. As of that year, 88% of Benavidez's children were Hispanic. By 1996, both Cunningham and Benavidez became overcrowded. Gordon also became a reliever school for Benavidez and another non-Gulfton school. SER-Niños opened in 1996. In 2000 Benavidez had 1,300 students and Cunningham had 1,190 students. At the schools, the average classroom size was 30 students, exceeding the state's recommendation of 22 students per classroom.
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