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Climate change in Australia
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Researchers claim that the exceptionally strong wildfires in 2019–2020 were impossible without the effects of climate change. More than one-fifth of Australian forests were burned in one season, which was completely unprecedented. They say that: "In the case of recent events in Australia, there is no doubt that the record temperatures of the past year would not be possible without anthropogenic influence, and that under a scenario where emissions continue to grow, such a year would be average by 2040 and exceptionally cool by 2060." Climate change probably also caused drier weather conditions in Australia by impacting Indian Ocean Dipole, which also increase fires. In average, below 2% of Australian forests burn annually. Climate change has increased the likelihood of the wildfires in 2019–2020 by at least 30%, but researchers said the result is probably conservative.
Extreme weather events
Rainfall patterns and the degree of droughts and storms brought about by extreme weather conditions are likely to be affected. The CSIRO predicts that a temperature rise of between 2 and 3 °C on the Australian continent could incur some of the following extreme weather occurrences, in addition to standard patterns:
Wind speeds of tropical cyclones could intensify by 5 to 10%.
In 100 years, strong tides would increase by 12–16% along eastern Victoria's coast.
The forest fire danger indices in New South Wales and Western Australia would grow by 10% and the forest fire danger indices in south, central and north-east Australia would increase by more than 10%.
Heatwaves
A report in 2014 revealed that, due to the change in climatic patterns, heat waves were found to be increasingly more frequent and severe, with an earlier start to the season and longer duration.
Since temperatures began to be recorded in 1910, they have increased by an average of 1 °C, with most of this change occurring from 1950 onwards. This period has seen the frequency and intensity of extreme heat events increase.
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Summer 2013–14 was warmer than average for the entirety of Australia. Both Victoria and South Australia saw record-breaking temperatures. Adelaide recorded a total of 13 days reaching 40 °C or more, 11 of which reached 42 °C or more, as well as its fifth-hottest day on record—45.1 °C on 14 January. The number of days over 40 °C beat the previous record of summer 1897–1898, when 11 days above 40 °C were recorded. Melbourne recorded six days over 40 °C, while nighttime temperatures were much warmer than usual, with some nights failing to drop below 30 °C. Overall, the summer of 2013–2014 was the third-hottest on record for Victoria, fifth-warmest on record for New South Wales, and sixth-warmest on record for South Australia. This heatwave has been directly linked to climate change, which is unusual for specific weather events.
Following the 2014 event, it was predicted that temperatures might increase by up to 1.5 °C by 2030.
2015 was Australia's fifth-hottest year on record, continuing the trend of record-breaking high temperatures across the country. According to Australian Climate Council in 2017 Australia had its warmest winter on record, in terms of average maximum temperatures, reaching nearly 2 °C above average. January 2019 was the hottest month ever in Australia with average temperatures exceeding .
Ecosystems and biodiversity
Sustained climate change could have drastic effects on the ecosystems of Australia. For example, rising ocean temperatures and continual erosion of the coasts from higher water levels will cause further bleaching of the Great Barrier Reef. Beyond that, Australia's climate will become even harsher, with more powerful tropical cyclones and longer droughts.
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The Great Barrier Reef could be killed as a result of the rise in water temperature forecast by the IPCC. A UNESCO World Heritage Site, the reef has experienced unprecedented rates of bleaching over the past two decades, and additional warming of only 1 °C is anticipated to cause considerable losses or contractions of species associated with coral communities.
Lord Howe Island
The coral reefs of the World Heritage-listed Lord Howe Island could be killed as a result of the rise in water temperature forecast by the IPCC.
As of April 2019, approximately 5% of the coral is dead.
Impacts on people
Economic impacts
According to the Climate Commission (now the Climate Council) report in 2013, the extreme heatwaves, flooding and bushfires striking Australia have been intensified by climate change and will get worse in future in terms of their impacts on people, property, communities and the environment. The summer of 2012/2013 included the hottest summer, hottest month and hottest day on record. The cost of the 2009 bushfires in Victoria was estimated at A$4.4bn (£3bn) and the Queensland floods of 2010/2011 cost over A$5bn.
In 2008 the Treasurer and the Minister for Climate Change and Water released a report that concluded the economy will grow with an emissions trading scheme in place.
A report released in October 2009 by the Standing Committee on Climate Change, Water, Environment and the Arts, studying the effects of a 1-metre sea level rise, quite possible within the next 30–60 years, concluded that around 700,000 properties around Australia, including 80,000 buildings, would be inundated, the collective value of these properties is estimated at $155 billion.
In 2019 the Australian Bureau of Agricultural and Resource Economics and Sciences published a report about the impact of climate change on the profitability of the Australian agriculture, saying that the profit of the Australian farms was cut by 22% due to climate change in the years 2000–2019.
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A 1-metre sea level rise would have massive impacts, not just on property and associated economic systems, but in displacement of human populations throughout the continent. Queensland is the state most at risk due to the presence of valuable beachfront housing.
Impacts on foreign policy and national security
Several prominent reports and decision makers are concerned that climate change affects Australia’s national security. A 2023 assessment of the Australian Office of National Intelligence on the security implications of climate change (commissioned by Anthony Albanese) remains classified. These concerns are tied to broader debates about climate security.
Climate change is unlikely to trigger large-scale migration movements to Australia. Research shows that people adversely affected by climate change often lack the resources to migrate over large distances (they are adapt in-situ or move to nearby places). This is particularly the case for Australia, which is an island nation with tough border controls and immigration policies.
Climate change can cause major challenges to Australia’s foreign policies. Pacific Island countries, which are highly vulnerable to climate change, have repeatedly blamed Australia for not being active enough in mitigating climate change. With geopolitical tensions between Australia and China on the rise, these countries are of high relevance for the Australian government. In addition, existing data suggest that several countries in Australia’s neighbourhood (e.g., Indonesia, the Philippines, large parts of South Asia) and some key partner governments (e.g., India, Papua New Guinea) are very vulnerable to climate-related unrest and conflict.
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Several reports also warn that climate change poses significant challenges to the capacities of the Australian Defence Force. Many military bases are located close to the coastline, which is threatened by sea-level rise and more intense storms. Civilian infrastructure relevant to military operations (like transports networks and power lines) is also adversely affected by climate change, for instance when floods wash away key supply roads. More extreme heat days complicate military training and put a heavier toll on equipment, particularly in northern Australia. Finally, the Australian Defence Force will be called upon more often to provide disaster relief within the country and internationally, further straining its resources.
Health impacts
The CSIRO predicts that the additional results in Australia of a temperature rise of between only 1 and 2 °C will be:
Southward spread of malaria receptive zones.
Risk of dengue fever among Australians increases from 170,000 people to 0.75–1.6 million.
10% increase in diarrhoeal diseases among Aboriginal children in central Australia.
100% increase in a number of people exposed to flooding in Australia.
Increased influx of refugees from the Pacific Islands.
Based on some predictions for 2070, data suggests that people who are not accustomed to the warmer climate may experience as much as 45 days per year where they are unable to tolerate being outside, compared to the current 4–6 days per year.
Impacts on indigenous Australians
Indigenous Australians have a millennia long history of responding and adapting to social and environmental changes. Indigenous Australians have a high level of situated traditional knowledge and historical knowledge about climate change. However, the exposure of Indigenous Australians to climate change impacts is exacerbated by existing socio-economic disadvantages which are linked to colonial and post-colonial marginalisation.
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Some of these changes include a rise in sea levels, getting hotter and for a longer period of time, and more severe cyclones during the cyclone season. Climate issues include wild fires, heatwaves, floods, cyclones, rising sea levels, rising temperatures, and erosion. The communities most affected by climate changes are those in the North where Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people make up 30% of the population. Aboriginal Australians and Torres Strait Islander communities located in the coastal north are the most disadvantaged due to social and economic issues and their reliance on traditional land for food, culture, and health. This has begged the question for many community members in these regions, should they move away from this area or remain present.
Many Aboriginal people live in rural and remote agricultural areas across Australia, especially in the Northern and Southern areas of the continent. There are a variety of different climate impacts on different Aboriginal communities which includes cyclones in the Northern region and flooding in Central Australia which negatively impacts cultural sites and therefore the relationship between indigenous people and the places that hold their traditional knowledge. Other effects include sea level rise, loss of land and hunting ground, changes in fire regimes, increased severity and duration of wet and dry seasons as well as reduced numbers of animals in the sea, rivers and creeks.
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Vulnerability
The vulnerability comes from remote location where indigenous groups live, lower socio-economic status, and reliance of natural systems for economic needs. Disadvantages which are compounding Indigenous peoples vulnerability to climate change include inadequate health and educational services, limited employment opportunities as well as insufficient infrastructure. Top down institutions have also restricted Indigenous Australians ability to contribute to climate policy frameworks and have their culture and practices recognised.
Many of the economic, political, and social-ecological issues present in indigenous communities are long term effects from colonialism and the continued marginalization of these communities. These issues are aggravated by climate change and environmental changes in their respective regions. Indigenous people are seen as particularly vulnerable to climate change because they already live in poverty, poor housing and have poor educational and health services, other socio-political factors place them at risk for climate change impacts. Indigenous people have been portrayed as victims and as vulnerable populations for many years by the media. Aboriginal Australians believe that they have always been able to adapt to climate changes in their geographic areas.
Many communities have argued for more community input into strategies and ways to adapt to climate issues instead of top down approaches to combating issues surrounding environmental change. This includes self-determination and agency when deciding how to respond to climate change including proactive actions. Indigenous people have also commented on the need to maintain their physical and mental well-being in order to adapt to climate change which can be helped through the kinship relationships between community members and the land they occupy.
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In Australia, Aboriginal people have argued that in order for the government to combat climate change, their voices must be included in policy making and governance over traditional land. Much of the government and institutional policies related to climate change and environmental issues in Australia has been done so through a top down approach. Indigenous communities have stated that this limits and ignores Aboriginal Australian voices and approaches. Due to traditional knowledge held by these communities and elders within those communities, traditional ecological knowledge and frameworks are necessary to combat these and a variety of different environmental issues.
Heat and drought
Fires and droughts in Australia, including the Northern regions, occur mostly in savannas because of current environmental changes in the region. The majority of the fire prone areas in the savanna region are owned by Aboriginal Australian communities, the traditional stewards of the land. Aboriginal Australians have traditional landscape management methods including burning and clearing the savanna areas which are the most susceptible to fires. Traditional landscape management declined in the 19th century as Western landscape management took over. Today, traditional landscape management has been revitalized by Aboriginal Australians, including elders. This traditional landscape practices include the use of clearing and burning to get rid of old growth. Though the way in which indigenous communities in this region manage the landscape has been banned, Aboriginal Australian communities who use these traditional methods actually help in reducing greenhouse gas emissions.
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Impact of climate change on health
Increased temperatures, wildfires, and drought are major issues in regard to the health of Aboriginal Australian communities. Heat poses a major risk to elderly members of communities in the North. This includes issues such as heat stroke and heat exhaustion. Many of the rural indigenous communities have faced thermal stress and increased issues surrounding access to water resources and ecological landscapes. This impacts the relationship between Aboriginal Australians and biodiversity, as well as impacts social and cultural aspects of society.
Aboriginal Australians who live in isolated and remote traditional territories are more sensitive than non-indigenous Australians to changes that effect the ecosystems they are a part of. This is in large part due to the connection that exists between their health (including physical and mental), the health of their land, and the continued practice of traditional cultural customs. Aboriginal Australians have a unique and important relationship with the traditional land of their ancestors. Because of this connection, the dangerous consequences of climate change in Australia has resulted in a decline in health including mental health among an already vulnerable population. In order to combat health disparities among these populations, community based projects and culturally relevant mental and physical health programs are necessary and should include community members when running these programs.
Traditional knowledge
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Indigenous people have always responded and adapted to climate change, including indigenous people of Australia. Aboriginal Australian people have existed in Australia for tens of thousands of years. Due to this continual habitation, Aboriginal Australians have observed and adapted to climatic and environmental changes for millennia which uniquely positions them to be able to respond to current climate changes. Though these communities have shifted and changed their practices overtime, traditional ecological knowledge exists that can benefit local and indigenous communities today. This knowledge is part of traditional cultural and spiritual practices within these indigenous communities. The practices are directly tied to the unique relationship between Aboriginal Australians and their ecological landscapes. This relationship results in a socio-ecological system of balance between humans and nature Indigenous communities in Australia have specific generational traditional knowledge about weather patterns, environmental changes and climatic changes. These communities have adapted to climate change in the past and have knowledge that non-Indigenous people may be able to utilize to adapt to climate change currently and in the future.
Indigenous people have not been offered many opportunities or provided with sufficient platforms to influence and contribute their traditional knowledge to the creation of current international and local policies associated to climate change adaptation. Although, Indigenous people have pushed back on this reality, by creating their own platforms and trying to be active members in the conversation surrounding climate change including at international meetings. Specifically, Indigenous people of Australia have traditional knowledge to adapt to increased pressures of global environmental change.
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Though some of this traditional knowledge was not utilised and conceivably lost with the introduction of white settlers in the 18th century, recently communities have begun to revitalize these traditional practices. Australian Aboriginal traditional knowledge includes language, cultural, spiritual practices, mythology and land management.
Responses to climate change
Indigenous knowledge has been passed down through the generations with the practice of oral tradition. Given the historical relationship between the land and the people and the larger ecosystem Aboriginal Australians choose to stay and adapt in similar ways to their ancestors before them. Aboriginal Australians have observed short and long term environmental changes and are highly aware of weather and climate changes. Recently, elders have begun to be utilised by indigenous and non-indigenous communities to understand traditional knowledge related to land management. This includes seasonal knowledge means indigenous knowledge pertaining to weather, seasonal cycles of plants and animals, and land and landscape management. The seasonal knowledge allows indigenous communities to combat environmental changes and may result in healthier social-ecological systems. Much of traditional landscape and land management includes keeping the diversity of flora and fauna as traditional foodways. Ecological calendars is one traditional framework used by Aboriginal Australian communities. These ecological calendars are way for indigenous communities to organize and communicate traditional ecological knowledge. The ecological calendars includes seasonal weather cycles related to biological, cultural, and spiritual ways of life.
Mitigation
Climate change mitigation focuses on steps taken to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. It is the set of preventative measures taken to curb global warming and climate change. Examples would be investing in clean fuel and using renewable energy such as wind and solar power.
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According to the CSIRO and Garnaut Climate Change Review, climate change is expected to have numerous adverse effects on many species, regions, activities and much infrastructure and areas of the economy and public health in Australia. The Stern Report and Garnaut Review on balance expect these to outweigh the costs of mitigation.
The World Resources Institute identifies policy uncertainty and over-reliance on international markets as the top threats to Australia's GHG mitigation.
Emissions reductions
Internationally, Australia pledged as part of Paris Agreement to reduce emissions by 43% by 2030 and achieve net zero emissions by 2050. Domestically, the Clean Energy Act 2011 addresses GHG with an emissions cap, carbon price, and subsidies. Emissions by the electric sector are addressed by Renewable Energy targets at multiple scales, Australian Renewable Energy Agency (ARENA), Clean Energy Finance Corporation (CEFC), carbon capture and storage flagships, and feed-in tariffs on solar panels. Emissions by the industrial sector are addressed by the Energy Efficiency Opportunities (EEO) program.
Emissions by the building sector are addressed by building codes, minimum energy performance standards, Commercial Building Disclosure program, state energy-saving obligations, and the National Energy Saving Initiative. Emissions by the transportation sector are addressed by reduced fuel tax credits and vehicle emissions performance standards. Emissions by the agricultural sector are addressed by the Carbon Farming Initiative and state land-clearing laws. Emissions by the land use sector are addressed by the Clean Energy Future Package, which consists of the Carbon Farming Futures program, Diversity Fund, Regional Natural Resources Management Planning for Climate Change Fund, Indigenous Carbon Farming Fund, and Carbon Farming Skills program.
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Forestry and forest-related options for carbon sinks
In Australia, forestry and forest-related options are the most significant and most easily achieved carbon sink making up 105 Mt per year CO2-e or about 75 per cent of the total figure attainable for the Australian state of Queensland from 2010 to 2050. Among the forestry options, forestry with the primary aim of carbon storage (called carbon forestry) has the highest attainable carbon storage capacity (77 Mt CO2-e/yr) while strategy balanced with biodiversity plantings can return 7–12 times more native vegetation for a 10%–30% reduction of carbon storage performance.
Legal strategies to encourage this form of biosequestration include permanent protection of forests in National Parks or on the World Heritage List, properly funded management and bans on use of rainforest timbers and inefficient uses such as woodchipping old growth forest.
Policies and legislation to achieve mitigation
Paris Agreement
The Paris agreement is a legally international agreement adopted at the COP 21, its main goal is to limit global warming to below 1.5 °C, compared to pre-industrial levels. The Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) are the plans to fight climate change adapted for each country. Every party in the agreement has different goals based on its own historical climate records and country's circumstances. All the goals for each country are stated in their NDC.
Australia's target regarding reductions from 2005 year levels:
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Victoria
The Climate Change Act was adopted in 2017 and is part of a broader Victorian environmental legislation taking climate change into account. It establishes a net-zero emission target by 2050 and interim targets set every five years to adapt and keep Victoria on track with the 2050 goal.
Adaptation
According to the IPCC's 2001 Assessment Report, no matter how much effort is put into mitigating climate change, some amount of climate change cannot be avoided. The report shared that climate change adaptation should complement mitigation efforts. Adaptation is the approach that focuses on alleviating current problems brought about by global warming and climate change. It is the attempt to live with the changes in the environment and the economy that global warming has generated and will continue to generate. In short, it involves taking action to deal with the problems brought about by global warming and climate change. Examples include building better flood defences and avoiding the building of residential areas near low-lying, flood-prone areas. In cities with a proven vulnerability to climate change, investment is likely to require the strengthening of urban infrastructure, including storm drain systems, water supply and treatment plants, and protection or relocation of solid waste management and power generation facilities.
Coastal regions are likely to need large investment in physical infrastructure projects, specifically projects related to the effects of rising sea levels. Projects such as the construction of protective barriers against rising sea levels, the building of dams to retain and manage water, the redesign and development of port facilities and the improvement of the defence systems at coastal areas should be carried out.
Federal, state and territory policy makers have supported a National Biodiversity and Climate Change Action Plan that works to adapt to the impacts of climatic change and manage the effects on wildlife.
National government programs
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Regional natural resource management (NRM) organisations
Federal natural resource goals, government agencies and non-government organizations established 56 regional natural resource management (NRM) organisations beginning in the mid-1990s. NRM organisations fall under the federal government Natural Heritage Trust. NRM operate according to individual constitutions, usually by the state government and others by community associations. Their boards are appointed by either the local government or community stakeholders. NRM Planning for Climate Fund, put $13.6 million toward helping NRMs plan land use in light of climate change by building a base of detailed climatic information.
National Climate Change Adaptation Programme
The Minister for Energy and Emissions Reduction has come up with the National Climate Change Adaptation Programme which aims to work with industries, scientific organisations, residents and other governments to create workable solutions. Some A$14 million over a period of four years (2008–2012) is to be spent on this initiative. The programme has forged strong research links in at-risk areas such as the Great Barrier Reef. Research conducted in the Great Barrier Reef is focused on developing methods to deal with climate change to protect the reef. It is hoped that this work will create a universal model for sustainable, cost-effective reef development. According to the programme's brochure: "National greenhouse mitigation policies and programmes are projected to reduce emissions by 94 million tonnes by 2010 – the equivalent of removing every motor vehicle in Australia from the road! However, the greenhouse gases already in the atmosphere and the growing emissions from around the world will affect our climate. Adaptation to climate change will complement action to reduce greenhouse gases".
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Climate Adaptation Flagship
The Australian Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation (CSIRO) started the Climate Adaptation Flagship. Its aim is "enabling Australia to adapt more effectively to the impacts of climate change and variability and informing national planning, regulation and investment decisions". This is part of the National Research Flagships Program. It is designed to bring various stakeholders, i.e. research companies, industries, international connections, eminent scientists and CSIRO, together in hope of delivering practical solutions that address the pressing issues of Australia.
The Climate Adaptation Flagship project concerns both climate variability (or non-human causes, as defined by the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change) and climate change. The research budget for this Flagship for the year 2008–09 is close to A$30 million. There are four research prongs to this project: Pathways to adaptation; Sustainable cities and costs; Managing species and natural ecosystems; Adaptive primary industries, enterprises and communities.
National Climate Change Adaptation Research Facility
The National Climate Change Adaptation Research Facility (NCCARF) is hosted by Griffith University in Queensland and "leads the research community in a national interdisciplinary effort to generate the information needed by decision-makers in government and in vulnerable sectors and communities to manage the risks of climate change impacts".
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The key roles of NCCARF include:
developing National Adaptation Research Plans to identify critical gaps in the information available to decision-makers
synthesising existing and emerging national and international research on climate change impacts and adaptation and developing targeted communication products
undertaking a program of Integrative Research to address national priorities, and
establishing and maintaining Adaptation Research Networks to link together key researchers and assist them in focusing on national research priorities.
The facility is a partnership between the Australian government's Department of Climate Change and Griffith University, with a consortium of funding partners and universities drawn from across the country.
The Local Adaptations Pathway Program
The Australian government is of the view that local government is critical in managing the impacts of climate change and seeks to assist local councils in studying and applying adaptation options. The programme is the Australian government's initiative to enable councils to go through climate change risk assessments and come up with action plans to prepare for the impacts the phenomenon may have on local society. Up to A$50,000 will be released. A list of councils successful in procuring the funding is provided on the programme's website.
Policies and legislation
In November 1981, the Office of National Assessments (intelligence agency) presented prime minister Malcolm Fraser with a classified-confidential assessment noting scientific acceptance of the greenhouse effect and resultant "measurably warmer" temperatures and "related climatic changes", and also projecting effects of possible doubling and quadrupling of atmospheric levels by the middle and end of the 21st century. The assessment focused on the implications for the country's fossil fuel industry.
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The Climate Change Authority, an independent statutory body that provides advice and performs research for the federal government on climate change.
The Clean Energy Regulator, an independent statutory body that administers federal government schemes to measure and reduce Australia's greenhouse gas emissions.
The Australian Renewable Energy Agency (ARENA), a corporate body that manages renewable energy programs.
The Clean Energy Finance Corporation (CEFC), a government-owned corporation that invests in clean energy technologies.
In 2011, Parliament passed the Clean Energy Act 2011, which introduced carbon pricing in Australia, colloquially known as a 'carbon tax'. It required large businesses, defined as those emitting over 25,000 tons of carbon dioxide equivalent annually, to purchase emissions permits. The strong backlash led by opposition leader Abbott led to her being replaced as leader by Rudd, then Abbott at the next election. Under his leadership, Australia became the first country to repeal a carbon pricing program.
In 2015, Abbott was replaced as prime minister by Minister for Communications Malcolm Turnbull under the condition that his climate policy would not change. Australia attended the 2015 United Nations Climate Change Conference and adopted the Paris Agreement. In limiting further action on climate change, Australia joined Russia, Turkey and Brazil in citing US President Trump's promise to withdraw from the Paris Agreement.
In 2018, Turnbull was replaced by Scott Morrison as leader of the Liberal Party and prime minister. Morrison won the 2019 election with an unchanged climate policy.
In June 2021, the Sustainable Development Report 2021 scored Australia last out of 193 United Nations member countries for action taken to reduce global greenhouse gas emissions, scoring 10 out of 100 in an assessment of fossil fuel emissions, emissions associated with imports and exports, and policies for pricing carbon.
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In May 2022, the Coalition lost the federal election to the Labor Party, led by Anthony Albanese. In a machinery of government change, a new Department of Climate Change, Energy, the Environment and Water will be established. The new government committed to a 43% reduction in Australia's emissions by 2030 (compared to 2005 levels), and net zero emissions by 2050.
History of climate change policy in Australia
Domestic action to address climate change in Australia began in 1989, when Senator Graham Richardson proposed the first greenhouse gas emission reduction target of 20% by 2005. The Australian Government rejected this target. In 1990, Ros Kelly and Jon Kerin announced that the Australian Government would adhere to the goals initially proposed by Richardson but not to any economic detriment.
Australia signed the UNFCCC in 1992. This was followed by the release of the National Greenhouse Response Strategy (NGRS), which provided states and territories with the mechanisms to adhere to UNFCCC emission guidelines. Australia attended the first session of the Conference of the Parties to the UNFCCC in Berlin in March 1995. Throughout the 1990s, Australia regularly failed to meet its own emission targets and those set by the UNFCCC.
In 1997, Prime Minister John Howard announced that by 2010, an additional 2% of electricity would be sustainably sourced. The following year, the Australian Greenhouse Office (AGO) was established to monitor greenhouse gas reductions. The AGO later combined with the Department of Environment and Heritage. In April 1998, Australia became a party to the Kyoto Declaration. The Declaration was ratified in 2007 under Prime Minister Kevin Rudd.
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In the Renewable Energy (Electricity) Act 2000, the Federal Government introduced the Mandatory Renewable Energy Target program, which aimed to sustainably source 10% of electrical energy by 2010. In 2011, the Mandatory Renewable Energy Target program was divided into the Large-Scale Renewable Energy Target and the Small-Scale Renewable Energy Scheme. In January 2003, the New South Wales State Government implemented the Greenhouse Gas Reduction Scheme (GGRS), which allowed carbon emissions to be traded.
Under Rudd, the Labor Government proposed the Carbon Pollution Reduction Scheme, which was intended to take effect in 2010. This scheme was rejected by the Greens for being too permissive and by Tony Abbott's Coalition for being economically detrimental. Under Prime Minister Julia Gillard, the Labor Party passed the Clean Energy Act 2011 to establish a carbon tax and put a price on greenhouse gas emissions. This carbon tax was a divisive partisan issue.
In 2012, the Coalition ran a campaign to repeal the carbon tax. Upon election victory in September 2013, Prime Minister Tony Abbott passed the Clean Energy Legislation (Carbon Tax Repeal) Bill. In replacement of the carbon tax, Abbott introduced the Direct Action Scheme to financially reward businesses for voluntarily reducing their carbon emissions. This was followed by a decision not to participate in the 19th session of the Conference of the Parties to the UNFCCC (COP-19).
Australia became a party to the Paris Agreement in 2015. In the agreement, Australia committed to reducing its emissions by 26% by 2030.
In 2019, Prime Minister Scott Morrison was criticised for a lack of commitment to addressing climate change while taking a vacation during the 2019 bushfires.
International cooperation
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Despite the support of a clear scientific consensus, climate change has been a divisive or controversial issue in Australian politics since the 2000s. It has sometimes been referred to as a "culture war" in the country. Conservatives have generally opposed climate mitigation policies and renewable energy, instead favouring or supporting the country's coal and fossil fuels industries, which make up a large part of the economy. Proposed carbon pricing during the premiership of Julia Gillard proved highly divisive, and was later repealed under Tony Abbott. Climate change was a key issue in the 2022 federal election, where the Australian Labor Party and teal independents made gains in part due to promoting environmental policies.
Australian conservatives, with the support of strongly climate-skeptical media, have long opposed climate change mitigation and changes to energy policy. This is partly a strategy to foster the support of the country's coal and the fossil fuel industry, which are highly influential and a large employer in the country.
Activism
Climate change protests have taken place in Australia during the 21st century.In 2005, with support from Uniting Church and Catholic Earthcare, the Australian Conservation Foundation and the National Council of Churches Australia produced a brochure, Changing Climate, Changing Creation, which was distributed to churches across the country to call for action on climate change.
Rising Tide held environmental direct action protests in February 2007, where more than 100 small and medium-sized craft, including swimmers and people on surfboards, gathered in Newcastle harbour. Young people from the Real Action On Climate Change shut down two coal-fired power stations in September 2007. A 2009 "Walk Against Warming" drew 40,000 participants in Melbourne.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Climate%20change%20in%20Australia
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Climate change in Australia
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Groups including Rising Tide and Queensland Conservation have initiated legal challenges to coal mines under the Commonwealth EPBC legislation. In late 2006, Queensland Conservation lodged an objection to the greenhouse gas emissions from a large coal mine expansion proposed by Xstrata Coal Queensland Pty Ltd. QC's action aimed to have the true costs of the greenhouse gas emissions from coal mining recognised. The Newlands Coal Mine Expansion will produce 28.5 million tonnes of coal over its fifteen years of operation. The mining, transport and use of this coal will emit 84 million tonnes of into the atmosphere. Queensland Conservation aims to have reasonable and practical measures imposed on new mines to avoid, reduce or offset the emissions from the mining, transport and use of their coal. The Land and Resources Tribunal ruled against the case.
Media coverage
Projected impacts by location
The impacts of climate change will vary significantly across Australia. The Australian Government appointed Climate Commission have prepared summary reports on the likely impacts of climate change for regions across Australia, including: Queensland, NSW, Victoria and Tasmania.
Capital cities
Adelaide
Adelaide will get hotter and drier with rainfall predicted to decline 8% to 29% by 2090 and average temperature to increase between 4 and 0.9 degrees. The number of days above 35 degrees will increase by 50% in 2090 and the number of days above 40 degrees will double. Bringing it close to Northampton, Western Australia, for temperature and Kadina, South Australia, for rainfall.
Sea levels will rise with predictions between 39 and 61 cm by 2090. And extreme seas are predicted to rise as well, with the CSIRO predicting buildings in Port Adelaide would need to be raised by 50 to 81 cm to keep the amount of flooding incidents the same as recorded between 1986 and 2005.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Climate%20change%20in%20Australia
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Climate change in Australia
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Temperature in Sydney will increase between 0.9° and 4.2°, while rainfall will decrease between -23% and -4% by 2090. Bringing Sydney's climate close to that of Beaudesert today (under a RCP 8.5 scenario). Different parts of Sydney will warm differently with the greatest impact expected in Western Sydney and Hawkesbury, these areas can expect 5 to 10 additional hot days by 2030. Similarly future rainfall patterns will be different to those today, with more rain expected to fall in summer and autumn and less expected in Winter and Spring. Fire danger days will increase in number by 2070.
Melbourne
Sea levels are projected to rise between 0.37 cm and 0.59 cm at Williamstown (the closest covered point) by 2090. At the higher end of this scale areas in and around Melbourne would be impacted. With some of the most vulnerable areas being the Docklands development and several marinas and berths in Port Phillip. Melbourne's climate will become similar in terms of total rainfall and average temperature to that of Dubbo today, with temperatures warming between 0.9° and 3.8° and total annual rainfall falling between -10% and -4% by 2090. Rainfall patterns will also change with 20% less rainfall predicted during spring in 2050, which may impact the severity of summer bushfires.
The increases in temperature and decrease in rainfall will have a series of follow on effects on the city, including a possible 35% reduction in trees in Melbourne by 2040. And more frequent ambulance callouts and more deaths due to heatwaves. Climate change will cost Melbourne City $12.6bn by 2050 and be closer to Wangaratta's climate.
Perth
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Climate%20change%20in%20Australia
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Climate change in Australia
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During these glacial maxima the climate was also much colder and windier than today. Minimum temperatures in winter in the centre of the continent were as much as lower than they are today. Hydrological evidence for dryness during glacial maxima can also be seen at major lakes in Victoria's Western District, which dried up between around 20,000 and 15,000 years ago and re-filled from around 12,000 years ago.
During the early Holocene, there is evidence from Lake Frome in South Australia and Lake Woods near Tennant Creek that the climate between 8,000 and 9,500 years ago and again from 7,000 to 4,200 years ago was considerably wetter than over the period of instrumental recording since about 1885. The research that gave these records also suggested that the rainfall flooding Frome was certainly summer-dominant rainfall because of pollen counts from grass species. Other sources suggest that the Southern Oscillation may have been weaker during the early Holocene and rainfall over northern Australia less variable as well as higher. The onset of modern conditions with periodic wet season failure is dated at around 4,000 years before the present.
In southern Victoria, there is evidence for generally wet conditions except for a much drier spell between about 3,000 and 2,100 years before the present, when it is believed Lake Corangamite fell to levels well below those observed between European settlement and the 1990s. After this dry period, Western District lakes returned to their previous levels fairly quickly and by 1800 they were at their highest levels in the forty thousand years of record available.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Climate%20change%20in%20Australia
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Climate change in Australia
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Elsewhere, data for most of the Holocene are deficient, largely because methods used elsewhere to determine past climates (like tree-ring data) cannot be used in Australia owing to the character of its soils and climate. Recently, however, coral cores have been used to examine rainfall over those areas of Queensland draining into the Great Barrier Reef. The results do not provide conclusive evidence of man-made climate change, but do suggest the following:
There has been a marked increase in the frequency of very wet years in Queensland since the end of the Little Ice Age, a theory supported by there being no evidence for any large Lake Eyre filling during the LIA.
The dry era of the 1920s and 1930s may well have been the driest period in Australia over the past four centuries.
A similar study, not yet published, is planned for coral reefs in Western Australia.
Records exist of floods in a number of rivers, such as the Hawkesbury, from the time of first settlement. These suggest that, for the period beginning with the first European settlement, the first thirty-five years or so were wet and were followed by a much drier period up to the mid-1860s, when usable instrumental records started.
Development of an instrumental network for climate records
Although rain gauges were installed privately by some of the earliest settlers, the first instrumental climate records in Australia were not compiled until 1840 at Port Macquarie. Rain gauges were gradually installed at other major centres across the continent, with the present gauges in Melbourne and Sydney dating from 1858 and 1859, respectively.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Climate%20change%20in%20Australia
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Climate change in Australia
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In eastern Australia, where the continent's first large-scale agriculture began, a large number of rain gauges were installed during the 1860s and by 1875 a comprehensive network had been developed in the "settled" areas of that state. With the spread of the pastoral industry to the north of the continent during this period, rain gauges were established extensively in newly settled areas, reaching Darwin by 1869, Alice Springs by 1874, and the Kimberley, Channel Country and Gulf Savannah by 1880.
By 1885, most of Australia had a network of rainfall reporting stations adequate to give a good picture of climatic variability over the continent. The exceptions were remote areas of western Tasmania, the extreme southwest of Western Australia, Cape York Peninsula, the northern Kimberley and the deserts of northwestern South Australia and southeastern Western Australia. In these areas good-quality climatic data were not available for quite some time after that.
Temperature measurements, although made at major population centres from days of the earliest rain gauges, were generally not established when rain gauges spread to more remote locations during the 1870s and 1880s. Although they gradually caught up in number with rain gauges, many places which have had rainfall data for over 125 years have only a few decades of temperature records.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gautama%20Buddha%20in%20world%20religions
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Gautama Buddha in world religions
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Islam
The Islamic prophet Dhu al-Kifl () has been identified by some with Gautama Buddha. The meaning of Dhu al-Kifl is still debated, but, according to this theory, it means "the man from Kifl", Kifl being the Arabic rendering of Kapilavastu, the city where the Buddha spent thirty years of his life. Another argument used by supporters of this theory is that Buddha was from Kapeel, which was the capital of a small state situated on the border of India and Nepal. According to this claim, Buddha was many a time referred to as being "of Kapeel", literally translating to Arabic as Dhu al-Kifl. The consonant is not present in Arabic, with the nearest (and philologically related) phoneme being , represented by the letter .
The supporters of this theory cite the first verses of the 95th chapter of the Qur'an, Surah At-Tin:
It is mentioned in Buddhist sources that Buddha attained enlightenment under the fig tree. So, according to the theory, from the places mentioned in these verses: Sinai is the place where Moses received revelation; Mecca is the place where Muhammad received revelation; and the olive tree is the place where Jesus received revelation. In this case, the remaining fig tree is where Buddha received revelation. It is also possible the fig tree symbolizes the first prophet, Adam.
Some also take it a bit further and state that Muhammad himself was a Buddha, as Buddha means "enlightened one".
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14329423
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Deepalaya
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Deepalaya
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Deepalaya is an Indian non-governmental organization that aids the development of the urban and rural poor in India, with a focus on children. Founded in 1979, it is headquartered in Delhi. Deepalaya primarily serves the urban slums of Delhi, but also works on rural development in the states of Haryana and Uttarakhand. Deepalaya's focus is on sparking sustainable development from within a community.
From 2009–2010, 23.18% of Deepalaya's total income came from donations and 52.37% from government grants. HSBC India also supports Deepalaya through donations and voluntary works. Deepalaya experienced US$236,741.42 in deficit for this period.
History
From 1977 to 1979, three of the seven founding members met regularly, discussing how to launch a programme of education and reaching out to the poor, and this idea motivated them to start "Deepalaya", a Delhi based NGO, working on issues affecting the urban and rural poor, with a special focus on women and children. They were T. K. Mathew, Y. Chackochan, and P. J. Thomas. They were later joined by Grace Thomas, C. M. Mathai, Punnoose Thomas and T. M. Abraham. They started the "Deepalaya Education Society", as they felt as registered society it will be helpful to run a school or buy a land and opened the first school on 16 July 1979 in a rented house in Chittaranjan Park in South Delhi. Later to share the rent of the school, one of the founders, Mr. Y Chakochan, moved into the school premises with his family. The school had five children, two teachers and an investment of Rupees 17,500 from the seven founding members who also took the responsibility of providing basic facilities like transport and material. In these initial days the school focused on pre-school education and charged a nominal fee of Rs 30 to meet its operational costs and a rickshaw-puller, an ayah, and two teachers were the school's initial staff.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Deepalaya
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Deepalaya
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By 1985, the number of students had increased to 133 with seven staff members. As the annual budget grew, Deepalaya started focusing on to primary education. During this time, the organization gained access to both national and international funding, increasing its resource base.
Deepalaya started reaching out to a larger number of slum dwellers through education, health, income generation as well as community development, thus stepping beyond mere education to ‘integrated development’. By 1992, Deepalaya was servicing 13,000 students and had 400 staff members.
According to Deepalaya's publication Yatra – The Institutional Memory, the core belief of the organisation in the success of community empowerment and building of self-reliance became crystallised into fundamental developmental paradigms in the organisation's phase of consolidation in the 1990s. In 2000, Deepalaya was servicing over 35,000 children, their families and communities.
Since 2002, Deepalaya become an international organisation with offices in the United States, the United Kingdom and Germany. In 2003, Deepalaya was appointed one of the NGOs for capacity building of smaller NGOs by REACH India. With organisation's presence growing globally steadily since year 2000,21 students from the organization went to The United States as part of CCI Project and around 20 students have come back after completing their education to serve the organisation in various capacities and return to their communities what they have earned.
By 2005, Deepalaya had become the largest operational NGO in Delhi, with a staff of 321 spread over 11 locations, main areas of influence being the urban slums of Delhi, providing services to 50,000 children in 76 slums and total of 400 villages out of which 84 villages in Mewat and seven villages in Uttarakhand and later expanding to some villages of Haryana and Uttar Pradesh.
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14329457
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kenneth%20Spooner
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Kenneth Spooner
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Leading Aircraftman Kenneth Gerald Spooner, GC (24 April 1922 – 14 May 1943) was posthumously awarded the George Cross for the self-sacrifice he showed in saving the lives of three comrades on 14 May 1943.
Spooner, a British Commonwealth Air Training Program student navigator who had no pilot training or experience, took over the controls of an Avro Anson trainer of the No.4 Air Observer School in London, Ontario when the pilot fainted and the plane lurched into a dive. He managed to level the plane for long enough for three crew members to bail out before the plane crashed into Lake Erie, killing him instantly.
One of the crew landed in the lake and drowned but the testimony of the two survivors led to his award, the citation noting "This airman with complete disregard for his personal safety and in conformity with the highest traditions of the service, sacrificed his life in order to save the lives of his comrades." He was only the second member of the Royal Canadian Air Force to be awarded a George Cross. In 1949, the local school board named a new elementary school to honour his memory. The medal was purchased by the Canadian War Museum in Ottawa in February 1988.
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14329469
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Melaleuca%20viminalis
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Melaleuca viminalis
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Melaleuca viminalis, also referred to as Callistemon viminalis in Australia and commonly known as weeping bottlebrush or creek bottlebrush, is a plant in the myrtle family Myrtaceae, and is native to New South Wales, Queensland and Western Australia. It is a multi-trunked, large shrub or tree with hard bark, often pendulous foliage and large numbers of bright red bottlebrush flowers in spring and summer. It is one of the most commonly cultivated of the bottlebrushes in gardens and its cultivars are often grown in many countries.
Description
Melaleuca viminalis is a large shrub or small tree growing to tall with hard, fibrous, furrowed bark, a number of trunks and usually pendulous branches. Its leaves are arranged alternately and are long, wide, more or less flat, very narrow elliptical to narrow egg-shaped with the narrower end towards the base and the other end tapering to a sharp point. The leaves have a mid-vein, 9-27 lateral veins and large number of conspicuous oil glands.
The flowers are bright red and are arranged in spikes on and around the ends of branches which continue to grow after flowering. The spikes are in diameter and long with 15 to 50 individual flowers. The petals are long and fall off as the flower ages and the stamens are arranged in five bundles around the flower. The bundles are sometimes obscure but each contains 9 to 14 stamens. Flowering occurs from September to December and often sporadically throughout the year. Flowering is followed by fruit which are woody capsules, long and in diameter.
Taxonomy and naming
This species was first formally described in 1788 by Joseph Gaertner, who gave it the name Metrosideros viminalis in De Fructibus et Seminibus Plantarum. In 1984, Norman Brice Byrnes transferred the species to Melaleuca as M. viminalis in the journal Austrobaileya.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Melaleuca%20viminalis
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Melaleuca viminalis
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In 2009, Lyndley Craven described Melaleuca viminalis subsp. rhodendron in the journal
Novon, and the name, and that of the autonym are accepted by Plants of the World Online:
Melaleuca viminalis subsp. rhododendron Craven, a single-stemmed tree growing to high, that flowers mostly in September and October, and occurs only in the Injune district in Queensland.
Melaleuca viminalis (Sol. ex Gaertn.) Byrnes subsp. viminalis, is a multi-trunked shrub or small tree growing to high and which often flowers throughout the year;
The specific epithet (viminalis) means "having long, slender branches".
The Australian Plant Census regards Metrosideros viminalis, Melaleuca viminalis, Melaleuca viminalis subsp. viminalis and Callistemon viminalis subsp. viminalis as synonyms of Callistemon viminalis.
Distribution and habitat
This melaleuca occurs along the eastern part of Queensland from the Cape York Peninsula south to Moree and Grafton in New South Wales. There are also disjunct populations in the far north and south-west of Western Australia. It mostly grows in and along watercourses, mainly in sandstone or granite country.
Ecology
Melaleuca viminalis provides food for nectivores. Its adaptations to survive strong currents during flood events allow it to slow the flow of floodwater and reduce erosion, thereby improving the water quality in streams and rivers. The matted roots of this species also strengthen the soil of riverbanks, further reducing the potential for erosion.
Use in horticulture
A widely grown garden plant and street tree, usually known as Callistemon viminalis, the species is extremely adaptable in cultivation, flowering best in full sun but shade tolerant with reduced flowering, and growing in most soils. It is useful as a screening plant and is suitable for planting as a street tree. It needs regular watering but can survive drought as a mature plant although it is not frost hardy and will succumb to salt spray.
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14329504
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Richard%20Whitaker
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Richard Whitaker
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Richard Northcroft "Dick" Whitaker (born 15 July 1947) is an Australian meteorologist and author. Whitaker is the chief meteorologist on The Weather Channel, following his thirty-year career as a meteorologist with the Bureau of Meteorology.
Bureau of Meteorology
Whitaker began working with the Bureau of Meteorology in 1971, aged twenty-four. A decade later, he was promoted to the role of officer in charge of the facilities and information section of the Bureau. He held this position for three years, before being promoted again to senior operational forecaster in the Sydney bureau, Australia's largest.
In 1984, he was presented with an Australia Day Achievement Award for his work in meteorology. In 1992, Whitaker became the New South Wales manager for the Special Services Unit, the commercial arm of the Bureau during the 1990s, and this work involved enhanced communication of meteorology to the public via mass media. Between 1999 and 2001 Whitaker worked with the World Meteorological Organisation as a rapporteur for the Committee of Agricultural Meteorology. After leaving the Bureau in 2002 he became the chief meteorologist for the Weather Channel.
Research and developments
Whitaker is partly credited with the initial development of precipitation charts for the Australian mass media. Such charts are now used throughout the print and electronic media to convey data about present and future rainfall in graphical form.
In his second year at the Bureau of Meteorology, 1972, he developed and authored a manual for aviation forecasting in New South Wales, still used today. Whitaker also researched the correlation between sea surface temperatures in the Indian Ocean and rainfall in Australia, which is now used as a routine consideration in the production of seasonal rainfall outlooks.
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14329612
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kysuce%20Protected%20Landscape%20Area
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Kysuce Protected Landscape Area
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Kysuce Protected Landscape Area () is one of the 14 protected landscape areas in Slovakia. It is made of two separate parts, the Javorníky mountains in the west, and Kysucké Beskydy mountains in the east, in north-western Slovakia. It is situated in the Čadca and Kysucké Nové Mesto districts, within the Kysuce region. It borders three other protected areas: the Beskydy Protected Landscape Area in the Czech Republic, Żywiec Landscape Park in Poland and Horná Orava Protected Landscape Area in Slovakia.
History
The park was created on 23 May 1984. Protected areas declared before include Čierna Lutiša (1972), Veľká Rača (1976), Veľký Javorník (1967), and Vychylovské skálie (1983).
Geography, geology and biology
More than half of the PLA's territory is covered by forests. Geologically, it is made of low-resistant sandstone layers. Due to the Vlach colonization, the area has a mosaic character, with alternating hamlets with original folk architecture, meadows, fields and forests. Curiosities of the region include crude oil spring near Korňa and mysterious sandstone balls.
The area is near the westernmost border of area of great predators of Slovakia, such as the wolf, bear and lynx. A Carpathian endemic species living in the area is the Carpathian newt.
Attractions
Attractions in the park include the Vychylovka (part of Nová Bystrica) switchback forest railway and Kysuce open-air museum.
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14329615
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Manfred%20Stumpf
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Manfred Stumpf
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Manfred Stumpf (born November 25, 1957, in Alsfeld, Hesse) is a German draftsman, conceptual artist, and digital artist. He started to study 1976 with Thomas Bayrle at the Städelschule in Frankfurt am Main, since 1978 with Hans Haake at the Cooper Union in New York, and since 1979 with Bazon Brock at the University of Applied Arts in Vienna, Austria. He currently resides in Romrod in the Vogelsbergkreis and Frankfurt, Germany.
From 1995 until 2024, Stumpf has been professor for figure drawing and conceptual drawing at the faculty of arts and was leading interdisciplinary projects with Prof. Dieter Mankau at the HfG Offenbach.
Works
"Searching for a mandatory, symbolic visual depiction, Stumpf discovered early Christianity and the Byzantine Art. He uses these conventionalized symbols for his art and fills them with actual topics."
Stumpf's developed icon "Entry into Jerusalem" (1986) emerged from there and has been sent—during the project "Contempler"—in a container around the world and is still varied by him until today.
Right from the start, Stumpf used the technical pen Rotring to work on his clear, flawless and filigree A-4-drawings. As to develop new visual depictions, he used a computer later as well—e.g. the screensaver Angeline (1994/96)—and so moved into a "spiritual/virtual" world.
In 1987, he dissolved the element of the palm leaf from his icon and transferred it onto wooden objects, covered them with red paint and placed them in his hometown Alsfeld on an acre, near the Autobahn A5 as hieratic signs.
The donkey from "Entry into Jerusalem" lives an independent life as a motif as well, for example on the huge mosaic at the underground station Habsburgerallee in Frankfurt am Main, where he carries a clock, a computer display or an atomic nucleus. The mosaic was created in 1992 and displays 66 donkeys on a ca. 7874-inch wall area.
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14329640
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mount%20Linn
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Mount Linn
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Mount Linn, at , is the easternmost summit of South Yolla Bolly Mountain, and is located in the Yolla Bolly Mountains of the Northern Coast Ranges and sibling Klamath Mountains System, in Tehama County, northwestern California. Mt. Linn is the highest peak in the northern California Coast Ranges south of the Trinity Alps and, along with the highest peaks of the Trinity Alps, the tallest coastal range peak within the coterminous forty-eight states. Mt. Linn is the third most prominent peak in the northern Pacific Coast Ranges behind Mt. Eddy and Caesar Peaks in the Trinity Alps and Mt. Olympus of Washington's Olympic Mountains.
Mt. Linn is protected within the Yolla Bolly-Middle Eel Wilderness, in the Shasta-Trinity National Forest section.
Geography
The summit of Mount Linn is the highest point in the Northern California Coast Ranges segment of the Coastal Crest, south of the Trinity Alps range's high peaks, also in the Klamath Mountains System. The elevation of the mountain ensures it receives heavy winter snowfall and it has low average annual temperature near the summit.
A tarn named Square Lake is located in a cirque on Mount Linn's north slope.
The cirque was carved by glaciers during the Ice Age.
The mountain was named by John C. Frémont in honor of Lewis F. Linn, a senator from Missouri, who played an important role in the acquisition of the Oregon Territory.
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14329743
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fairmile%20D%20motor%20torpedo%20boat
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Fairmile D motor torpedo boat
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Unlike the Fairmile B designs (many of which were built overseas), the "Dog Boats" were only produced in component form in Britain. Some were built for the RAF Marine Branch for use in the long range air-sea rescue role for downed airmen. Altogether, 229 boats were ordered (and 228 built) between 1942 and 1945.
Many versions were produced or converted from existing boats; MGB, MTB, MA/SB, LRRC and post-war FPB.
Since the Fairmile D could be fitted out with a mix of armament that gave it the capabilities of both a motor gunboat and a motor torpedo boat, later-war examples were all completed with a heavy combined armament and universally classified as MTBs. By 1944, the MGB designation was largely dropped by the RN and most of the mid-war (earlier model) Type Ds which had survived were reclassified as MTBs even if they lacked torpedo armament. Mediterranean-based MGBs, however, seem to have retained their MGB pennant numbers to the end of the war.
Two captured boats were put into Kriegsmarine service.
Today the D-type is a popular choice among boat modelers.
There are no known survivors, other than two abandoned wrecks, one in Chatham, England and the other in Ellingsøy, Norway.
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14329824
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/6th%20Canadian%20Infantry%20Division
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6th Canadian Infantry Division
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The 6th Canadian Infantry Division was an infantry division of the Canadian Army, formed in 1942 during the Second World War. It was attached to Pacific Command. The division had a brigade sent to the Aleutian Islands Campaign, particularly at Kiska, but never saw action. The 6th Division was to have been part of a proposed Commonwealth Corps, formed for a planned invasion of Japan, but was disbanded on 31 January 1946, after the surrender of Japan in August 1945.
History
The 6th Canadian Infantry Division was raised as part of a home-defence scheme in Canada, the culmination of various mobilizations throughout 1941 and 1942. The 6th was raised in March 1942 with its headquarters on Vancouver Island in British Columbia. Various composite units were stationed at Port Alberni, Vancouver Island and Vernon. Throughout 1943, the division lost its artillery units to coastal defence work, and other battalions were shipped overseas. In June 1943, these units were sent to Kiska only to find the island abandoned, and in late 1943, the 7th Canadian Infantry Division was disbanded and various battalions were amalgamated into the 6th. By January 1944, the units had returned from Kiska, having not taken part in any fighting. On 1 December 1944, the need for coastal defence having lessened, it was decided that the division should be disbanded.
However, planning for a proposed Allied invasion of Japan called for a Canadian division to be a component of a combined Commonwealth Corps. Disbandment of the 6th halted and it was re-formed as the main component of the Canadian Army Pacific Force, with the inclusion of units that served with other divisions.
The re-formed division was commanded by Major General Bert Hoffmeister and its primary units were named after the components of the 1st Canadian Infantry Division. However, its battalions were to be organized along the lines of a US Army infantry division and would be equipped primarily with US-made weapons, vehicles and equipment.
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14329892
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Horn%C3%A1%20Orava%20Protected%20Landscape%20Area
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Horná Orava Protected Landscape Area
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Horná Orava Protected Landscape Area () is one of the 14 protected landscape areas in Slovakia. It is situated in the Námestovo and Tvrdošín districts, within the Orava region.
History
The park was created on 24 September 1979 and the law creating it was amended on 29 September 2003.
Geography, geology and biology
It is made of Oravská Magura, Podbeskydská vrchovina and Oravské Beskydy mountains, and the Orava Basin, as well as the Orava Dam, in the northernmost Slovakia.
Much of the PLA's territory is made from sandstone mountain ranges. More than half of the area is covered by forests. Beech and fir trees grow in the area, along with strong presence of the spruce monoculture. Exceptions are the areas under Babia hora, Paráč and Pilsko mountains, with old growth spruce with rowan trees being represented. A specific phenomenon of the park are the peat bogs, represented by the pine woods, providing shelter for many threatened species. The Orava Dam is a nesting place for many rare species of birds. The highest mountain is Babia hora at the border with Poland at
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14329965
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/T%C3%A9l%C3%A9coms%20Sans%20Fronti%C3%A8res
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Télécoms Sans Frontières
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Télécoms Sans Frontières (TSF) is an emergency technology non-governmental organization, which intervenes in the context of humanitarian crises, conflict zones and areas hit by natural disasters to set up satellite communication for the affected populations and humanitarian organisations.
History
During different humanitarian experiences throughout the first Gulf War, and the Balkan war between 1991 and 1997, TSF’s founders realised that in addition to healthcare and food there was a real need for telecommunications in emergency contexts.
To meet this need, TSF was founded in 1998 and officially started its operations in the field with its first mission during the Kosovo War to offer satellite phone calls to the refugees fleeing the conflict. During the following years, TSF expanded its operations supporting also the actors working in the aftermath of humanitarian crises. In 2001 the first telecommunication centre was established in Afghanistan to help international NGOs active in the area with satellite internet communication systems.
Between 2003 and 2006 TSF opened two regional offices in Thailand and Nicaragua (the current regional office for the Americas opened in Mexico in 2016) and became a partner of two international clusters in humanitarian aid: the Directorate-General for European Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid Operations (ECHO) and the Emergency Telecoms Cluster (ETC) founded by the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs and supervised by UNICEF, the United Nations International Children's Emergency Fund (currently ETC is led by the World Food Programme).
Organisation
TSF has its headquarters in Pau (France) and two regional offices in Bangkok (Thailand) and Guadalajara (Mexico).
Two TSF representatives are also located in Washington, D.C., and London to support TSF’s partnership development activities.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/T%C3%A9l%C3%A9coms%20Sans%20Fronti%C3%A8res
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Télécoms Sans Frontières
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The governance of the organisation is ensured by a board of directors, which defines and approves the strategic direction and the financial budgets. It ensures that TSF's actions are in line with the mission and the values of TSF. The members of the Board are:
Jean-François Cazenave - President
Robert Chassagnieux - Vice-President
Jean-Claude Laurent - General Secretary
François Meyer - Treasurer
Christiane Constant - Non-executive board member
Daniel Nataf - Non-executive board member
Activities
TSF’s main areas of intervention include disaster response, capacity building, education, bridging the digital divide and protection and assistance.
Disaster response: in the aftermath of natural disasters or humanitarian crises, TSF sets up satellite phone call services and internet connections to the affected populations and the other humanitarian actors active in the emergency.
Capacity Building: TSF organises training activities for local governments, INGOs, and other international bodies to train them on the use of technologies in emergencies.
Education: TSF implements projects to provide education opportunities through digital technologies to children in areas affected by conflicts or humanitarian crises.
Bridging the digital divide: TSF creates ICT centres in unconnected areas to provide different kinds of ICT Services, such as internet connection and different digital skills training programmes, to the local population, including schools, health organisations, NGOs and other local associations.
Protection and assistance: TSF implements activities to assist victims of prolonged situations of instability and crises, caused by climate change, natural disasters or conflicts. These activities include telediagnosis, early warning systems, mHealth, food security, data collection and SMS alert.
Expertise
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14330111
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/A%20Place%20in%20the%20World%20%28film%29
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A Place in the World (film)
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A Place in the World () is a 1992 Argentine drama film co-written, co-produced and directed by Adolfo Aristarain, and starring Federico Luppi. It stars José Sacristán, Federico Luppi, Leonor Benedetto and Cecilia Roth.
The movie won numerous awards and was also nominated for the Academy Award for Best International Feature Film; however, it was declared ineligible and removed from the final ballot because it had been submitted by Uruguay, which had exercised insufficient artistic control over the film. It is the only film so far to have been disqualified from this category after it secured a nomination.
In a survey of the 100 greatest films of Argentine cinema carried out by the Museo del Cine Pablo Ducrós Hicken in 2000, the film reached the 14th position. In a new version of the survey organized in 2022 by the specialized magazines La vida útil, Taipei and La tierra quema, presented at the Mar del Plata International Film Festival, the film reached the 34th position.
Plot
The film opens with Ernesto returning to his childhood town, Santa Rosa del Conlara, in Argentina, after many years. Through his narration, we're transported back to a specific moment of his youth, initiating the story with a flashback that spans most of the movie. At the age of eleven, Ernesto adored riding horses and racing them alongside trains. He also assisted his father in teaching at a makeshift school in their home. His father, Mario, was a wool trader who had established a cooperative to improve the economic conditions of the farmers. Meanwhile, his mother, Ana, served as the town's doctor.
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14330135
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Symmetrical%20double-sided%20two-way%20ranging
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Symmetrical double-sided two-way ranging
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In radio technology, symmetrical double-sided two-way ranging (SDS-TWR) is a ranging method that uses two delays that naturally occur in signal transmission to determine the range between two stations:
Signal propagation delay between two wireless devices
Processing delay of acknowledgements within a wireless device
This method is called symmetrical double-sided two-way ranging because:
It is symmetrical in that the measurements from station A to station B are a mirror-image of the measurements from station B to station A (ABA to BAB).
It is double-sided in that only two stations are used for ranging measurement station A and station B.
It is two-way in that a data packet (called a test packet) and an ACK packet is used.
Signal propagation delay
A special type of packet (test packets) is transmitted from station A (node A) to station B (node B). As time the packet travels through space per meter is known (from physical laws), the difference in time from when it was sent from the transmitter and received at the receiver can be calculated. This time delay is known as the signal propagation delay.
Processing delay
Station A now expects an acknowledgement from Station B. A station takes a known amount of time to process the incoming test packet, generate an acknowledgement (ack packet), and prepare it for transmission. The sum of time taken to process this acknowledgement is known as processing delay.
Calculating the range
The acknowledgement sent back to station A includes in its header those two delay values – the signal propagation delay and the processing delay. A further signal propagation delay can be calculated by Station A on the received acknowledgement, even as this delay was calculated on the test packet. These three values can then be used by an algorithm to calculate the range between these two stations.
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14330165
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Noel%20Macklin
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Noel Macklin
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Sir (Albert) Noel Campbell Macklin (28 October 1886 – 1946) was an innovative British car maker and boat designer. He founded Eric-Campbell in 1919, Silver Hawk in 1920, Invicta in 1925 and Railton in 1933. In 1939 he founded Fairmile Marine and supplied boats to the Royal Navy throughout World War II, for which effort he was honoured with a knighthood.
He was the father of sports car and Formula One racing driver Lance Macklin.
Early life and education
Macklin was born in Western Australia, the eldest son of Charles Campbell Macklin (1866–1918), barrister, and his wife, Ada Louisa, née Lockyer (1863/4–1935). The family had moved to Wimbledon, London by 1891 and Macklin was educated at Eton College. He was a successful amateur jockey; from 1908 to 1910 he represented England and the Princes Ice Hockey Club at ice hockey and in 1909 he raced a Mercedes at Brooklands.
In February 1914 he led an expedition to film big game in the Sudan.
Career
World War 1
Macklin was commissioned into the Royal Field Artillery in 1914, where he served as a captain in the Royal Horse Artillery in the First World War, but was badly wounded in France and invalided out in 1915. Thus he joined the Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve (RNVR) and further served with the Dover Patrol. On his transfer to the RNVR he enlisted Violette Cordery as his driver.
Car manufacture
Macklin was co-founder of the Eric-Campbell car manufacturer in 1919, whose name was a portmanteau of the second names of the founders, thus Campbell. By 1920 Macklin focussed his interest in his new, short lived, Silver Hawk car marque. In 1925 he founded the Invicta car manufacturer (with financial backing from Oliver Lyle) which traded until circa 1935, although by 1933 he was focussed on his new Railton marque.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Noel%20Macklin
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Noel Macklin
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Boat manufacture
After achieving some fame as a designer of sporty motor cars he turned his attention to motor boats. The Fairmile Engineering Company took its name from Macklin's country estate, Cobham Fairmile in Surrey, where he used the garage for manufacturing and assembly.
In 1939, inspired by an article on the need for small boats for the Royal Navy he founded Fairmile Marine for the design and serial manufacture of small naval boats for the Admiralty. Since the company did not have the necessary capital to meet the Admiralty needs it became a semi-independent department of the Admiralty coordinating the supply of parts to build the vessels at boatyards around the country. For the loss of his company Noel was paid a large sum and given a salary.
Fairmile boats provided the Royal Navy with motor boats, gun boats and torpedo boats throughout the Second World War.
WW2 administration
As the war came to the end Macklin was made Director for the disposal of the small boats in RN service.
Family life
In March 1912 Macklin married Esmé Victoria (b. 1887), daughter of Hinton Stewart of Strathgarry, Perthshire, but they were divorced in 1919. His second marriage was to (Lucy) Leslie Cordery (1896–1980), the sister of his RNVR driver Violette Cordery. The Oxford Dictionary of National Biography notes that Lucy's name was variously given as Leslie Lane Cordery and Leslie Cordery Lane, daughter of Henry Lane, farmer. The marriage produced two daughters and a son, Lance Macklin the Formula 1 Racing driver.
Honours
After the war Macklin was knighted for his war effort, although the Admiralty did not return his Cobham site which they had requisitioned.
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14330198
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Reg%20Bishop
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Reg Bishop
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Reginald Bishop AO (4 February 1913 – 3 July 1999) was an Australian politician who served as a Senator for South Australia from 1962 to 1981. He was a member of the Australian Labor Party (ALP), and held office in the Whitlam government as Minister for Repatriation (1972–1974) and Postmaster-General (1974–1975).
Early life
Bishop was born in Adelaide and left school at fifteen and became a clerk in the South Australian Railways at the Islington Railway Workshops. He was an official of the Australian Railways Union from 1937 until 1956 and Secretary of the South Australian Trades and Labour Council from 1956 until 1962. He enlisted in the Royal Australian Air Force during World War II and served from February 1943 until January 1946 in Darwin and Borneo.
Politics
Bishop was an Australian Labor Party Senator for South Australia from the 1961 elections until his retirement in June 1981. After the election of the Whitlam government at the 1972 elections, he was Minister for Repatriation and Minister assisting the Minister for Defence. From June 1974, he was the second last Postmaster-General and oversaw the creation of Telecom and Australia Post as statutory authorities, replacing the former Postmaster-General's Department. He also implemented the introduction of FM radio and the abolition of television and radio licence fees.
Later life
Bishop was made an Officer of the Order of Australia in January 1984. He was survived by a daughter and son, but his wife of more than sixty years, Connie predeceased him in 1997.
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14330206
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Michael%20Gannon%20%28historian%29
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Michael Gannon (historian)
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Michael V. Gannon (April 28, 1927 – April 11, 2017) was a historian, educator, priest, and war correspondent.
Early life and education
Michael Valentine Gannon was born into a military family in Fort Sill, Oklahoma. His family moved to Florida from Washington, D.C. after the death of his father in 1939.
Gannon attended high school at St. Joseph Academy in St. Augustine, Florida and received his bachelor's and master's degrees from Catholic University of America in Washington, D.C. He received a Ph.D in history from the University of Florida in 1962. His dissertation was on Augustin Verot and the emergence of American Catholic social consciousness He trained for the priesthood at the American College of the University of Louvain in Louvain-la-Neuve, Belgium.
Career
During high school and college, he worked various jobs, including radio hosting at WFOY-Radio, contributing as a sportswriter to the St. Augustine Record, and announcing shows at Marineland. He was ordained as a priest in 1959 in the Diocese of St. Augustine. He served as the chaplain of St. Augustine Catholic Church and Student Center in Gainesville, Florida. He also served as Director of Mission Nombre de Dios in St. Augustine, Florida from 1962-1967. It was during his directorship that St. Augustine's 400th anniversary was celebrated and the Great Cross commemorating the founding of the mission was installed.
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14330239
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Serdab
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Serdab
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A serdab () which became a loanword in Arabic for 'cellar' is an ancient Egyptian tomb structure that served as a chamber for the ka statue of a deceased individual. Used during the Old Kingdom, the serdab was a sealed chamber with a small slit or hole to allow the soul of the deceased to move about freely. These holes also let in the smells of the offerings presented to the statue.
The term serdab is also used for a type of undecorated chamber found in many pyramids. Due to the lack of inscriptions, it has been impossible to determine the ritual function of this chamber, but many Egyptologists view it as a storage space, akin with the underground storehouses in private and royal tombs of the Second Dynasty. It is easiest recognized by its position in the east end of the pyramid's internal chamber system and the three niches in its outer wall. The earliest serdab of this type is found in the pyramid of Menkaure, but it was during the reign of Djedkare Isesi that it became a part of the standard pyramid layout.
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14330244
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Edward%20Poppe
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Edward Poppe
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He was an energetic child and an excellent student. His mischievousness saw him often knock things over even putting himself at risk of being harmed. He was also quite stubborn and never left his sisters alone though his sisters would often get back at him and would muss up his hair when he was caught combing in front of the mirror. He was also a big eater and liked to devour treats from his father's store. But in 1902 he received his First Communion and Confirmation and this made him more serious which meant jokes and teasing became rarer. In spring 1904 his father introduced him to his business plans and had hoped to see his son begin a baking apprenticeship though Poppe remained silent at first though his resolution to become a priest led him to tell his father as much. Not long after a priest friend to his parents gave a favorable opinion of Poppe's vocation to which his father told his mother: "Let's not be selfish. God has not given us our children for ourselves". He studied at the Sint-Niklaas St. Joseph Minor Seminary from 1905 until 1910 where he became a member the De Klauwaerts association which was a student movement in the Flemish Movement before World War I.
Despite his father's death on 10 January 1907 he was able to continue his studies. He was drafted in September 1910 and being a seminarian made him a target for harassment (he was mocked and provoked) while his companions' vulgar nature was unendurable to him to what he called "a hell". He was also quite pained that he could not receive the Eucharist and go to Mass each week due to the service. But his time in the service still allowed for him to do his philosophical studies. He liked to read poems which was something he had done since his childhood.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Edward%20Poppe
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Edward Poppe
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He began his studies in Thomism on 13 March 1912 at the Catholic University of Leuven where he became influenced by the works of Louis de Montfort which made him a fervent devotee of the Blessed Mother of God. It was also around this time that he learnt about Thérèse of Lisieux but he also had a love for Francis of Assisi. In September 1913 he moved to the Major Seminary of Ghent for his studies where he became a member of the Filioli Caritatis which was a group of priests who aimed for holiness. On 14 July 1913 he graduated in letters and philosophical studies at Louvain.
The outbreak of World War I in 1914 saw Poppe called to arms as a battlefield nurse on 1 August but he fell ill in Namur at Bourlers on 25 August after having been at the battle site since 4 August. He was placed in an ambulance van and taken to Bourlers where the priest Castelain took care of him until December. In his period of recuperation the Germans advancing had with them several prisoners of war and he appealed to Saint Joseph that these men be freed which led to their miraculous freeing all except a Frenchman; Poppe renewed the appeal and the Frenchman returned. Father Castelain also told him about the life of Antoine Chevrier. Once he recovered he went to Mechelen to continue with his ecclesial studies in April 1915 after Cardinal Désiré-Joseph Mercier obtained for him a dispensation to leave the armed forces.
Priesthood
On 1 May 1916 he was ordained to the priesthood. His motto was "Accendatur" in reference to Luke 12: 49. Poppe became the parish associate pastor in Sint-Coleta on 16 June 1916 which was a poor laborers' parish in Ghent. He started the Eucharistic League for the children (he dedicated this to Pope Pius X) and introduced them to the countless aspects of the faith and also taught catechism and handed children devotional cards. He also made it a practice to greet workers after their shifts ended in the late afternoon. Poppe chose to live in material poverty in order to be like his parishioners.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Edward%20Poppe
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Edward Poppe
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His manner of living weakened him. In July 1917, he was transferred to a convent in Moerzeke. He was ordered to rest for a month though when he returned the pastor was concerned for him so discharged him from league meetings and catechetical lessons; he obeyed, albeit relucantly. He was often confined to his bed but from there wrote numerous texts for the "Eucharistische Kruistocht") of Averbode abbey while often appearing in the popular adolescent magazine Zonneland. In July 1918 he asked the Bishop of Ghent for a different post and so from 4 October 1918 until 1922 he served as the rector to the Vincentian Sisters. Poppe suffered a severe heart attack on 11 May 1919 (and received the Extreme Unction) though spent his time recovering in his bed while writing letters and articles that were criticisms of materialism and Marxism. He suffered a much more serious heart attack on 8 June and could no longer see visitors or celebrate Mass. He recovered over the next several months, making a trip to visit the tomb of Thérèse of Lisieux in France on 15 September 1920.
Declining health and death
Improvement in his health saw him appointed as the spiritual leader of the armed forces school in Leopoldsburg in October 1922 for seminarians and priests drawn into service. But a cardiac crisis in 1923 – while visiting his mother on Christmas – made it impossible for him to return to Leopoldsburg and he again was confined to the Moerzeke convent. He suffered a heart attack on 1 January 1924 but suffered a severe relapse on 3 February. Poppe died from a stroke on the morning of 10 June 1924 as he prepared to dress and take care of affairs. He received the Extreme Unction and gazed at an image of the Sacred Heart of Jesus as he died.
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14330262
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Corregidor%20%28position%29
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Corregidor (position)
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A corregidor () was a local administrative and judicial official in Spanish Empire. They were the representatives of the royal jurisdiction over a town and its district. The name comes from the word corregir, meaning "to correct".
He was the highest authority of a corregimiento. In the Spanish Americas and the Spanish Philippines, a corregidor was often called an alcalde mayor. They began to be appointed in Pre-Spanish Imperial fourteenth century Castile.
Development in Spain
The idea of appointing Crown officials to oversee local affairs was inspired by the late-medieval revival of Roman law. The goal was to create an administrative bureaucracy, which was uniformly trained in the Roman model. In spite of the opposition of council towns and the Cortes (Parliament), Castilian kings began to appoint direct representatives in towns during fourteenth century. They were also called jueces del salario or alcaldes veedores but the term corregidor prevailed. The word regidor often means town councillor in the Spanish language. Thus, co-regidor was the position intended to co-rule the town together with elected councillors.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Corregidor%20%28position%29
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Corregidor (position)
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The first monarch to make extensive use of corregidores was Alfonso X, who ascended to the throne at the age of eleven. In order to consolidate royal authority and reward the newer nobility and certain great magnates who supported him he greatly expanded the use of the office. Some bishops and local lords were given the right to appoint corregidores in their territories. Henry III used them mostly in Andalusia, the Basque provinces and Galicia, areas where royal power was weakest. The definitive consolidation of the institution occurred during the reign of the Catholic Monarchs (1474–1516). Corregidores were crucial for the state building process that both monarchs ushered in. Their job was to collect taxes, to report to the crown on the state of affairs in the area, and to ensure that royal jurisdiction was not interfered with by members of the church or the nobility. From 1480 onward, they—and all subsequent Spanish monarchs—never again appointed a noble corregidor and instead relied exclusively on commoners with legal training to fill this office.
As representatives of the royal power, corregidores administered justice, both criminal and civil, in the first instance (or in appeal in districts with alcaldes ordinarios), presided over the town council and ruled a district called a corregimiento. They were audited and controlled through the juicio de residencia (a general audit and review at the end of their term in office) or by means of visitas (literally, 'visits'; more accurately, 'inspections'), which could occur at any point in their term in response to complaints. The corregimiento became the basic unit of state administration in early modern Spain.
After the War of Succession, the new Bourbon kings introduced them into the Aragonese territories, replacing the bailes and vegueres, who, nevertheless, had very similar functions to Castilian corregidores.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Corregidor%20%28position%29
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Corregidor (position)
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The institution was established also in Spanish America during the conquest and the Spanish Philippines, where it was also known by the names justicia mayor and alcalde mayor (not to be confused with the alcaldes ordinarios of the cabildo). In Indian areas the office was known as the corregidor de indios. Corregidores essentially had the same powers and duties as governors (gobernadores), except that whereas the latter ruled over a province-sized area (called variously a gobernación or a provincia), the corregidor administered a district-sized corregimiento. The corregidores were introduced in the mid-16th century to replace the encomiendas, which had become a source of autonomous power for the settlers. It was a decades-long process. The corregidores were given this privileged position either due to having influential families in Spain, or through paying the crown and in return being appointed. The reformed Audiencia of New Spain began implementing them in the 1530s, but they were not successfully set up in the Viceroyalty of Peru until the administration of Toledo. As the encomiendas were phased out, corregidores oversaw most of the local repartimientos. Corregidores were the pillar for the crown, and the system of colonial domination. whether it was a cacique or another representative that was used by the Spanish: as a broker between the indigenous Indians, and the Spanish conquerors, they answered to these corregidores. As a crown appointed official, they were served as a intermediary within the crown, the viceroy who was the top of the colonial administration, and of the riches of the Americas. The corregidores ensured that the product of indigenous labor such as farming, mining, sweatshop produce and other production would be handed to the Spanish. The corregidores also served to manage the demands of landowners and merchants, who were eager to take the maximum amounts of profits from indigenous labor
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Corregidor%20%28position%29
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Corregidor (position)
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By law neither corregidores nor governors (nor viceroys, for that matter) could be persons who resided in the district in which they ruled, so that they should not develop ties to the locality, such that they remain disinterested administrators and judges. For this reason, they were also forbidden to marry in their district, although they could apply for exemptions from this restriction. However, in reality, they largely became enmeshed with local society, especially through financial ties, since their pay was based on a proportion of local royal revenues, and this was often an insufficient amount to cover living costs, much less the costs incurred in traveling to America. Corregidores often invested in the local economy, received loans from locals, and could abuse the reparto de comercio monopoly they oversaw, which often led to corruption.
Nominally under the viceroys, the long distances from the viceregal and even provincial capitals meant that most corregidores acted independently. Therefore, since their office held both police power (as the main local administrative institution) and judicial power (as the court of first instance) in rural areas, corregidores were very powerful persons. Because most of the corregidores in the Americas were not legally trained, they were assisted by lawyers who served as their asesores, or "advisers." If their district were large enough to require it, they were further assisted by subordinate delegates, called tenientes (lieutenant corregidores). In municipal areas with a cabildo, corregidores were to work with the council—for example, they recorded the annual election of alcaldes ordinarios and other council officers—but they could not hear cases in the first instance, which was the duty of the alcaldes ordinarios. In these cases, corregidores functioned as the first court of appeals, instead.
With the Bourbon Reforms of the late 18th century, most corregidores were replaced by the more powerful intendants.
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14330332
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/%C5%A0tiavnick%C3%A9%20vrchy%20Protected%20Landscape%20Area
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Štiavnické vrchy Protected Landscape Area
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Štiavnické vrchy Protected Landscape Area () is one of the 14 protected landscape areas in Slovakia. It is situated in the Banská Štiavnica, Zvolen, Žiar nad Hronom, Žarnovica, Levice and Krupina districts.
History
The park was created on 22 September 1979. Protected areas declared before include Banskoštiavnická botanická záhrada (Banská Štiavnica Botanical Garden) (1958), Kamenné more near Vyhne (1923), and Sitno (1951).
Geography, geology and biology
The PLA's territory is set in the Štiavnické vrchy range, which is a range of volcanic origin and is the biggest one in Slovakia. Beech, oak and fir trees grow in the area. The park protects the natural elements as well as the monuments associated with historic mining activities. Artificial water reservoirs called tajchy were built in the 17th and 18th centuries to provide energy for the mines in Banská Štiavnica; at their height, there were 60 of them. Twenty-four survived to the 21st century and are used for recreation. Along with the town, they are a UNESCO World Heritage Site.
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14330362
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Center%20for%20Mathematical%20Modeling
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Center for Mathematical Modeling
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The Center for Mathematical Modeling (CMM) was created in 2000 to encompass research and training activities that were being conducted by members of the Department of Mathematical Engineering at Universidad de Chile. Today, it features a range of activities from fundamental research in applied mathematics to industry-oriented research and education. The Center is a base for international collaboration; it hosts an increasing number of engineering and Ph.D. students as well as postdoctoral fellows, and provides a scientific counterpart to their industrial partners.
Origins
The CMM was founded by members of the Department of Mathematical Engineering (DIM) at the Universidad de Chile with the aid of a FONDAP-CONICYT project. From its inception, the Center was an associated international unit of the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS), the first in mathematics outside France. The CMM is physically housed in the Faculty of Physical and Mathematical Science, which contains the oldest, most prestigious and productive engineering school in Chile. As a consequence the Center has a strong link with departments in this school -industrial, mechanical, civil, electrical, computer science and earth science- and benefits from access to the 4.000 strong student population of the school and to more than 500 graduated students in diverse fields and engineering.
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14330368
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Figura%20serpentinata
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Figura serpentinata
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() is a style in painting and sculpture, intended to make the figure seem more dynamic, that is typical of Mannerism. It is similar, but not identical, to contrapposto, and features figures often in a spiral pose. Early examples can be seen in the work of Leonardo da Vinci, Raphael and Michelangelo.
Emil Maurer writes of the painter and theorist Gian Paolo Lomazzo (1538–1600): "The recommended ideal form unites, after Lomazzo, three qualities: the pyramid, the movement and a certain numerical proportion, all three united to form one whole. At the same time, precedence is given to the "moto", that is, to the meandering movement, which should make the pyramid, in exact proportion, into the geometrical form of a cone."
Bousquet holds that the style arose as a result of the discovery of the Laocoön group in 1506, and its deep impact on all artists, but on Michelangelo in particular. John Shearman also argues that it was invented by Michelangelo, citing the "Victors" that he produced for Pope Julius II's tomb. Maurer, on the other hand, can only detect this style rarely in Michelangelo's work and cites Beccafumi instead as its pioneer. Beccafumi's student Marco Pino connected Beccafumi's style with those of Salviati, Parmigianino and perhaps even Michelangelo, and his work as a whole is marked by motifs. Paolo Pino himself says in his Dialogo della Pittura, that his figures' poses are many and varied, and that in all his works to find one single figure, that completely and utterly distorts, is ambivalent and difficult.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Figura%20serpentinata
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Figura serpentinata
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As Maurer writes, painters are freer than sculptors and less closely tied-down to nature. Thus, they can play around with their figures, reshaping, overstretching, geometricising, dissolving, caricaturing, colouring, or meandering according to the painting's goal and intended effect. With the loosening of the norms of the Renaissance art and the development of the "serpentita" style, that style's structures and rules began to be systematised. A style of form began by which figures showed physical power, passion, tension and semantic perfection. Movements were not without motivation, nor even simply done with a will, but with will shown in a pure form . Also their actions arose not out of power, but powerlessness.
The style exerted an influence even into the 1620s, with Bernini's The Rape of Proserpina.
Bibliography
Emil Maurer: Manierismus: Figura serpentinata und andere Figurenideale: Studien, Essays, Berichte, 2001. .
John Shearman: Mannerism. Art and Architecture series. London: Penguin Books, 1991. .
Jacques Bousquet: Mannerism: The Painting and Style of the Late Renaissance, New York, 1964, translated by Simon Watson Taylor.
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14330384
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The%20Way%20to%20Paradise
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The Way to Paradise
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The Way to Paradise () is a novel published by Mario Vargas Llosa in 2003.
The novel is a historical double biography of Post-Impressionist painter Paul Gauguin and his grandmother Flora Tristan, one of the founders of feminism. The book is divided into 22 chapters, each alternating narratives of Flora Tristan and Paul Gauguin, the grandson she never knew as he was born after she died. Flora Tristan, illegitimate daughter of a wealthy Peruvian man and a French woman, is repelled by sex, detests her husband, and abandons him to then later fight for women's and workers' rights. The story of Paul Gauguin unfolds along a similar quest for an ideal life. Gauguin abandons his wife and children, and job as a stock-broker in Paris, to pursue his passion for painting. In the process he does his best to distances himself from European civilization, fleeing to Tahiti and French Polynesia for inspiration. The contrasts and similarities between two lives attempting to break free from conventional society present a long, elegant development.
Translations
Written in Spanish the English translation was by Natasha Wimmer and was published by Faber and Faber in 2004.
The French translation by Albert Bensoussan is called Le Paradis, un peu plus loin.
It has also been translated into German by Elke Wehr as Das Paradies ist anderswo. In Spanish, the book's title literally means: "The Paradise in the Other Corner".
In Bulgarian, the title is "Рая зад другия ъгъл".
Awards and honors
The New York Times listed The Way to Paradise as a Notable Book of the Year. In 2010, Vargas Llosa won the Nobel Prize in Literature.
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14330399
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1846%20Grand%20National
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1846 Grand National
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The 1846 Grand Liverpool Steeplechase, later to become known as the Grand National Steeplechase, was the eighth official annual running of a handicap steeplechase. It took place at Aintree Racecourse near Liverpool on 4 March 1846 and attracted a then-record field of 22 entrants. It was won by the unconsidered outsider Pioneer.
Veluti, ridden by Jem Mason, a rider who had previously won the race in 1839 was sent off as the 11/2 favourite to win while the top weight of 12 stone 8 lbs was given to Firefly, the mount of Larry Byrne.
The course
The only contemporary report of the event was syndicated by the reporter of the Liverpool Mercury who recorded that the course consisted of thirty-one obstacles. This differed from the previous year in that a thorn fence had been installed in place of the wall jump at the distance chair in front of the stands. The competitors also now jumped three hurdles on the finishing straight where previously only one had stood. The fences that were noted were a large brook with a fence on the leading side, which was not yet officially described as Beecher's Brook and a high artificial thorn fence with a five foot wide and four foot deep water jump beyond.
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14330497
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lewis%2C%20Indiana
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Lewis, Indiana
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Lewis, also known as Lewisburg or Centerville, is an unincorporated community and census designated place (CDP) in Vigo County, in the U.S. state of Indiana. Originally platted entirely within Vigo County, it has now expanded into adjacent Sullivan County.
It is part of the Terre Haute Metropolitan Statistical Area.
History
The town was laid out September 9, 1838, by Addison Williams near the south line of Vigo County, on the Centerville wagon road, which was used by the pony express for a few years. The first business in town was a tannery established by Joseph Stutman, and the first house was built by Charles Stewart in 1842. A cabinet shop run by the Buskirks and John B. Smith's blacksmith shop soon followed. Dodson & Jenkins opened a store in 1844. Lewis had a log school-house for many years, and established itself as a canal town as well.
The post office at Lewis has been in operation since 1840.
Geography
Lewis is located at .
Demographics
The United States Census Bureau delineated Lewis as a census designated place in the 2022 American Community Survey.
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14330517
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Austria%20v%20West%20Germany%20%281978%20FIFA%20World%20Cup%29
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Austria v West Germany (1978 FIFA World Cup)
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The 1978 Austria v West Germany (known in Austria as Das Wunder von Córdoba (The Miracle of Córdoba) and in Germany as Die Schmach von Córdoba (The Disgrace of Córdoba)), describes the game of football between Austria and defending World Champions West Germany that occurred on 21 June 1978 at the conclusion of the second round of the 1978 FIFA World Cup, in the city of Córdoba.
The game is fondly remembered by fans of the Austria national team for being the first time in 47 years that Austria had defeated a team from either the Western or Eastern side of the then-partitioned Germany.
The build-up
In the first round, Austria had surprisingly won their group, ahead of Brazil even though they had lost to them. A rather lacklustre West Germany had only finished second in their group, following two scoreless draws. While the West German team still contained a number of players who had contributed to winning the 1974 World Cup, others had retired from the national team, being dissatisfied with the old-fashioned attitude of German Football Association (DFB) leaders and coach Helmut Schön, who at age 62 was about to retire after the tournament.
In the second round, the Austrians lost their first two games, against the Netherlands (1–5) and Italy (0–1), which meant that they were already eliminated from contention before the last game. The West Germans had managed another two draws against the Dutch (opponents in the 1974 final) and the Italians (opponents in the 1970 semi-final, the so-called Game of the Century).
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14330542
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thomas%20Imrie
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Thomas Imrie
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Thomas "Red" Imrie (15 July 1937 – 24 August 2020) was a British ice hockey defender who played in the United Kingdom during the 1950s and 1960s. He also played for the Great Britain national team between 1961 and 1966. He was inducted into the British Ice Hockey Hall of Fame in 1987.
Career
Born in Falkirk, (Scotland), Imrie began playing senior ice hockey for the Falkirk Lions in the Scottish National League as a forward before he settled on defence during the first season of the British National League in 1954–55. The following season, the Lions opted to play amateur ice hockey so Imrie joined the Edinburgh Royals for the 1955–56 season. He helped them to win the Northern British League in the 1957–58 season. For the 1959–60 season, Imrie joined the Paisley Pirates. However, he was posted to southern England during his National Service and therefore finished the season with Streatham, helping them to win both the Autumn Cup and the league title.
After Streatham also opted out of ice hockey, Imrie went on to play for the Brighton Tigers, initially as captain and then as player-coach. With the Tigers, Imrie was named to the all-star teams a total of six times, both as a player and coach. Imrie then joined the Wembley Lions after the Tigers' rink closed in 1965. Imrie retired from playing when the Wembley Lions folded in 1969. When Streatham reformed in 1974 as the Redskins, Imrie became the team coach and guided them to many playoff finals, including his last season behind the bench in 1985.
After his retirement, Imrie continued to work with the Streatham second team, the Bruins, and he became a colour commentator for BBC television.
Imrie played for the Great Britain national team on three occasions: 1961, 1962 and 1966. At the 1966 tournament in Yugoslavia, he was named the World Championships Pool B Best Defenceman.
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14330683
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ministry%20of%20Energy%20%28Norway%29
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Ministry of Energy (Norway)
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The Royal Norwegian Ministry of Energy () is a Norwegian ministry responsible for energy, including petroleum and natural gas production in the North Sea. It is led by Minister of Energy Terje Aasland of the Labour Party since 2022. The department must report to the legislature, the Storting.
History
The ministry was originally established in 1978, where petroleum and energy affairs were transferred from the Ministry of Industry. It was merged into the Ministry of Industry as to become Ministry of Industry and Energy in 1993. In 1997, petroleum and energy affairs was once again transferred to the current ministry. It was renamed again in 2024 as Ministry of Energy.
Organisation
Political staff
As of June 2023, the political staff of the ministry is as follows:
Minister Terje Aasland (Labour Party)
State Secretary Andreas Bjelland Eriksen (Labour Party)
State Secretary Astrid Bergmål (Labour Party)
State Secretary Elisabeth Sæther (Labour Party)
Political Advisor Jorid Juliussen Nordmelan (Labour Party)
Departments
The ministry is divided into four departments and a communication unit.
Communication Unit
Technology and Industry Department
Energy and Water Resources Department
Department of Trade and Industrial Economics
Administration, Budgets and Accounting Department
Subsidiaries
Subordinate government agencies:
Norwegian Petroleum Directorate
Norwegian Water Resources and Energy Directorate
Gassnova
Statnett
Wholly owned limited companies:
Gassco
Petoro
Partially owned public limited companies:
Equinor (62% ownership)
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14330722
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Telefon%20H%C3%ADrmond%C3%B3
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Telefon Hírmondó
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The Telefon Hírmondó (also Telefonhírmondó, generally translated as "Telephone Herald") was a "telephone newspaper" located in Budapest, Hungary, which, beginning in 1893, provided news and entertainment to subscribers over telephone lines. It was both the first and the longest surviving telephone newspaper system, although from 1 December 1925 until its termination in 1944 it was primarily used to retransmit programmes broadcast by Magyar Rádió.
Three decades before the development of radio broadcasting, the Telefon Hírmondó was the first service to electronically deliver a wide range of spoken and musical programming to a diverse audience. Although its inventor envisioned that the technology could be eventually expanded to serve a national or international audience, the technical limitations of the time ultimately limited its service area to just the city of Budapest.
Establishment
The Telefon Hírmondó was founded by Tivadar Puskás (a few reviews translated his name as "Theodore Buschgasch"), an engineer and inventor who had worked with Thomas Edison. In view of the ever-increasing pace of living, especially in major cities, Puskás recognized that daily newspapers, even with multiple editions, could no longer effectively keep up with developing events. He decided that this problem could be rectified through the introduction of a regularly updated audio news source.
Initially, the Telefon Hírmondó editorial office was located near Astoria, at 6 Magyar Street. The system began operating on 15 February 1893 with around 60 subscribers, and was inaugurated with a message from Puskás, which, translated into English, stated:
For the initial transmissions, individuals who had telephones called into a central office to listen to Telefon Hírmondó reports that were updated hourly.
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14330722
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Telefon%20H%C3%ADrmond%C3%B3
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Telefon Hírmondó
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At this time newspapers published in the Austro-Hungarian Empire had to be authorized by the government. The contemporary press laws did not apply to a telephone newspaper, and government officials were wary that the Telefon Hírmondó could develop into an "important tool of power", as it could potentially be used to quickly spread strategic, political, and social information. The Telefon Hírmondó had started operations based on an informal verbal approval, to demonstrate that the idea was practical. After two weeks of successful operation, on 2 March 1893 Puskás sent a letter to Béla Lukács, the Hungarian Minister of Trade, requesting formal authorization to run his "newspaper", under the provisions of the Act No. XXXXI of 1888. Included was a request to be assigned 50 years of exclusive rights for operation within the city of Budapest, although the government was eventually unwilling to approve this portion of the request.
Tividar Puskás died on 16 March 1893, just one month after the Telefon Hírmondó had been launched. His brother, Albert Puskás, took over responsibility for the service, moved the center of operations to 24 Ersébet street, and resumed talks with the government for the formal operating authorization. Included in these discussions were any fees that should be paid to the government, plus limits on the operation's profits. Because the initial design had subscribers using their existing telephones to call the Telefon Hírmondó, there was a question as to how much the telephone company should be compensated for the use of its lines.
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14330722
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Telefon%20H%C3%ADrmond%C3%B3
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Telefon Hírmondó
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Initially the Telefon Hírmondó used telephone lines provided by the local telephone company to distribute its programmes. It later received permission to string its own lines, and, under the guidance of its technical director, Nándor Szmazsenka, constructed a network that divided Budapest into twenty-seven districts. Starting with of wire, the systems expanded to 372 miles (599 km) in 1901, and in 1907. Twenty-seven copper wires ran from microphone receivers in the Opera House to the central office, where the current would pass through a patented device that increased the sound. A main wire ran to each district, with branch wires to individual houses. The distribution to subscribers was regulated by another patented device.
Vacuum-tube amplification would not be developed until the 1910s, so there were limited means for producing signals strong enough to be heard throughout the system. Therefore, for transmitting the news, announcers with especially loud voices — known as stentors — were hired and instructed to speak as forcefully as possible into specially designed double-receivers.
Home installations normally consisted of two earphone telephone receivers, connected to long, flexible wires. A subscriber could listen using both earphones, or, alternately, two persons could listen by each using a single earphone. A loud buzzer, strong enough to be heard throughout a room even when the subscriber's receivers were not currently being listened to, was used to draw attention to important announcements. The American author Thomas Denison, who visited Budapest in 1901, found that transmission of spoken news was "highly satisfactory", but the audio quality for musical programmes, whether vocal or instrumental, "still leaves something to be desired".
Operations
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14330722
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Telefon%20H%C3%ADrmond%C3%B3
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Telefon Hírmondó
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Manley M. Gillam, a former advertising manager of the New York Herald, encountered the Telefon Hírmondó while touring Hungary, and obtained the American rights. In 1909 he established the United States Telephone Herald Company, which supported associate companies established throughout the United States. Two of these briefly conducted commercial operations: the New Jersey Telephone Herald Company, located in Newark, New Jersey, from 1911 to 1912, and the Oregon Telephone Herald Company, located in Portland, Oregon, during 1912-1913.
Legacy
There have been varying opinions whether the Telefon Hírmondó should be considered the first "broadcasting" operation, in part due to differing definitions of the term, including semantic differences, involving issues such as audience size, geographic coverage, and whether the transmission is by wire or wireless. Another factor is the ongoing evolution of the technologies used for the electronic distribution of news and entertainment, including the introduction of radio broadcasting in the early 1920s, followed by wired systems such as cable TV, and still later by hybrid approaches including audio streaming over the Internet.
A 1929 Chicago Daily News article that reviewed the history of the Telefon Hírmondó stated that the service's introduction qualified as "the first broadcasting". In 1967, reviewing the history of organized distributed audio in general, David L. Woods concluded that "The Telephonic Newspaper of Budapest marked the first regular 'broadcasting' operation." However, a 1977 analysis of "broadcasting's oldest stations" by Joseph E. Baudino and John M. Kittross discounted Woods' conclusion, and explicitly eliminated the Telefon Hírmondó from consideration, explaining that "we prefer to restrict ourselves to radio broadcasting".
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14330758
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Led%20Zeppelin%20North%20American%20Tour%201968%E2%80%931969
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Led Zeppelin North American Tour 1968–1969
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Led Zeppelin's 1968/1969 tour of North America was the first concert tour of the United States and Canada by the English rock band. The tour commenced on 26 December 1968 and concluded on 16 February 1969. It was important for the band, as their popularity grew substantially because of the concerts and helped them reach significant commercial success in the US, which translated to sales elsewhere.
Overview
The genesis of this tour was the cancellation of a concert tour by the Jeff Beck Group, which happened to be managed out of the same office occupied by Led Zeppelin's manager Peter Grant. Grant contacted the promoters and convinced them to take on Led Zeppelin instead.
To help publicise the band in America before the tour, Grant sent white label advance copies of the band's debut album to key FM radio stations. The album itself was issued on 13 January, almost mid-way through the tour. According to tour manager Richard Cole, the tour was underwritten by Grant, guitarist Jimmy Page, and bass player John Paul Jones, while singer Robert Plant and drummer John Bonham were paid a salary.
For this stint of concerts, Led Zeppelin initially played as the support act for bands such as Vanilla Fudge and Iron Butterfly (both of which were also contracted to Atlantic Records) and Country Joe & the Fish. However, as the tour progressed, it became apparent that Led Zeppelin was easily outshining the headline acts. Guitarist Jimmy Page noticed that by the time the group reached San Francisco, other groups were not turning up, and Led Zeppelin were then headliners.
Bassist John Paul Jones believed the reason their concerts were popular was because they played tightly and quickly without many delays, saying "we would just go on and go 'bang bang bang' with three driven songs with solos", which other groups did not do.
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14330773
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mount%20Mantalingajan
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Mount Mantalingajan
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Mount Mantalingajan (or Mantalingahan or Mantaling) is the highest mountain in the island province of Palawan in the Philippines, with an elevation of above sea level, its ranked 68th-highest peak of an island on Earth and 10th-most prominent mountain in the Philippines. Located in the southern part of Palawan Island that forms the highest part of the Beaufort Mountains Ultramafics geological region, a series of ultramafic outcrops of Eocene origin, of which Mount Victoria forms the largest contiguous land area. The peak of the mountain is the highest point on Palawan island.
The mountain forms the center of the Mount Mantalingahan Protected Landscape (MMPL), a national park covering the entire Mantalingahan Mountain Range. The protected area status of MMPL was proclaimed on June 23, 2009, by virtue of Proclamation No. 1815. The protected area covers an area of . The entire park is currently listed as a tentative site for UNESCO World Heritage Site inscription.
Continuing discoveries of new species of plant and animal from the mountain highlight its tremendous ecological value and the importance of maintaining such protective zones in the face of constant logging and mining pressures. The pitcher plant species, Nepenthes mantalingajanensis, described in 2007, is named after the mountain itself. In May 2018, UNESCO formally began the process which would possibly declare the landscape a world heritage site by 2020.
Indigenous peoples
Mount Mantalingajan is home to the Indigenous Palawan people.
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14330793
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cabahan
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Cabahan
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Cabahan (also known as Cabangahan or Puro Island) is an island in the province of Romblon in the Philippines. It has one sitio named Cabangahan, which is a part of barangay Guinbirayan, Santa Fe, Romblon. The local name of the island is Puro, which means "Island" in the Onhan language; which is the native language of the island's inhabitants.
The island was formerly an island barrio of Santa Fe, Romblon, that existed from 1901 to 1917. The 1903 census on population recorded the island as having 24 residents.
Geography
Cabahan Island, lying off on the eastern shore of Santa Fe, about NNE of Cabalian Point (the southernmost tip of Tablas Island, is wooded and high. Its south and east shores are formed by red, rocky cliffs, and its west and north shores are bordered by mangroves. A rocky islet about ¼ mile () East of Cabahan is joined to it by a reef and about ¼ mile () south-southeast from the southeast point of Cabahan is Pez Rock, a red pinnacle high, between which and Cabahan, the water is deep.
Education
The island has one Elementary school, V. A. Gutierrez-Montiel Memorial Elementary School, which provides basic education for the island inhabitants.
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14330808
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Melilla%20%28Congress%20of%20Deputies%20constituency%29
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Melilla (Congress of Deputies constituency)
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Melilla is one of the 52 constituencies () represented in the Congress of Deputies, the lower chamber of the Spanish parliament, the Cortes Generales. The constituency currently elects one deputy using plurality voting. Its boundaries correspond to those of the autonomous city of Melilla.
Electoral system
The constituency was created as per the Political Reform Act 1977 and was first contested in the 1977 general election. The Act provided for the provinces of Spain to be established as multi-member districts in the Congress of Deputies, with this regulation being maintained under the Spanish Constitution of 1978. Additionally, the Constitution requires for any modification of the provincial limits to be approved under an organic law, needing an absolute majority in the Cortes Generales.
Voting is on the basis of universal suffrage, which comprises all nationals over 18 years of age and in full enjoyment of their political rights. The only exception was in 1977, when this was limited to nationals over 21 years of age and in full enjoyment of their political and civil rights. Amendments to the electoral law in 2011 required for Spaniards abroad to apply for voting before being permitted to vote, a system known as "begged" or expat vote (), which was abolished in 2022. 348 seats are elected using the D'Hondt method and a closed list proportional representation, with an electoral threshold of three percent of valid votes—which includes blank ballots—being applied in each constituency. Each provincial constituency is entitled to an initial minimum of two seats, with the remaining 248 being distributed in proportion to their populations. Ceuta and Melilla are allocated the two remaining seats, which are elected using plurality voting. The use of the electoral method may result in an effective threshold based on the district magnitude and the distribution of votes among candidacies.
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14330822
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Choroidal%20neovascularization
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Choroidal neovascularization
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Choroidal neovascularization (CNV) is the creation of new blood vessels in the choroid layer of the eye. Choroidal neovascularization is a common cause of neovascular degenerative maculopathy (i.e. 'wet' macular degeneration) commonly exacerbated by extreme myopia, malignant myopic degeneration, or age-related developments.
Causes
CNV can occur rapidly in individuals with defects in Bruch's membrane, the innermost layer of the choroid. It is also associated with excessive amounts of vascular endothelial growth factor (VEGF). As well as in wet macular degeneration, CNV can also occur frequently with the rare genetic disease pseudoxanthoma elasticum and rarely with the more common optic disc drusen. CNV has also been associated with extreme myopia or malignant myopic degeneration, where in choroidal neovascularization occurs primarily in the presence of cracks within the retinal (specifically) macular tissue known as lacquer cracks.
Symptoms
CNV can create a sudden deterioration of central vision, noticeable within a few weeks. Other symptoms which can occur include color disturbances, and metamorphopsia (distortions in which straight lines appear wavy). Hemorrhaging of the new blood vessels can accelerate the onset of symptoms of CNV. CNV may also include the feeling of pressure behind your eye.
Using modern optical coherence tomography devices, it is possible to detect non-exudative neovascular membranes, that are typically asymptomatic.
Identification
CNV can be detected by using a type of perimetry called preferential hyperacuity perimetry. On the basis of fluorescein angiography, CNV may be described as classic or occult. Two other tests that help identify the condition include indocyanine green angiography and optical coherence tomography.
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14330822
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Choroidal%20neovascularization
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Choroidal neovascularization
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Treatment
CNV is conventionally treated with intravitreal injections of angiogenesis inhibitors (also known as "anti-VEGF" drugs) to control neovascularization and reduce the area of fluid below the retinal pigment epithelium. Angiogenesis inhibitors include pegaptanib, ranibizumab and bevacizumab (known by a variety of trade names, such as Macugen, Avastin or Lucentis). These inhibitors slow or stop the formation of new blood vessels (angiogenesis), typically by binding to or deactivating the transmission of vascular endothelial growth factor ('VEGF'), a signal protein produced by cells to stimulate formation of new blood vessels. The effectiveness of angiogenesis inhibitors has been shown to significantly improve visual prognosis with CNV, the recurrence rate for these neovascular areas remains high.
CNV may also be treated with photodynamic therapy (PDT) coupled with a photosensitive drug such as verteporfin (Visudyne). The drug is given intravenously. It is then activated in the eye by a laser light. The drug destroys the new blood vessels, and prevents any new vessels forming by forming thrombi. A Cochrane Review published in 2016 found that people with severe myopia (short-sightedness or near-sightedness) may benefit from being given anti-VEGF treatment.
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14330833
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/William%20Kerr%20%28mayor%29
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William Kerr (mayor)
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William Kerr (1809 – August 11, 1853) was a physician and politician from Pennsylvania. He served as Mayor of Pittsburgh from 1846 to 1847.
Early life
William Kerr was born on September 15, 1809 or November 15, 1809, sources differ, to Agnes (née Reynolds) and Joseph Kerr in St. Clair Township in Allegheny County, Pennsylvania. His father was an Irish immigrant and a Presbyterian minister in Allegheny County. He graduated from the University of Pennsylvania Medical School in 1833.
Career
In 1833, opened an office on Liberty Avenue the same year. He was also the owner of an apothecary on Wood Street. Kerr worked as a physician until he was elected.
Kerr was a Democrat. He was rejected for the Democratic nomination for Mayor of Pittsburgh in 1844. He defeated incumbent mayor William J. Howard in a close election in 1845. He served as mayor from January 13, 1846, to January 2, 1847. During his administration, Pittsburgh was being rebuilt with brick and stone following the Great Fire of Pittsburgh in 1845. During his time in office, he advocated for the merger of Allegheny and Pittsburgh. He did not seek re-election in 1847, but ran again in 1848 and lost by 96 votes.
During Mayor Kerr's term as mayor, the Pennsylvania Railroad was founded, as well as Mercy Hospital.
Personal life
Kerr married Mary Warden on March 26, 1840. They had four children. A son, also named William, was a co-owner of the Pittsburgh Pirates during the 1890s. His sister-in-law was the daughter of Pittsburgh mayor John M. Snowden.
In 1848, Kerr moved to Chartiers Township, which is now the West End of Pittsburgh.
Kerr died on August 11, 1853, at the age of 43. He was buried at Allegheny Cemetery.
Legacy
There exists today a Kerr Street in the city neighborhood of Elliott.
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14330846
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Proto-Indo-European%20homeland
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Proto-Indo-European homeland
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The Proto-Indo-European homeland was the prehistoric linguistic homeland of the Proto-Indo-European language (PIE). From this region, its speakers migrated east and west, and formed the proto-communities of the different branches of the Indo-European language family.
The most widely accepted proposal about the location of the Proto-Indo-European homeland is the steppe hypothesis, which puts the archaic, early, and late PIE homeland in the Pontic–Caspian steppe around 4000 BCE. A notable second possibility, which has gained renewed attention during the 2010s and 2020s due to aDNA research, is the Armenian hypothesis, which situates the homeland for archaic PIE ('Indo-Hittite') south of the Caucasus mountains. Another contender is the Anatolian hypothesis, which puts it in Anatolia . Several other explanations have been proposed, including the outdated but historically prominent North European hypothesis, the Neolithic creolisation hypothesis, the Paleolithic continuity paradigm, the Arctic theory, and the "indigenous Aryans" (or "out of India") hypothesis. These are not widely accepted, and are considered to be fringe theories.
The search for the homeland of the Indo-Europeans began during the late 18th century with the discovery of the Indo-European language family. The methods used to establish the homeland have been drawn from the disciplines of historical linguistics, archaeology, physical anthropology and, more recently, human population genetics.
Hypotheses
Main theories
The steppe model, the Anatolian model, and the Near Eastern (or Armenian) model are the three main solutions for the Indo-European homeland. The steppe model, placing the Proto-Indo-European (PIE) homeland in the Pontic-Caspian steppe about 4000 BCE, is the theory supported by most scholars.
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14330846
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Proto-Indo-European%20homeland
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Proto-Indo-European homeland
|
A notable second possibility, which has gained renewed attention since the 2010s, is the "Near Eastern model", also known as the Armenian hypothesis. It was proposed by linguists Tamaz V. Gamkrelidze and Vyacheslav Ivanov in the early 1980s, postulating relationships between Indo-European and Caucasian languages based on the disputed glottalic theory and related to archaeological findings by Grogoriev. Some recent DNA research has resulted in renewed suggestions of the possibility of a Caucasian or northwest Iranian homeland for archaic or 'proto-proto-Indo-European' (also termed 'Indo-Anatolian' or 'Indo-Hittite' in the literature), the common ancestor of both Anatolian languages and early proto-IE (from which Tocharian and all other early branches divided). These suggestions are disputed in other recent publications, which still locate the origin of the ancestor of proto-Indo-European in the Eastern European/Eurasian steppe or from a hybridization of both steppe and Northwest-Caucasian languages, while "[a]mong comparative linguists, a Balkan route for the introduction of Anatolian IE is generally considered more likely than a passage through the Caucasus, due, for example, to greater Anatolian IE presence and language diversity in the west."
The Anatolian hypothesis proposed by archeologist Colin Renfrew places the pre-PIE homeland in Anatolia about 8000 BCE, and the homeland of Proto-Indo-European proper in the Balkans around 5000 BCE, with waves of linguistic expansion following the progression of agriculture in Europe. Although it has attracted substantive attention and discussions, the datings it proposes are at odds with the linguistic timeframe for Proto-Indo-European, and with genetic data which do not find evidence for Anatolian origins in the Indian gene pool.
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14330846
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Proto-Indo-European%20homeland
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Proto-Indo-European homeland
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Apart from DNA evidence (see below), Anthony and Ringe (2015) give a number of arguments against the Anatolian hypothesis. First, cognate words for "axle", "wheel", "wagon-pole", and "convey by vehicle" can be found in a number of Indo-European languages ranging from Irish to Tocharian, but not Anatolian. This suggests that Proto-European speakers, after the split with Anatolian, had wheeled vehicles, which the neolithic farmers did not. For various reasons, such as the regular sound-changes which the words exhibit, the suggestion that the words might have spread later by borrowing or have been introduced by parallel innovation in the different branches of Indo-European can be ruled out. Secondly, the words borrowed at an early date by Proto-Uralic, as well as those borrowed from Caucasian languages, indicate a homeland geographically between the Caucasus and the Urals. Thirdly, if the Indo-European languages had spread westwards from Anatolia, it might be expected that Greek would be closest to Anatolian, whereas in fact it is much closer to Indo-Aryan. In addition, the culture described in early poems such as Homer's – praise of warriors, feasting, reciprocal guest-friendship, and so on – more closely match what is known of the burial practices of the steppe peoples than the neolithic farmers.
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The most recent DNA findings from ancient bones as well as modern people show that farmers whose ancestors originated in Anatolia did indeed spread across Europe from 6500 BCE onwards, eventually mixing with the existing hunter-gatherer population. However, about 2500 BCE, a massive influx of pastoralists from the steppe north of the Black Sea, associated with Corded Ware culture, spread from the east. Northern Europeans (especially Norwegians, Lithuanians, and Estonians) get nearly half their ancestry from this group; Spanish and Italians about a quarter, and Sardinians almost none. It is thought that this influx of pastoralists brought the Indo-European languages with them. Steppe ancestry is also found in the DNA of speakers of Indo-European languages in India, especially in the Y chromosome, which is inherited in the male line.
In general, the prestige associated with a specific language or dialect and its progressive dominance over others can be explained by the access to a natural resource unknown or unexploited until then by its speakers, which is thought to be horse-based pastoralism for Indo-European speakers rather than crop cultivation.
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Reconstructed vocabulary
Using comparative linguistics it is possible to reconstruct the vocabulary found in the proto-language, and in this way achieve some knowledge of the cultural, technological and ecological context that the speakers inhabited. Such a context can then be compared with archaeological evidence. This vocabulary includes, in the case of (late) PIE, which is based on the post-Anatolian and post-Tocharian IE-languages:
pastoralism, including domesticated cattle, horses, and dogs
agriculture and cereal cultivation, including technology commonly ascribed to late-Neolithic farming communities, e.g., plows.
a climate with winter snow
transportation by or across water
the solid wheel used for wagons, but not yet chariots with spoked wheels.
Zsolt Simon notes that, although it can be useful to determine the period when the Proto-Indo-European language was spoken, using the reconstructed vocabulary to locate the homeland may be flawed, since we do not know whether Proto-Indo-European speakers knew a specific concept because it was part of their environment or because they had heard of it from other peoples they were interacting with.
Uralic, Caucasian and Semitic borrowings
Proto-Finno-Ugric and PIE have a lexicon in common, generally related to trade, such as words for "price" and "draw, lead". Similarly, "sell" and "wash" were borrowed in Proto-Ugric. Although some have proposed a common ancestor (the hypothetical Nostratic macrofamily), this is generally regarded as the result of intensive borrowing, which suggests that their homelands were located near each other. Proto-Indo-European also exhibits lexical loans to or from Caucasian languages, particularly Proto-Northwest Caucasian and Proto-Kartvelian, which suggests a location close to the Caucasus mountains.
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Gamkrelidze and Ivanov, using the now largely unsupported glottalic theory of Indo-European phonology, also proposed Semitic borrowings into Proto-Indo-European, suggesting a more southern homeland to explain these borrowings. According to Mallory and Adams, some of these borrowings may be too speculative or from a later date, but they consider the proposed Semitic loans *táwros 'bull' and *wéyh₁on- 'wine; vine' to be more likely.
Anthony notes that the small number of Semitic loanwords in Proto-Indo-European that are generally accepted by linguists, such as words for bull and silver, could have been borrowed via trade and migration routes rather than through direct contact with the Semitic linguistic homeland.
Genesis of Indo-European languages
Phases of Proto-Indo-European
According to Anthony, the following terminology may be used:
Archaic PIE for "the last common ancestor of the Anatolian and non-Anatolian IE branches";
Early, or Post-Anatolian, PIE for "the last common ancestor of the non-Anatolian PIE languages, including Tocharian";
Late PIE for "the common ancestor of all other IE branches".
The Anatolian languages are the first Indo-European language family to have been separated from the main group. Due to the archaic elements preserved in the Anatolian languages, they may be a "cousin" of Proto-Indo-European, instead of a "child", but Anatolian is generally regarded as an early offshoot of the Indo-European language group.
The Indo-Hittite hypothesis postulates a common predecessor for both the Anatolian languages and the other Indo-European languages, termed Indo-Hittite or Indo-Anatolian. Although PIE had predecessors, the Indo-Hittite hypothesis is not widely accepted, and there is little to suggest that it is possible to reconstruct a proto-Indo-Hittite stage that differs substantially from what is already reconstructed for PIE.
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Anthony (2019) suggests a derivation of the proto-Indo-European language mainly from a base of languages spoken by Eastern European Hunter-Gatherers living in the Volga steppes, with influences from languages spoken by northern Caucasus hunter-gatherers who migrated from the Caucasus to the lower Volga basin, in addition to a possible later and lesser influence from the language of the Maikop culture to the south (which is hypothesized to have belonged to the North Caucasian family) during the later Neolithic or Bronze Age involving little genetic effect.
Phylogenetic analyses
Lexico-statistical studies intended to show the relationship between the various branches of Indo-European languages began during the late 20th century with work by Dyen et al. (1992) and Ringe et al. (2002). Subsequently, a number of authors performed a Bayesian phylogenetic analysis of the IE languages (a mathematical method used for evolutionary biology to establish relationships between species). A secondary intent of these studies was to attempt to estimate the approximate dates at which the various branches separated from each other.
The earlier studies tended to estimate a relatively long time-frame for the development of the different branches. In particular the study by Bouckaert and colleagues (which included a geographical element) was "decisively" in favour of Anatolia as the geographical origin, and assisted Colin Renfrew's hypothesis that Indo-European spread from Anatolia along with agriculture from 7500 to 6000 BCE onwards. According to their analysis, the five major Indo-European subfamilies – Celtic, Germanic, Italic, Balto-Slavic and Indo-Iranian – all emerged as distinct lineages between 4000 and 2000 BCE. The authors stated that this time-scale is consistent with secondary movements such as the expansion of the steppe peoples after 3000 BCE, which they suggest also played a role in the spread of Indo-European languages.
Steppe hypothesis
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The steppe hypothesis seeks to identify the source of the Indo-European language expansion as a succession of migrations from the Pontic–Caspian steppe between the 5th and 3rd millennia BCE. During the early 1980s, a mainstream consensus had emerged among Indo-Europeanists in favour of the "Kurgan hypothesis" (named after the kurgans, burial mounds, of the Eurasian steppes) placing the Indo-European homeland in the Pontic–Caspian steppe of the Chalcolithic.
Gimbutas's Kurgan hypothesis
According to the Kurgan hypothesis as formulated by Gimbutas, Indo-European speaking nomads from Eastern Ukraine and Southern Russia expanded on horseback in several waves during the 3rd millennium BCE, invading and subjugating supposedly peaceful European Neolithic farmers of Gimbutas's Old Europe. Later versions of Gimbutas's hypothesis increasingly emphasized the patriarchal and patrilineal nature of the invading culture, in contrast with the supposedly egalitarian and matrilineal culture of the invaded.
Archaeology
J. P. Mallory, dating the migrations to c. 4000 BCE, and having less insistence on their violent or quasi-military nature, essentially modified Gimbutas's theory making it compatible with a less gender-political narrative. David Anthony, emphasizing mostly the evidence for the domestication of horses and the presence of wheeled vehicles, came to regard specifically the Yamna culture, which replaced the Sredny Stog culture about 3500 BCE, as the most likely candidate for the Proto-Indo-European speech community.
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Anthony describes the spread of cattle-raising from early farmers in the Danube Valley into the Ukrainian steppes in the 6th–5th millennium BCE, forming a cultural border with the hunter-gatherers whose languages may have included archaic PIE. Anthony notes that domesticated cattle and sheep probably didn't enter the steppes from the Transcaucasia, since the early farming communities there were not widespread, and separated from the steppes by the glaciated Caucasus. Subsequent cultures developed in this area which adopted cattle, most notably the Cucuteni-Trypillian culture.
Asko Parpola regards the Cucuteni-Trypillian culture as the birthplace of wheeled vehicles, and therefore as the homeland for Late PIE, assuming that Early PIE was spoken by Skelya pastoralists (early Sredny Stog culture) who took over the Tripillia culture at c. 4300–4000 BCE. On its eastern border lay the Sredny Stog culture (4400–3400 BCE), whose origins are related to "people from the east, perhaps from the Volga steppes". It plays the main role in Gimbutas's Kurgan hypothesis, and coincides with the spread of early PIE across the steppes and into the Danube valley (c. 4000 BCE), resulting in the end of Old Europe. Hereafter the Maykop culture suddenly began, Tripillia towns grew strongly, and eastern steppe people migrated to the Altai mountains, founding the Afanasevo culture (3300 to 2500 BCE).
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Vocabulary
The core element of the steppe hypothesis is the identification of the proto-Indo-European culture as a nomadic pastoralist society that did not practice intensive agriculture. This identification rests on the fact that vocabulary related to cows, to horses and horsemanship, and to wheeled vehicles can be reconstructed for all branches of the family, whereas only a few agricultural vocabulary items are reconstructable, suggesting a gradual adoption of agriculture through contact with non-Indo-Europeans. If this evidence and reasoning is accepted, the search for the Indo-European proto-culture has to involve searching for the earliest introduction of domesticated horses and wagons into Europe.
Responding to these arguments, proponents of the Anatolian hypothesis Russell Gray and Quentin Atkinson have argued that the different branches could have independently developed similar vocabulary based on the same roots, creating the false appearance of shared inheritance – or alternatively, that the words related to wheeled vehicle might have been borrowed across Europe at a later date. Proponents of the Steppe hypothesis have argued this to be unlikely, and to violate the established principles for reasonable assumptions when explaining linguistic comparative data.
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Another source of evidence for the steppe hypothesis is the presence of what appears to be many shared loanwords between Uralic languages and proto-Indo-European, suggesting that these languages were spoken in adjacent areas. This would have had to occur much further north than the Anatolian or Near Eastern scenarios would allow. According to Kortlandt, Indo-Uralic is the common ancestor of the Indo-European and Uralic language families. Kortlandt argues that "Indo-European is a branch of Indo-Uralic which was radically transformed under the influence of a North Caucasian substratum when its speakers moved from the area north of the Caspian Sea to the area north of the Black Sea." Anthony notes that the validity of such deep relationships cannot be reliably demonstrated due to the time-depth involved, and also notes that the similarities may be explained by borrowings from PIE into proto-Uralic. Yet, Anthony also notes that the North Caucasian communities "were southern participants in the steppe world".
Kloekhorst argues that the Anatolian languages have preserved archaisms which are also found in proto-Uralic, providing strong evidence for a steppe-origin of PIE.
Human genetics
The subclade R1a1a (R-M17 or R-M198) is the R1a subclade associated most commonly with Indo-European speakers. In 2000, Ornella Semino et al. proposed a postglacial (Holocene) period spread of the R1a1a haplogroup from north of the Black Sea during the time of the Late Glacial Maximum, which was subsequently magnified by the expansion of the Kurgan culture into Europe and eastward.
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In 2015, a large-scale ancient DNA study by Haak et al. published in Nature found evidence of a "massive migration" from the Pontic-Caspian steppe to central Europe that occurred about 4,500 years ago. It found that individuals from the central European Corded Ware culture (3rd millennium BCE) were closely related genetically to individuals from the Yamnaya culture. The authors concluded that their "results provide support for the theory of a steppe origin of at least some of the Indo-European languages of Europe".
Two other genetic studies in 2015 gave support to the steppe hypothesis regarding the Indo-European Urheimat. According to those studies, specific subclades of Y chromosome haplogroups R1b and R1a, which are found in Yamnaya and other proposed early Indo-European cultures such as Sredny Stog and Khvalynsk, and are now the most common in Europe (R1a is also common in South Asia) would have expanded from the Ukrainian and Russian steppes, along with the Indo-European languages; these studies also detected an autosomal component present in modern Europeans that was not present in Neolithic Europeans, which would have been introduced with paternal lineages R1b and R1a, as well as Indo-European languages.
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However, the folk-migration model cannot be the only diffusion theory for all linguistic families, as the Yamnaya ancestry component is particularly concentrated in Europe in the northwestern parts of the continent. Other models for languages like Proto-Greek are still debated. The steppe genetic component is more diffuse in studied Mycenaean populations: if they came from elsewhere, Proto-Greek speakers were certainly a minority in a sea of populations that had been familiar with agriculture for 4,000 years. Some propose that they gained progressive prominence through a cultural expansion by elite influence. But if high correlations can be proven in ethnolinguistic or remote communities, genetics does not always equate with language, and archaeologists have argued that although such a migration might have occurred it does not necessarily explain either the distribution of archaeological cultures or the spread of the Indo-European languages.
Russian archaeologist Leo Klejn (2017) noted that in the Yamnaya population, R1b-L23 is predominant, whereas Corded Ware males belong mostly to R1a, as well as far-removed R1b clades not found in Yamnaya. In his opinion, this does not support a Yamnaya origin for the Corded Ware culture. British archaeologist Barry Cunliffe describes this inconsistency as "disconcerting for the model as a whole". Klejn has also suggested that the autosomal evidence does not support a proposed Yamnaya migration, as Western Steppe Herder ancestry is lesser in the area from which the Yamnaya were proposed to have expanded, in both contemporary populations and Bronze Age specimens.
Furthermore, Balanovsy et al. (2017) found that the majority of the Yamnaya genomes studied by Haak and Mathieson belonged to the "eastern" R-GG400 subclade of R1b-L23, which is not common in western Europe, and none belonged to the "western" R1b-L51 branch. The authors conclude that the Yamnaya could not have been an important source of modern western European male haplogroups.
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An analysis by David Anthony (2019) suggested a genetic origin of Proto-Indo-Europeans (associated with the Yamnaya culture) in the Eastern European steppe north of the Caucasus, deriving from a mixture of Eastern European hunter-gatherers (EHG) and hunter-gatherers from the Caucasus (CHG). Anthony also suggested that the Proto-Indo-European language formed mainly from a base of languages spoken by Eastern European hunter-gathers with influences from languages of northern Caucasus hunter-gatherers, in addition to a possible later and more minor influence from the language of the Maykop culture to the south (which is hypothesized to have belonged to the North Caucasian languages) during the later Neolithic or Bronze Age, involving little genetic effect.
In 2020, David Anthony offered a new hypothesis, with the intent of resolving the questions concerning the apparent absence of haplogroup R1a in Yamnaya. He speculates that haplogroup R1a must have been present in the Yamnaya, but that it was initially extremely rare, and that the Corded Ware culture are the descendants of this wayward population that migrated north from the Pontic steppe and greatly expanded in size and influence, later returning to dominate the Pontic-Caspian steppe.
Anatolian hypothesis
Theory
The main competitor of the Kurgan hypothesis is the Anatolian hypothesis advanced by Colin Renfrew in 1987. It couples the spread of the Indo-European languages to the demonstrated fact of the Neolithic spread of farming from the Near East, stating that the Indo-European languages began to spread peacefully into Europe from Asia Minor from around 7000 BCE with the Neolithic advance of farming (wave of advance). The expansion of agriculture from the Middle East would have diffused three language families: Indo-European toward Europe, Dravidian toward Pakistan and India, and Afro-Asiatic toward Arabia and North Africa.
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According to , the spread of Indo-European proceeded in the following phases:
About 6500 BC: Pre-Proto-Indo-European, located in Anatolia, divides into Anatolian and Archaic Proto-Indo-European, the language of those Pre-Proto-Indo-European farmers who migrate to Europe in the initial farming dispersal. Archaic Proto-Indo-European languages occur in the Balkans (Starčevo-Körös-Cris culture), in the Danube valley (Linear Pottery culture), and possibly in the Bug-Dniestr area (Eastern Linear pottery culture).
About 5000 BC: Archaic Proto-Indo-European divides into Northwestern Indo-European (the ancestor of Italic, Celtic, and Germanic), located in the Danube valley, Balkan Proto-Indo-European (corresponding to Gimbutas' Old European culture), and Early Steppe Proto-Indo-European (the ancestor of Tocharian).
Reacting to criticism, Renfrew revised his proposal to the effect of taking a pronounced Indo-Hittite position. Renfrew's revised opinion places only Pre-Proto-Indo-European in 7th millennium BCE Anatolia, proposing as the homeland of Proto-Indo-European proper the Balkans about 5000 BCE, explicitly identified as the "Old European culture" proposed by Marija Gimbutas. He thus still situates the original source of the Indo-European language family in Anatolia c. 7000 BCE. Reconstructions of a Bronze Age PIE society based on vocabulary items like "wheel" do not necessarily hold for the Anatolian branch, which appears to have separated from PIE at an early stage, prior to the invention of wheeled vehicles.
After the publication of several studies on ancient DNA in 2015, Colin Renfrew has accepted the reality of migrations of populations speaking one or several Indo-European languages from the Pontic steppe towards Northwestern Europe.
Objections
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Dating
The main objection to this theory is that it requires an unrealistically early date. According to linguistic analysis, the Proto-Indo-European lexicon seems to include words for a range of inventions and practices related to the Secondary Products Revolution, which post-dates the early spread of farming. On lexico-cultural dating, Proto-Indo-European cannot be earlier than 4000 BCE. Furthermore, it has been objected, on impressionistic grounds, that it seems unlikely that close equivalences such as Hittite [eːsmi, eːsi, eːst͜si] = Sanskrit [ásmi, ási, ásti] ("I am, you are, he is") could have survived over such a long timescale as the Anatolian hypothesis requires.
Farming
The idea that farming was spread from Anatolia in a single wave has been revised. Instead, it appears to have spread in several waves by several routes, primarily from the Levant. The trail of plant domesticates indicates an initial foray from the Levant by sea. The overland route via Anatolia seems to have been most significant in spreading farming into south-east Europe.
According to Lazaridis et al. (2016), farming developed independently both in the Levant and in the eastern Fertile Crescent. After this initial development, the two regions and the Caucasus interacted, and the chalcolithic north-west Iranian population appears to be a mixture of Iranian Neolithic, Levant, and Caucasus hunter-gatherers. According to Lazaridis et al. (2016), "farmers related to those from Iran spread northward into the Eurasian steppe; and people related to both the early farmers of Iran and to the pastoralists of the Eurasian steppe spread eastward into South Asia". They further note that ANI (Ancestral North Indian) "can be modelled as a mix of ancestry related to both early farmers of western Iran and to people of the Bronze Age Eurasian steppe", which makes it unlikely that the Indo-European languages in India are derived from Anatolia.
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South Caucasus/Iranian Homeland Suggestions
Recent DNA research which shows that the steppe-people derived from a mix of Eastern Hunter-Gatherers (EHG) and Caucasus Hunter-Gatherers, has resulted in renewed suggestions of the possibility of a Caucasian, or even Iranian, homeland for an archaic proto-Indo-European, the common ancestor of both Anatolian languages and all other Indo-European languages. It is argued that this may support the Indo-Hittite hypothesis, according to which both proto-Anatolian and proto-Indo-European separated from a common language "no later than the 4th millennium BCE." Suggestions in this regard have been made by , , , , , , Lazaridis et al. (2022); see also
Damgaard et al. (2018) found that sampled Copper Age and Bronze Age Anatolians all had similar levels of CHG ancestry, but no EHG ancestry. They conclude that Early and Middle Bronze Age Anatolia did not receive ancestry from steppe populations, indicating that Indo-European language spread into Anatolia was not associated with large migrations from the steppe. The authors assert that their data is consistent with a scenario in which Indo-European languages were introduced to Anatolia in association with CHG admixture before c. 3700 BCE, in contrast to the standard steppe model, and despite the association of CHG ancestry with several non-Indo-European languages. Nevertheless, a second possibility, that Indo-European languages came to Anatolia along with small scale population movements and commerce, is described by them as also consistent with the data. They note that "Among comparative linguists, a Balkan route for the introduction of Anatolian IE is generally considered more likely than a passage through the Caucasus, due, for example, to greater Anatolian IE presence and language diversity in the west."
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Anthony proposes that the Yamnaya derived mainly from Eastern European hunter-gatherers (EHG) from the steppes, and undiluted Caucasus hunter-gatherers (CHG) from northwestern Iran or Azerbaijan, similar to the Hotu cave population, who mixed in the Eastern European steppe north of the Caucasus. According to Anthony, hunting-fishing camps from the lower Volga, dated 6200–4500 BCE, could be the remains of people who contributed the CHG-component, migrating westwards along the coast of the Caspian Sea, from an area south-east of the Caspian Sea. They mixed with EHG-people from the north Volga steppes, and the resulting culture contributed to the Sredny Stog culture, a predecessor of the Yamnaya culture.
Anthony (2024), addressing Lazaridis (2022), differentiates Early PIE (EPIE), prior to the Anatolian separation, from Late PIE (LPIE), also known as Core or Nuclear PIE, the ancestor of all other IE branches and evidencing the hypothesis that the LPIE dialects were spoken in the Pontic-Caspian steppes 3500-2500 BCE.
He states that a homeland for early PIE in the Caucasus or the Pontic-Caspian steppe are both possibilities but that the second is the position supported. He also argues for the possibility of a steppe origin for the Anatolian branch, proposing that, "the Anatolian split could have been caused by a migration from the steppes into the Balkans associated with the Csongrad grave...and other Eneolithic steppe derived graves in the lower Danube valley", and that, in that area, steppe autosomal DNA could have been " lost a millennium later through local admixture before they moved to Anatolia", accounting for its absence in Anatolia (citing a similar case in Armenia).
Other hypotheses
Baltic homeland
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John Satterwhite
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John had many interests and accomplishments related to shooting and the outdoors. His shooting accomplishments are legendary. He was an Air Force Marksmanship Instructor and trained thousands of servicemen in rifle and pistol marksmanship including many B-52 and KC-135 crews during the Vietnam War. He served as a consultant to Law-Enforcement agencies, Special Weapons and Tactics Teams, and U.S. Navy Crisis Response Teams. He was the All Armed Forces National Skeet Champion in 1968 and the All Armed Forces International Style Champion in 1975. John was also a four time United States International Skeet Champion in 1968, 1974, 1975, and 1976. In 1979, he was a member of the World Championship and World Record holding U.S. Skeet team in Montacatini, Italy. He was also the Captain of two U.S. Pan American Shooting teams (1975 and 1979), the 1976 Olympic Shooting Team, and the 1979 U.S. World Shooting Championships team. Among many individual shooting honors, he was for many years the U.S. High Average leader in International Skeet, the 20 Gauge National High Average leader in the NSSA (American Style Skeet), a member of several military All-American shooting teams, and won 12 medals in International and World Competitions 6 of which were Gold.
He is one of the Legends of Sport featured in The Olympic Room in the Mississippi Sports Hall of Fame and was inducted into the Legends of the Outdoors Hall of Fame in Nashville, Tennessee in 1975.
A few months before his death, John retired from the State of Mississippi's Department of Wildlife, Fisheries and Parks, where he had served for several years as the Shooting Sports Coordinator for the State of Mississippi. In this role, John was Mississippi's ambassador at large for shooting and the sporting life.
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1965 NCAA University Division football season
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During the 20th century, the NCAA had no playoff for the major college football teams in the University Division, later known as Division I-A. The NCAA did recognize a national champion based upon the final results of "wire service" (AP and UPI) polls. The "writers' poll" by Associated Press (AP) was the most popular, followed by the "coaches' poll" by United Press International) (UPI). Prior to 1965, both services issued their final polls at the close of the regular season, but before teams competed in bowl games. For the 1965 season, the AP took its final poll after the postseason games, an arrangement made permanent in 1968. The Associated Press presented the "AP Trophy" to the winner.
The AP poll in 1965 consisted of the votes of 55 sportswriters, each of whom would give their opinion of the ten best teams. Under a point system of ten points for first place, nine for second, etc., the "overall" ranking was determined. In the preseason poll for 1965, the writers cast first place votes for nine different teams, and the range of points between the highest six finishers ranged from 252 to 311 points. Nebraska was first, followed by Texas, Notre Dame, Michigan, Alabama, and Arkansas. As the regular season progressed, new polls were issued weekly on Mondays.
At the end of the regular season, Michigan State, Arkansas, and Nebraska were all unbeaten at 10–0. As champions of their respective conferences (Big Ten, Southwest, and Big Eight), they played in three separate bowl games (Rose, Cotton, and Orange) on New Year's Day. Arkansas and Michigan State lost during the day, and Alabama defeated Nebraska at night in Miami. In the final poll, taken after the bowls, Alabama was crowned the national champion by the Associated Press. The Crimson Tide had been first in both final polls at the end of the 1964 regular season and crowned as national champions, but lost the Orange Bowl.
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1965 NCAA University Division football season
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In addition to 1964 and 1965, the UPI national champions in 1970 and 1973 also lost their respective bowl games. Beginning with the 1974 season, the UPI released its final poll after the bowls.
Rule changes
Free substitution is now permitted only on changes of possession, which brought back the two-platoon system to college football.
A two-inch (5 cm) kicking tee was allowed for kickoffs; this was reduced to one-inch (2½ cm) in 2006.
Conference and program changes
The New England Football Conference, now a Division III conference, began football play in 1965.
September
In Week One (September 18) No. 5 Alabama and No. 7 USC both fell out of the Top Ten. USC played Minnesota to a 20–20 tie on a Friday night game in Los Angeles while Alabama narrowly lost to Georgia, 18–17. No. 1 Nebraska beat Texas Christian (TCU) at home, 34–14. No. 2 Texas shut out Tulane 31–0 in a game which was shifted from New Orleans to Austin due to the devastation of Hurricane Betsy across the Crescent City. No. 3 Notre Dame crushed California 48–6 at Berkeley, and No. 4 Michigan won 31–24 at North Carolina. No. 6 Arkansas beat Oklahoma State 28–14. Following its big win, Notre Dame rose to No. 1 in the next poll, Nebraska and Texas fell to 2nd and 3rd, Michigan stayed at No. 4 and Arkansas was No. 5. In a matchup which would later have national championship implications, Michigan State defeated UCLA 13–3 at East Lansing.
On September 25, No. 1 Notre Dame stayed in Indiana as it lost to No. 6 Purdue 25–21 at West Lafayette. No. 2 Nebraska won 27–17 over Air Force in Colorado Springs, and No. 3 Texas beat Texas Tech 33–7. No. 4 Michigan barely won over unranked California 10–7 and No. 5 Arkansas defeated Tulsa 20–12. No. 7 LSU won 42–14 over Rice. In the next poll, Texas, Purdue and Nebraska had had 15, 14 and 13 first place votes in a tight race for No. 1, No. 2 and No. 3. Arkansas rose to No. 4, while LSU placed fifth. Michigan State entered the poll at No. 9 with a 23−0 shutout of Penn State.
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Radko Dimitriev
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Radko Ruskov Dimitriev (; ; 24 September 1859 – 18 October 1918) was a Bulgarian general who served as the head of the General Staff of the Bulgarian Army from 1 January 1904 to 28 March 1907, as well as a general in the Russian Army during World War I.
Biography
He was born in the village of Gradets (Sliven Province) and was raised by his grandmother in Kotel. He later studied in the Aprilov Gymnasium in Gabrovo and participated in the organization of the April Uprising (1876).
During the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878, he was a translator in the 2nd Guards Division of the Russian Army. In 1879, he graduated the Military School in Sofia; in 1881, Dimitriev was promoted to a Lieutenant and in 1884 he became Captain after graduating the Saint Petersburg Academy. When only a captain he was one of the pro-Russian officers involved in the plot to kidnap Prince Alexander of Battenberg and force his abdication in 1886, for which he was exiled by Prime Minister Stefan Stambolov. He then served for ten years in the Russian army, and only returned to Bulgaria after the fall of Stambolov.
During the Serbo-Bulgarian War (1885), Dimitriev was one of the commanders of the Western Corps and participated in the successful Battle of Pirot. After the war he took part in an unsuccessful coup d'état; emigrated to Romania and became a member of the club of the Emigrant Officers. Later he emigrated to Russia and served in the Russian Army.
He returned to Bulgaria in 1898, and became a second in command in the 5th Danube Infantry Division. On 18 May 1900, he was promoted to Colonel and was the Head of the General Staff of the Bulgarian Army from 1904 to 1907. On 2 August 1912, Radko Dimitriev was promoted to Lieutenant General.
During the First Balkan War (1912–1913), he was in command of the 3rd Army which decisively defeated the Ottoman Empire at Lozengrad and Lule Burgas in Thrace.
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During the Second Balkan War in 1913, he replaced general Mihail Savov as deputy commander-in-chief. Later that year after the end of the war he was sent as a Minister Plenipotentiary to Saint Petersburg, Russia.
First World War
During the First World War (1914–1918) he served in the Russian Army as a commander of a corps. At the beginning of spring 1915, Radko Dimitriev commanded the 3rd Army in Galicia facing the Austrians along the line of Gorlice-Tarnów. His role was to hold the line while the Russian 11th and 12th armies in Bukovina renewed the offensive through the Carpathians towards Hungary.
In April 1915 despite knowing that German troops had replaced those of Austro-Hungary in the area of Gorlice, Radko Dimitriev had made no preparations to counter a German offensive or fortify his positions. The trenches in his sector were crude and in many places there was no second line of defence. In the breakthrough area of Gorlice 5½ Russian divisions (60,000 men) of poorly trained conscripts faced the 10 German divisions of the 11th army under Mackensen with 700 guns including many of heavy caliber, while the Russians had only 140 light field guns.
The concentrated bombardment which opened the Gorlice–Tarnów Offensive on 2 May 1915 tore the front open, but initially General Alexeev at Stavka refused to take the offensive seriously; Stavka remained convinced that main German attack would come in the north, and were focused on their own offensive in the south. A Russian counterattack was ordered by Stavka and took place at Dokra Pass on 7 May 1915 but this became a senseless massacre. Consequently, much of the 3rd Army was either cut off or destroyed by the time Stavka allowed Radko Dimitriev to order a retreat on 10 May 1915, and only 40,000 out of an army of 200,000 reached the River San. Radko Dimitriev claimed correctly that his army had been "bled white" but was removed from command 2 June 1915 and replaced by General Leonid Lesh.
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Sir Bernard Pares, who met Radko Dimitriev several times when he was covering the war on the Eastern Front, and knew him well, described him thus:
"General Radko Dimitriev is a short and sturdily built man with quick brown eyes and a profile reminiscent of Napoleon. He talks quickly and shortly, sometimes drums on the table with his fingers, and now and then makes a rapid dash for the matches. The daily visit of the Chief of the Staff is short, because, as the General says on his return, simple business is done quickly. Every piece of his incisive conversation holds together as part of a single and clear view of the whole military position, of which the watchword is 'Forward'."
After he was appointed to fight against the Ottomans in the Caucasus campaign out of favour, he was reappointed in late 1916 to command the 12th army on the Riga front, but in summer 1917 Alexeyev dismissed his commander-in-chief at the front, Ruszky, and the army commander Radko Dimitriev, for weakness and indulgence to the soldiers' committees that had sprung up everywhere after the February Revolution in 1917.
Radko Dimitriev fled to the resort town of Pyatigorsk in the North Caucasus. There in October 1918 he was executed by the Bolsheviks.
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